A/32/PV.35 General Assembly

Before calling on the first speaker I should like to remind members of the Assembly that at the outset of the consideration of each item in plenary meetmgs I will set time-limits for the closure of the list of speakers. I hope delegations will agree with my suggestion to close the list of speakers tomorrow, Wednesday, 19 October, at 12 noon. That will enable us to organize our work in order to conclude our consideration of the item within the time span allotted. If there is no objection, I shall take it that the Assembly agrees with my suggestion to close the list of speakers tomorrow, 19 October, at 12 noon.

I now call upon the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Miss Gwendoline Konie of Zambia, who wishes to introduce the Council's report!A/32/24J. 3. Miss KONIE (Zambia), President, United Nations Council for Namibia: Mr. President, on behalf of the United Nations Council for Namibia I wish to congratulate you warmly upon your election to the important post of President of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your extensive experience of the activities of the United Nations, as well as your dedicated and concerned participation in the work of the Organization, will ensure that under your presidency this session of the General Assembly will make a significant contribution to the efforts of the international community in giving NEW YORK concrete expression to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. 4. As President of the United Nations Council for Namibia I am particularly aware of the distinguished and active role which the Government and people of Yugoslavia have played in their support of the struggle of the Namibian people for self-determination and national independence and against the illegal occupation of their country by South Africa. Yugoslavia has been a member of the Council for Namibia since 1967 and has always firmly and actively made its contribution to the work of the Council. 5. We should like to express our gratitude to the President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka. The fact that two consecutive sessions of the General Assembly have been presided over by members of the non-aligned countries is an eloquent testimony of the ability of those countries to contribute to the efforts of the international community to bring about peace, social progress and security for all m~d. 6. It is most gratifying to note that in the general debate that has just ended, many members expressed their support for the independence of Namibia on the basis of the just aspirations of the Namibian people for self-determination and independence. 7. The United Nations Council for Namibia wishes to submit for the wise consideration of the Assembly in its plenary meetings the report of its activites during the past year. This report, contained in document A/32/24, is a synthesis of the intense efforts of the members of the Council to fulfIl a solemn mandate given to the Council by the General Assembly at its fifth special session to administer Namibia until independence ! resolution 2248 (S- V)J. That mandate, established in 1967, has been continuously reaffirmed in the light of the persistent refusal of the racist and colonialist apartheid regime of Pretoria to withdraw its illegal presence from the Territory" 8. As a result of the continued defiance of the decisions of the United Nations by South Africa, the Security Council in resolution 264 (1969) called upon the Government of South Africa to withdraw immediately its administration from the Territory. Since then, the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council have repeatedly demanded that South Africa withdraw its illegal administration as well as its security and armed forces from the Territory. The continued defiance of South Africa constitutes an intolerable challenge to the authority ofthe United Nations. 9. The Council for Namibia has endeavoured to fulfll its mandate in spite of the reckless obduracy of the racist and 10. The bantustanization of Namibia, the conspiratorial plunder of the national resources of Namibia by a handfui of multinational corporations in collusion _with Pretoria, as well as the rule of terror that South Africa imposes on the Namibian people have been continuously and rigorously denounced by the·Council. At the same time, the Council has spared no efforts to ,ssist the Namibian people. under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] in its struggle for the liberation of the Namibian people. 11. In its endeavours to fulfIl its mandate, the Council for Namibi2. has always received the effective collaboration of the Secretary-General.of the United Nations. The strategy of the Council has been based on' three critical policies: fust, unswerving support for the activities of SWAPO, the ·sole and authentic representative ofthe people of Namibia; secondly, continued 8ssistance to' Namibians ()utside the Territory to prepare them for administrative and professional tasks after independence, as well as for humanitarian reasons; and, thirdly, unceasing efforts to mobilize international political support to press for South Africa's withdrawal from the Territory and to counter treacherous South African propaganda. 12. Si"lce 1967, the heroic people of Namibia, confronted with the implacable .brutality of the racist and colonialist exploiters of Pretoria, have had no alternative but to resort to armed struggle to fulfil their legitimate aspirations for self-determination and national independence under the leadership of SWAPO.· As the struggle intensified, the roll-call of Namibian heroes and martyrs has been an inspiration to the people of Namibia in their fight against their ruthless and inhuman enemy_ The success of 'me liberation struggle may be gauged by the fact that the racists and coloniallsts of Pretoria have been' forced to increase their occupation army in Namibia to 50,000 armed men. 13. The Pretoria regime has detained, tortured and killed countless Namibians for the sole crime of demanding recognition of their individual and national integrity. 14. The Council for Namibia has continuously increased its ability to assist Namibians outside the Territory through the United Nations Fund for Namibia, UNDP, the United NatiQns Institute for Namibia in Lusaka and the generous voluntary contributions of States Members of the United Nations to all these programmes. 15. The resources of the Fund for Namibia, obtained both from the regular budget of the United Nations and from voluntary contributions by Member States and other donors, are now clearly an indispensable source for the fmancing of the Council's programmes of assistance in order to maintain tlie necessary momentum in the activities 16. The five-year indicative planning figure for Namibia of more than $4 million approved by UNDP represented a vaiuable contribution to the establishment of the Institute for Namibia in Lusaka. The Institute, which opened in 1976 with 100 students, is increasing its student body to 200 this year and will eventually prepare 300 Namibians annually to contribute to the construction of an independent Namibia. 17. The Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia adopted in Maputo, Mozambique [A/32/109/Rev.I-S/1'2344/Rev.1, annex V], called upon the United Nations to consider the possibility of establishing a university of Namibia. With regard to that initiative, the Programme of Action stated that UNESCO should be invited to assist the Council for Namibia and SWAPO in the formulation ofits guiding plan. The Council will give careful consideration to this recommendation. 18. Such assistance is fundamental because Namibians living inside Namibia have to confront the homeland and apartheid policies, with all their distorting effects on the population; the infamous living conditions of African workers and the brutal treatment inflicted on all political prisoners and detainees. The South African administ!ation continues to impose the practices of apartheid and police terror upon the ~am;bian people. In order .that Namibians may be trained in those complex skills required fOf a modern State, they must leave Namibia and receive the necessary support of the United Nations, which has assumed responsibility for the Territory. 19. With regard to the efforts of the Council to mobilize international political support, I should like to draw your attention to the activities of the Council in its endeavours to obtain the compliance of Member States with the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council on Namibia. 20. Soon after the collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire, South Africa attempted to mislead the inter~ national community with respect to its true intentions in Namibia. It organized its puppets and apartheid supporters, convened the TurnhaHe tribal talks and attempted to give the impression that it was intending to recognize the legitimate aspirations of the Namibian people. The Council for Namibia vigorously denounced that cynical manoeuvre. The Council showed clearly that the Turnhalle tribal talks were simply a stratagem to perpetuate the policies of apartheid and homelands in Namibia, together with the continuation of the policies of exploitation of the people and resources of Namibia. 21. South Africa's war against the Namibian people continues unabated. Racial. discrimination and segregation, police violence, imprisonment, torture.~-:.,murdeI.·are systematicaIly practised against all NamibiaIis'Who oppose the brutal colonialist illegal administration.. Bantustmtization through the homelands policy is still enforced. 23. In spite of resolutions of the United Nations, certain Western countries continue to undermine the efforts of the Council through military co-operation with South Africa. 24. The Council must remain alert to the increasing attempts being m~de to undermine the genuine independence of the Territory in accordance with the legitimate aspirations of the people of Namibia. The participation of the Council, as the legal Administering Authority of Namibia, is of paramount importance in any initiative designed to bring about the true independence of Namibia. 25. In the process of implementing its mandate, the Council is in continuous consultation with Governments of Membet; States. Through these consultations the Council explains the policies of the United Nations with respect to Namibia, draws the attention of Governments to key decisions of the General Assembly and endeavours to obtain additional support for its programme of assistance to Namibians. In order to ensure that the interests of the Namibian people are fully protected in the international community, the Council has sent delegations to represent Namibia in an appropriate capacity in international conferences and organizations. 26. The Council for Namibia sponsored jointly with the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo, Mozambique, from 16 to 21 May 1977 in accordance with General Assembly resolution 31{145 of 17 December 1976. The result of this Conference, a historical landmark in the process of the decolonization of Zimbabwe and Namibia, was summed up in the very lucid words of the President of the Conference, Mr. Joaquim Chissano, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Mozambique. He stated that an assembly representative of Governments and peoples from all _corners of the globe, with widely differing political and social Systems, had met in Maputo, practically on the border of those areas in Africa still under colonialist and racist domination, and had unanimously, with one· voice, condemned colonialism, racism and aparthpid. That was without precedent in the history of decolonization and was of the greatest importance for the peoples of southern Africa and especially for the peoples ofZimbabwe and NaJllibia-,-who were struggling to win their freedom andhum~""djgn!t.y".< .-- -'. . - "'" 27. The Maputo DeclaratlOfiin Supporf'of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the Program!l1e of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and-Namibia [A/32/109/ Rev.l-S/12344/Rev.l, (Jflllex VI are before the General Ass~mbly for its conSideration and endorsement. The United· Nations Council for Namibia strongly commends this document-to the ntte ~tion of-all Member States for their attention and action.. T , 29. Throughout the year the Council has co-operated closely with the Organization of African Unity [OAUj. and . the President of the Council attended, among others, the fourteenth regular session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU in Libreville in July. 30. During the last year the Council for Namibia has intensified its activities both as the legal Administering Authority for Namibia until independence and as a policy-. making body of the United Nations with respect to Namibia. 31. CloSf~ co-operation with SWAPO has been reflected in all initiatives of the Council throughout the year. In its efforts to support the cause of Namibian independence the Council has also repeatedly stressed the maintenance ofthe territorial integrity and unity of Namibia. In that connexion, the Council has approved a new map of Namibia prepared by the Secreta.~-Genera1 in co:1fonnity with General Assembly resolution 31/150. This map emphasizes the international status of Namibia and its territorial integrity and unity. 32. The Security Council in its resolution 38S (1976) included all basic elements for transition to an ind...pendent Namibia. That resclution therefore must be taken as a whole. By incorporating elements of previous resolutions of the General Assembly and the Secui:"~ty Council, it constitutes a carefully stated position which must be taken fully into account in order that Namibia may achieve genuine independence. 33. South Africa has not complied with Security Council resolution 385 (l976) nor withdrawn its armed forces from the Territory, and it continues to defy the recommendations of the United Nation". Therefore, the Council for Namibia has formulated recommendations to the General Assembly reaffirming and developing the position of the United Nations inorder to assert the authority of the Organization aid the Council in the implementation of its mandate. 34. While the United Nations demands the withdrawal of South African troops from the Territory, South Africa intensifies the militarization of Namibia and its attacks against neighbouring countries. The reported decision of Pretoria ..to annex WilVis ·~Bay· implies that Pretoria still intends to undennine tr'1e integrity and unity of Namibia. It reflects, furthennore, the racist and colonialist expansionism of Pretoria. Through the control of Walvis Bay it intends auto!Jlatically to control the future of Namibia. The Council for Namibia has vigorously denounced as illegal and } null and void this initiative ofSouth Africa. These acts are a further concrete ~di~ation-of"SQuth Africa's persistent adventurism:an4 ~Pllti~ofii~jneth.e}riternationa1 arena. 36. The Council for Namibia will continue its efforts to mobilize international support fot the withdiawal of the illegal administration of South ktrica from Namibia. The significant changes in the inferpatibnal struggle of the last decade with r'~spect to Namibia sUpport an optimistic outlO(~k. Howe'Ver, vigorous aetfun by the Council must continue until n-'::·i;onal mdependence in accordance with the asphations 'Ofthe people of Namibia is fully achieved. 37. In the past year the Councit for Namibia has begun the formulation of the Nationh~a Prcgramme for Namibia, which should be the overriding effort of the United Nations -family !o promotmg assistance to tne Namibian people both during the period of struggle aitd after independence is achieved. In this respect a mission bf the Councll visited the headquarters of the specialized agencies in Europe to review the scope of the possible role of those agencies in the Nationhood Prognimme. Most agencies co-operated effectively with the mission of the Council. The imaginative and enthusiastic response of UNESCO deserves special mention. Contac;ts with the other specialized agtncies and bodies of the United Nations family are co'.ltinuing and a full programme should be oU~inedin the comittg year. 38. The United Nations Commissioner for Namibia, Mr. M. Ahtisaar~ has worked closely with the Council in its efforts to implement its mandate. The extensive report of the Cominis:;ioner on th~ activities of his office was approved by the Council and I am certain that this effective co-operation will continue. 39. The United Nations Council for Namibia will endeavour to fulfil the mandate given to it by the General Assembly. Fa"itnetmore, it will continue to extend to SWMO, the sole <and authentic liberation movement of tire NaIuibian people, 1ts rum support until self-deter.nination, freedom and national independence in a united Namibia are fuUyachieved. 40. Th\~ PRESIDENT: I now call on the Rappc:rteur of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of J."de'pend,~nceto Colonial Countries and Peoples, Mr. Sami Glayel of the Syri~"1 Arab Republic, to introduce the Special CommittGe~s report on Namibia. 41. Mr. GLAYEL (Syrian Arab Republic), Rapporteur of the Special Cr;rnmittee on the Situation with r~gard to t.l}e Implemerttat\on of the Declaration on the Granting of IncGpendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (interpretation frorr~ French): I have the honour, in my capacity as Rapporteur of the Special Committee, to introduce to "... the Special Committee to continue to seek sUitable means ror the immediate and full implementation of. General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) in all Territories which have not yet attained' independence and, in particular; "(a) To formulate specific proposals for the elimination of the remaining manifestations of cdlonialisII\ and to report thereon to the General Assembly at Its" thirty-second session; - "(b) To make concrete sugg~stions which could assist the Security Council in considering appropriate lileaSl:ltes under the Charter with regard to developments in c6Ieh~' Territories that are likely to threaten iitternational peace ::it1.d security; . "(c) To continue to examine the compliance of Member States with the Declaration and with other relevant resolutions on decolonization, particularly those relating to Namibia and Southern Rhodesia; ~'(d) To .continue to pay particular attention to the small Territories, including the sending of visiting missions thereto, as appropriate, and to recommend to the General Assembly the mQst suitable steps to be taken to enable the pot>ulations of those TerritQries to exercise their right to self~determination, freedom and -bidependence". 43. In preparing its report the Special Committee also took into account the provisions not only of resolution 31/146, concerning the situation in Namibia resulting from the illegal occupation ofthe Territory by South Africa, but also of other relevant resolutions. In acc()rdan,~ with that mandate, the Special Committee considered in the course of a number of plenary meetings, among other things, the problem of Namibia which is now before the General Assembly. The Security Council resolutions concerning Namibia, and the reports and decisions of the United Nations Council for Namibia, as well as the working document prepared by the Secretariat which is annexed to chapter VIII of the report, were most useful in the discussion and preparation of the report. 44. I hasten to add that the question of Namibia was considered in detail at the Maputo Internmional Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, which was organizad jointly by the Special Committee and the United Nations Council for Namibia pursuant to General Assembly resolution 31/145. 45. The views expressed by the various speakers and the informatioll provided by the representatives of the national liberation movements invited, after consultation with the OAU, to participate in the de.bate were most useful. 46. The Special Committee's decision appears in section B of chapter VIII. The fact that the Special Committee took 48. A specific request has been addressed to the Security Council to take appropriate measures in conformity with the Charter, including the provisions of Chapter VII, in order to oppose the militarization of Namibia by South Africa, which refuses to implement Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 49. In the Committee's view, the only possible political solution is that based on the free exercise by all Namibians of their right to self-determination and independence in a united Namibia. In this regard the Committee has rejected any negotiation not involving SWAPO, the sole representative of the Namibian people. It has also rejected the tribal talks, and has called on the General Assembly to convene a special session should power be transferred to a puppet regime. 50. It is important to add that the Special Committee has reaffmned its support for the struggle of the Namibian people and its solidarity with that people under the leadership ofits liberation movement, SWAPO. 51. Finally, the Committee has expressed its complete support for the United Nations Council for Namibia as the sole legal authority in the Territory. 52. On behalf of the Special Committee, I hope that the General Assembly will approve this part of the report as well as the recommendations contained in the consensus adopted by the Special Commi:tee.

I thank tlte Rapporteur of the Special Committee. 54. I now call on the representative of SWAPO, who will speak pursuant to General Assembly resolution 31/152 of 20 December 1976.

It is a great honour and privilege for me to be accorded this opportunity to address this august Assembly on behalf of SWAPO and the oppressed people of Namibia. 56. I wish, on behalfof SWAPO and the embattled people of Namihia, to convey to you, Mr. President, our warm and sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. The impressive perfonnance of your duties on behalf of your own country and this Organization over the years is clear testimony of your qualifications to this high office. We in SWAPO are confident that the deliberations of this Assembly under your able leadership will produce concrete results. 58. I should also like to avail myself of this opportunity on behalf of our movement and, indeed, of the people of Namibia to express our sincere thanks to the Secretary- General of the United Nations, Mrc Kurt Waldheim, for the full co-operation he has given us in ourjoint efforts for the attainment of the United Nations objective of achieving Namibia's genuine independence. 59. I wish to place on record that, in spite .of the now well-publicized diplomatic move by the fIve Western members of the United Nations Security Council, namely, the United States of Am~rica, Britain, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Canada, in favop.r of a negotiated settlement to the Namibian problem, the situation in Namibia has not changed for the b~tter. When observed from a distance, the movement seems to be inexorably in the direction of a negotiated resolution of the conflict. However, upon close examination one discovers that Pretoria is not genuinely prepared to relinquish its oppressive and illegal occupation of our country. In contradiction to its many misleading public pronouncements that it is ready to allow the Namibian people to proceed to self-determination and national independence, the apartheid Republic of South Africa has, over the last six months, tak-en a n~mber of political and military actions which ,prove that, in reality, Pretoria is still bent on entrenching its colonial domination over Namibia. 60. It can be recalled, for instance, that on 17 M~y this year the South African Government organized an all-white referendum which was intended to give the whites in Namibia an opportunity to endorse the Tumhalle tribal constitution which, of course, assured those white settlers continued political and economic dominance over Namibia's future. 61. Let it also be pointed out that that referendum took place just a few days after the completion of the fust round of talJr.s between the representatives of the South African regime and the five Western members of the United Nations Security CouJ.lcil. Moreover, while the world was being told that Pretoria had agreed to scrap the Turnhalle plan for the bantustanization of Namibia, Soui:h. Africa inaugurated the so-called Nama Legislative Council on 19 July 1977. Also on 28 July 1977, South Africa proclaimed the establishment of the so-called Damara Legislative and Executive Council. In addition, the Vorster regime is now in the process of establishing the so-called Rehoboth Legislative Council. All these moves to establish the so-called legislative councils or tribal parliaments area continuation of the notoriou.s Turnhalle programme and are made with a view to turning Namibia into a confederation of 11 bantustans. 62. In furtherance of this obnoxious policy ofbantustanization of our country, the apartheid regime has also 64. At the same time as it is training those tribal armies, the South African regime is also busy prOViding fmmcial and communication facilities to its Turnha11e puppets and tribal qu~3lings in their opposition to the Namibian people's nationalliberafion struggle, led by SWAPO. As the world now knows, on 31 August South Africa further exposed its insincerity and bad faith regarding Namibia by proclaiming its annexation of Walvis Bay. To SWAPO and the Namibian people, thjs isa most provocative a~t of aggression . calculated.t~ provide racist South Africa with leverage to undermine Namibia's future sovereignty. 65. The fact is that Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia. The Namibian people will 'never accept South Africa's claims over Waivis Bay. Such claims are based on antiquated, arbitrary, illogical and unjust colonial agreements. The Namibian people cannot be bound by such unjust treaties. 66. We in SWAPO vow to liberate Namibia and to defend its territorial integrity in· its entirety, including Walvis Bay. In this regard, SWAPO appeals, on behalf of the Namibian people, to the world community clearly and categorically to reject and denounce South Africa's aggressive violations of Namibia's territorial integrity in respect of Walvi~ Bay. South Africa's reported use of the Kalahari Desert of Namibia as ~ testing group for its nuclear devices constitutes another aggressive violation of N~-nibia's territorial integrity. We appeal to this world body as well as to all progressive, democratic and peace-loving forces the world over strongly to condemn and demand an immediate end to that criminal violation of our national territory. 67. We should like to appeal to the world community and the whole of progressive humanity to denounce and condemn Pretoria's use of Namibia as a spring-board for aggressive attacks against neighbouring countries and as a trainingground for the counter-revolutionaries ofthe Uniao Nacional para a L?'J.dependencia Total de Angola who are bemg supported by imperialists and racists to undennine the sovereEgnty ~d stability of the People's Republic of Angola. In pursuance of this aggressive expansionism, the South African regime is busy expanding several of its military bases in Namibia which are being used to train and supply anns to those Angolan reactionaries. A case in point is the Kwangari b~se near Okavango River in the northeastern part of Namibia as \Wet! as the Manyeha base in northern Namibia. ov~rt and covert abetting of the Turnhalle stooges, and the declared intention to annex Walvis Bay, are all clear indications of South Afri~a's imperialist design to further entrench its occupation of Namibia. To all this must be added South Africa's continued mass persectutions, harassments and intimidations of SWAPO members. For instance, while the initiatives of the five Western members of the United Nations Security Council towards a negotiated settlement on the basis of resolution 385 (l976) of the Security Council are going on, we fmd Pretoria still arresting and imprisoning . SWAPO members for long prison tenns. To mention but a few examples, we can recall here that on 31 May 1977, the South African Government executed Comrade Filemon Nangolo, a member of SWAPO, for alleged participation in anned resistance against South Africa's o(,l;upatioIl' of our country. On that very same day the South African regime rearrested Comrade Nathaniel Maxuilili, SWAPO Acting President, and sentenced him to a long prison tenn up to 30 June 1982. On 15 July 1977, South Africa sentenced four other SWAPQ members, namely, Benjamin Ulenga, Ruben Itengu, Michael Shikongo and Lazarns Guiteb, to a total of 40 years' imprisonment. In addition, many more Namibian patriots are languis.'ling in racist gaols and detention camps in South Africa and Namibia for their opposition to South Africa's illegal occupation of our country. These continuous arrests and detentions of our comrades throw into serious doubt the prospects for a negotiated settlement leading towards Namibia's independence. 70. Thus, while the diplomatic initiatives of the Western members of the Security Council may appear to some to hold forth good prospects for a negotiated settlement of the Namibian problem, there are also many political and military moves on the part of Pretoria which show quite clearly that it is still committed to a bantustan type solution vis-a-vis Namibia. In' particular, South Africa is dead set on its commitment to prevent :: SWAPO victory in Namibia, even through the ballot box. But faced with the intensified political and military resistance by SWAPO, as well as with the diplomatic pressure by the international community, Pretoria has reluctantly come to agree to the idea of dropping its vicious and shameful Tumhalle constitution, even if covert Turnhalle is very much alive. 71. The South African regime has also been forced to concede, at least in theory, that there can be no iniemationally or internally acceptable solution in Namibia which does not have SWAPO participation: 72. However, while reluctantly conceding the fact that there can be no Ias~ing solutions with SWAPO's participation, it is all too clear that Pretoria hopes to limit the ability of SWAPO to participate fully and freely in the proposed electoral process, 73. ! would like at this point to make some clarifications concerning SWAPO's position on the current diplomatic efforts by the fIVe Western members of the Security 74. SWAPO's genesis and history as an organization clearly attests to our continued commitment to all possible options regarding genuine independence for Namibia. Fm; about two decades now, we have been appearing before several committees of this body to state the plight of our people and to seek support for our struggle. 75. Our resort to armed struggle is a direct result of South Africa's colonial oppression and brutal repression, and also of the ruthless exploitation of our people and resources by certain foreign interests. We see no way out but to continue our political and military struggle against South Africa and its supporters until all the ~unditions causing our struggle are eradicated. 76. When in May of this year the five members ~oJd us and the rest of the world that they Ind initiated talks with South Africa to explore the possibilities of implementing Security Council resolutions 385 (1976), we told them that SWAPO welcomes all genuine efforts to implement not only resolution 385 (1976) but ail outstanding United Nations resolutions in respect of Namibia. We also reminded them "'hat there were mrny other such diplomatic explorations in the past wh.ich we accepted reluctantly in the. hope that there' would hi: progress towards a neg()tiated settlement in Namibia. 77. But nothing cam~ of any of them, not because of N2Il1ibia's intransigence but because of South Africa and its supporters. Also, when the five askc.·d us to hold discussions with them regarding their contacts with Scuth Africa, we expressed our doubts about the prospect for success in th£!: talks with South Africa in respect of Namibia. We asked. them to understand our doubts because we had been taken for a ride not once but many times in the past, and we could not forget these lessons of historys some of which were as recent as last year. We told them also that as m&jor trade partners of South Africa they were hi a powerful position 1: oblige Pretoria to relinquish its illegal OCCll~ pation v' our country. We also indicated that, while that was the case, we should not pretend that our interests and theirs were identical, and that we must agree on both sides to aQ"TIit to honest differences. We told them qUite frankly that up until now in our country they had sided with colonialism!. racism and exp1c;tation of man by man, that these conditions were what had given birth to SWAPO and were such that both parties should accept that some of our differences were irreconcilable. 78. But in spite of such d~fferences, we told the five members that we would take the risk of accepting their offer to serve as a contact group between the South African regime and SWAPO. We did so because we hold the view that negotiations are also a form of struggle. We have insisted from the very beginning that as far as we are concerned, Security Council msolution 385 (1976) must be implemented in toto. That. means, for instance, that we guarantel~ that in the event that the South African puppets are def:eated~as they would be in any genuinely free election-South Africa will not use its troops to install those puppets.by force of arms. I wish to re-emphasize that in SWAPO's best judgement to participate in an election which was in fact supervised and controlled by a South African army of repression and intimidation would be to commit a crime of national suicide. We owe it to those comrades who have died or been maimed and imprisoned in the course of tl\e struggle to free our country from the yoke of imperialism and colonial dOIl'lillation, to take up this correct and just position. 79. In the event that South Africa persists in its arrogant refusal to withdraw all ~" repressive troops, and goes ahead with the so-called internal settlement, SWAPO would like to request the General Assembly to consider measures further to isolate South Africa and to impose mandatory economic and military embargoes. Therefore, we ask this African ~C:Iministration may ~pcJse upon the Natm"bian people m" diSregard 'of the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 81. We mould like to take this opportunity to thank those Member States that· have made voluntary contributions to the United Nations Fund for Namibia which is helping hundreds of Namibians to acquire an education that will be . vital for the reconstruction and development of our ~untry. May I also call upon Member States to make additional CDntributions towards the expansion of the training activities at the United Nations Institute for Namibia. We in SWAPO &t!ach great importance to the potential &qntribution ofthe Institute to meeting Namibia's future ma.~power requirement'}. May I also register our posmon here to the f:ffect that, as far as we are concerned, the Council for Namitria remains thr: legal authonty over Namibia ~ long as Namibia is not'independent. SWAPO apprec;iates the commendable WO(?'{ being done by the Council and it~· executive officer, the Commissioner for Namibia. We thc:refore appeal to this Assembly to render them the necessary assistance for the spee1y implementation ofthe United Nations resolutions on Namibia. 82. In conclusion, I should like to express again on behalf of SWAPO and the struggling people of Namibia our sincere and heart-felt thanks for this opportunity given to our delegation to address this body. May I also seize this opportunity to express through you, Mr. President, our profound gratitude and sincere thanks to our friends who have persistently, consistently and unfailingly given us moral, material aDd political support. 83. We also-wish to reassure all our friends and supporters that SWAPO will not relent in the prosecution and intensification of the political and mllitary struggle in Namibia to oblige the apartheid Republic of South Africa to end its iJIegal occupation ofour country.

I now call on Mr. Leon N'Dong of Gabon, the representative of the current Chairman of the QAU, President Bongo of Gabon. 85-r:·,:Mr. N'DONG (Gabon), Organization of African Unity (interpretation from French): It is shocking to note that, 17 years after the adoption by our Organization of General Assembly resolution 1514(XV), fOl: many millions of human beings in practically all regions of the world the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples remains an unfulfilled promise. It is particularly ~ocking for the millions of blacks of southern Africa, and especially for the people of Namibia, who still 87. I should like to add that the United Nations has recognized the justice of the natiomd liberation cause of Namibia. That recognition has been expressed by the international community's acknowledgement of the legitimacy of the struggle of the Namibian people under the leadel'sliip of SWAPO, which is the sole authentic representative of the people. .. 88. Everyone recalls that it was in 1966 that the General Assembly put an end to South Africa's Mandate over Namibia and placed that Territory under the direct responsibilityof the United Nations. The responsibility for the administration of the country was placed in the hands of an organ which today is called the United Nftions Council for Namibia. We should like to pay a tribute to the efforts that it has made and to congratulate it on the important report which it has supmitted to the Assembly [A/32/24J. 89. That decision of the General Assembly to put an end to South Africa's Mandate over Namibia was· later confirmed by the Security Council, the highest body of our Organization, in resolution 276 (1970), in which the Council declares, anIong other things: "... that the continued presence of the South African authorities in Namibia is illegal and that consequently all acts taken by the Government of South Africa on behalf of or concerning Namibia after the termination of the mandate are illegal and invalid". 90. Later the International Court ofJustice, in its advisory . opinion delivered on 21 June 1971, stipulated: ". .. that the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia being illegal, South Africa is under obligation to withdraw its administratiun from Namibia immediately and thus put an end to its occupation,of the Territory".! 91. In the same opinion expressed, the Court was of the opinion "~hat States Membeis of the United Nations are under obUgation to recognize the illegality of South Africa's presence in Namibia and the invalidity of its acts on behalfof or concerning Namibia ..."2 1 See Legal Consequences for States ofthe Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (l970), Advisory Opinion, I.CJ.. Reports 1971, p. 46. 2 Ibid. 93. Thus, although the regime, of the Mandate came to an end and despite the pertinent resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, the shameful and hateful Vorster regime intensified both its cynical policy of apartheid and its military presence in a Territory that does not belong to it, thus effecting a de facto inclusion of Namibia within the South African Republic. 94. It is an irony of fate that an illegal Government, basing itself on an equally illegal administration and on illegal acts, is now setting up in Namibia, a Territory under the direct administration of the United Nations, the inhuman policy of apartheid our Organization has always condemned-and all this in full view of the international community) which seems incapable of acting with any determination against this defiance. To govern the Territory of Namibia, Pretoria has forced through the illegal assembly laws and regulations which systematically violate human rights and fundamental freedoms. These laws and regulations have one sole aim: the establishment in Namibia of the policy of apartheid in all aspects of civil and political life. Thus the Africans have been dispossessed of their best lands and given over to the whites, and the possession of land and property in urban zones by Africans is prohibited. The Africans are not authorized to live in the great urban centres except as migrant workers under fixed-term contracts. The Africans can live only in quarters reserved solely for them. And to complete this policy ofnegation of the dignity of the black man through a feeling of insecurity, laws such as the Terrorism Act of 1967 and the Undesirables Removal Proclamation of 1920, authorizing arbitrary detentions and deportations, limit or prohibit the right of assembly, the right of association, the right of free expression, the right to hold political meetings, and freedom of movement. Even the right to set up trade unions has been prohibited. All these freedoms, dr.nied the blacks, are the exclusive prerogative of the whites. And any violation of these prohibitions exposes the offender to very violent retribution. It is therefore very easy to understand why thousands languish in Namibian prisons......men, women, children and old peo~'te-whoseonly crime is to have dared to oppose apartheid, the scourge that is an insult to the twentieth century, the century of the co-operation and interd~pendence of States. All these prisoners know the harsh laws of privation, persecution and torture, when they are not the victims of cowardly and cold-blooded murder. Nor do the political prisoners escape these trials-they are 96. How can these' immigrants be capable of living together, but not the natives of Namibia, as do other African peoples? As far as my, delegation is concerned, the main thrust of the policy of bantustanaation, or the placing of blacks in tribal reserves, is the destruction ofthe l1ational and territorial unity of Namibia i.n order to transform it into a collection of small non-viable States that would become satellites of South Africa. That is a grave danger. Just as my country fmnly condemns apartheid and the variou$ violations of human rights and individual freedoms practised in Namibia by the illegal Vorster regime, it also resolutely condemns the cynical and Machiavellian policy of bantustanization, which is intended to effect a territorial weakening of Namibia, and thus of the Namibians. 97. The so-called constitutional conference of Windhoek was at the time strongly condemned by my country, by the OAU, and by all nations standing for peace and justice. The results of that so-called conf~rence are completely rejected by my country. As far as my delegation is concerned, Namibia is a single Territory, a single national unit, and it must achieve international sovereignty and independence as a single unit, and that includes Walvis Bay. 98. I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to another equally important problem, and that is the increased military presence of South Africa in Namibia. At present, Pretoria occupies Namibia with more· than 50000 heaviIy-anne.d men, who have taken the liberty of expelling all the peaceful populations of Namibia living close to the northern frontier. Many thousands ofAfrican families have thus been displaced and dispossessed, forced to leave their homes and fields. The zone thus freed of their presence will allow Vorster's soldiers to set up shooting ranges ;ill along the Angolese frontier. Thus Angola has become a sittingduck .for the hordes of Vorster, and the same is true of ZambIa. 99. All that has been said and all that will be said here attests to the fact that Namibia represents a case of the illegal occupation of an international State and that the Pretoria regime is also a blatant case of the negation and the privation of human rights. All this is therefore a real· defiance of the international community. 10L So long as the Western PO\yers continue to co-operate 106. Blacks are being persecuted, harassed and massacred economically an9 militarily with Pretoria, so long as foreign in international territory despite all the laws protecting capital still flows into Namibia, the United Nations can individuals. That massacre continues in Namibia and yet the never persuade the raciSt regime of Vorster to change its great international press and the press of the so-called free racial policies. We will still be a lone voice crying in the world which is always so touchy about human dignity and wilderness. . hum~ rights, does not raise a single voice, nor does it embark on a noisy campaign of information. But let one white-tQiirist, journalist, spy or mercenary-be arrested in Africa, and suddently the do-gQ.oders of the white world rise up to insist on respect for ,human rights and speak of scandal and barbarism. Does this mean ~that the life of a white is more valuable than the lives of all those blacks daily cut down by the Vorster regime? Is the European conscience insensible to the sufferings of the black man? Such ,injustice should cause a revulsion in the universal conscience. 102. But can we expect anything else from regimes that are motivated' by material considerations such as those of the West, 'particularly when we consider that Namibia 1>Ossesses very great mineral wealth? Namibia is a treasury of raw materials: there are diamonds, uranium, copper, lead, zinc, tin, tungsten, vanadium and lithium-without mentioninKthe considerable reserves of natural gas and oil. To all this we must also add livestock and fish. 103. Unfortunately, the benefits der:ived from this exploitation do not filter down to the Namibians themselves. It is in fact economic pillage that we are confronted with. First of all, practically all this economic activity takes place within the se-called area occupied by the whites. There are 88 foreign companies with headquarters in Namibia which are shamelessly exploiting the riches of the country, defying Decree No. 1 of the United Nations Council for Namibia, in which the tatter aim~ to protect the resources of the country. Of all those companies, two-Co~solidated Diamond Mines of South West Africa, Ltd. and Tsumeb Corporation, Ltd.-share 90 per cent of the total mineral production of the country. The intensive exploitation of those minerals raised the gross national product ofNamibia from 36 million rand in 1936 to 368 million rand in 1970. From 1960 to 1969 the gross national product of Namibia rose by 153 per cent, that is, 11 per cent per annum. But that growth did not help the African in any way. At Windhoek the threshold of poverty is set at 81.25 rand per month; the average salary of the Africans employed in the mining sector is 30 rand. Therefore, it is the whites, the foreign companies and the Government of Pretoria who are greasing their own palms and who continue to do so by the savage exploitation of the wealth ofNamibia. The collusion of Western imperialism with the racist regime of Pretoria is complete so far as Namibia is concerned. Thus, although Namibia may be very wealthy in natural resources, the major part of its population, which is black, lives in desperate wretchedness. With the rapid rate of exhaustion of these non-renewable resources it is questionable whether this country has any economic future and the leaders of SWAPO have a reason for anxiety. 104. My country can never sufficiently condemn this shameful co)ksion of the greedy, interests of Western imperialism with the regime of South Mrica. We believe 107. The freedom of a people cannot be bargained for; it has to be conquered by arms. SWAPO has understood that well and has acted accordingly to continue the fight against the shameful abd illegal regime of Vorster, all the more sincethe aid of all kinds given by the members of NATO to the hated apartheid regime is today the greatest obstacle on the road to independence. No negotiation, no dialogue, no pressure can divert Pretoria from its determination to keep Namibia under its yoke. Those who still believe in the virtues of dialogue and those who wish to continue it will one day be brought down a peg. Vorster and his henchmen--supported as they are by their Western friendsunderstand only the language ofviolence. 108. But despite this massive aid from the West, the racist regime of Pretoria has its back to the wall now that the circle is drawing even tighter around the racist minority regimes in southern Africa. It is quite unable to stem the high tide of the struggle for national liberation that SWAPO is so successfully lcadiilg and 1t has had to (esort to deceitful manoeuvres to try to divide the Namibian people. In its panic, the Vorster regime is not scrupulous about its methods. It has readily committed genocide, interned thousands of persons, and resorted to political assassination and aggression. Yet this has not frightened the Namibian people, who are determined to gain their independence at any cost. That is why the Western countries which are accomplices of Vorster must realize that the only threat hanging over the regime of their shameful ally is not the threat of communism but the threat of the anger of the millions of blacks who are oppres&:'d but who are now determined to liberate themselves. 109. We are not discouraged by the hostility of Western countries. We are confident of a fmal victory by our NaI1)ibian brothers. 111. It is too late now to pay lip service to the condemnation of a system that is rejected by the vast majority of peoples. It is time now for action since, in view of the arrogance and stubbornness of the Pretoria regime, our Organization has nC" other choice but fmnly to support the struggle of the Namibian people that still ftipresents, as far as we see it, the only means offulfilling their profound aspirations. Let us then unite our efforts to support that just and heroic struggle of the freedom fJghters in Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO. Like all peoples in the world, the people of Namibia have the inalienable right to self-detennination, independence and freedom. It is up to our community to assist them to fulfd those noble aspirations which are nothing more than the basic principles of the Charter ofour Organization. 112. That is w~y, from this rostrum, my delegation makes an impassioned appeal to the Western countries to make a radical change in their position on the question ofNamibia. If the United Nations has never been able to solve this problem, it is to a large extent because of the actions of those countries, which have committed themselves to the exploitation of Namibian wealth. 113. The international community must take a fmn stand to confront this last bulwark ofimperialism, ofcolonialism, of neo-colonialism and of racism, which constitutes a constant threat to the independent African States and a real danger to international peace and security. What are called for are effective measures to put an end to a human tragedy and an expansionist policy which have lasted for too long. 114. The frrst series of effective measures would include the declaration of a total mandatory embargo on the supplying of any weapons to South Africa and the breaking of all kinds of relations and contacts with South Africa, including those connected with sports. 115. The second series of measures wou~d involve the complete ~olation of the rebel Vorster regime from the international community. Thus, the United Nations must apply against that regime the sanctions envisaged in Chapter VII of our Charter. It will not be the international rommunity that will be excluding Pretoria from its midst but, rather, the Pretoria regime which, by its arrogance and behaviour, will be excluding itself, through its constant violations ofand actions against the purposes and principles ofour Organization. 116. The third series of measures would involve support for all the constructive proposals constantly being put forward by SWAPO and the provision to SWAPO of all the material and moral support it requires to ensure its fmal victory. 117. The fourth series of measures would demand that all South African armed forces be withdrawn from Namibia, that all the political pri30ners be freed and that free elections be held with the 'participation of SWAPO and 119. The credibility and prestige of the United Nations will certainly gain from such a course.

The debate in which we are taking part today on the question of Namibia marks an important and significant stage in the armed and diplomatic struggle being waged with courage and detennination by the SWAPO freedom-fIghters. In briefly taking stock of that struggle, we see that the people of Namibia, led by SWAPO, are making great sacrifices and have imposed on themselves an exemplary code ofconduct in dealing with the enemy, the racist colonialist regime of Pretoria, supported by all the" means at the disposal of the imperialist powers ofthe capitalist West. 121. The lure ofeasy profits and the pathological greed of the capitalist Powers whose enterprises are operating in Namibia are the cause of all the crimes being committed against the people of Namibia and all the suffering visited upon them. My delegation wishes to congratulate the people of Namibia and to pay a respectful tribute to the memory of their best sons fallen on the field of battle or coldly murdered by the Vorster forces of repression. 122. History will record for all time that the question of Namibia was created wholesale by Western imperialism to protect the racist bastion of southern Africa and impede the liberation of the peoples of the area. The Mandate entrusted to the racist regime of South Africa by the capitalist Powers of the late, lamented League ofNations is a historical infamy which fonns part of the spectrum of barbarous methods of domination and exploitation. In denouncing the transfer of the League of Natio~sMandate for Namibia to the racist regime of Vorster and in appointing the'United Nations Council for Namibia to take over that Mandate with a view to preparing the people of Namibia for accession to the exercise of international sovereignty, the international conscience unambiguously condemned the Powers of Western capitalism for their crimes and abuses. 123. My delegation notes the steps taken in the past few months by the five Western Powers of the Security Council with a view to a negotiated solution of the question of Namibia. My delegation is prepared to associate itself with any genuine pe~ce initiative for Namibia, but it wnI clenounce the shady manoeuvres and calculations which are often hidden behind such initiatives. For my delegation, a peaceful settlement ofthe question of Namibia, which must lead to the tota! independence and territorial integrity of 125. The People's Republic of Benin believes that- Africa and the other nations supporting it must remain on their guard about these peace plans being rigged up here and there by imperialism, in order to avoid being caught up in an anti-peoples' movement that would necessarily give rise to further suffering. One may state without any fear of being mistaken that the subtle calculations of the imperialist Powers are certainly part of their peace plans for 126. The African peoples must strengthen their unity in the face of these constant manoeuvres by international imperialism. They must intensify their struggle against foreign domination, and victory will be theirs. 127. In conclusion, my delegation would like to repeat its position on a negotiated settlement of the question of Namibia. Any honest peace plan must necessarily be based on Security Council resolution 385 (1976) and the complete implementation of all its provisions. t