A/32/PV.38 General Assembly

For more than 90 years the people of Namibia have been living under colonial domination. The names of the oppressors have,.of course, changed over that period, but the fact ofimperialist exploitation has remained the same and has even been constantly accentuated. Despite the resolutions of the United Nations, clear though they have been, the Vorster regime continues to practice its annexationist and terrorist policy and persists in refusing the Namibian people the exercise of its right to inde- pendence and self-determination. 2. The illegal occupation of Namibia and the oppression of its people are essential elements in a system of colonialist- racist exploitation which allows the monopolies, always ... greedy for maximum profits, to indulge in the plunder of the ,country's mineral resources and in the exploitation at the lowest possible cost of its labour force. The Govern- ment structures set up by South Africa, which still exist in Namibia, serve the political, economic and military interests of the big imperialist monopolies, which have established a solid alliance with the apartheid regime of South Africa. The large investments of these monopolies in Namibia in no way benefit the Namibian people, who live in conditions of the most brutal colonialist and racist oppression. The big monopolies and their representatives openly scorn voices calling for the establishment of a new international eco- nomic order and ignore all the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations on Namibia, the victim of an illegal occupation. They scorn the authority of the United Nations Council for Namibia and its decisions, such as Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia. NEW YORK 3. The resources in diamonds, copper, zinc, tungsten, uranium, ~d so forth, are ripped out of the ground and sent off to the big imperialist countries. South Africa, for its part, acting in connivance with the imperialist interest, has major military plans afoot to guarantee that this exploitation will continue. Thus, we are now witnessing the transformation of Namibia into an arsenal bursting with weapons. The South African occupation regime has in- creased its military strength in the north of Namibia to 50,000 men. The network of military bases established close to the frontiers with Angola and Zambia has been extended. South Africa's military expenditures have more than doubled since 1973. The budget for the fmancial year 1977-1978 provides for the enormous sum of nearly SUS 2 billion for military expenditure. Forty per cent of South Africa's military equipment is bought abroad. Over SUS 1 billion was spent for these purposes in 10 years. 4. On this subject~ the Vice-President of the South West Mrica People's Organization [SWAPO], Mr. Muyongo, stated the following to the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples: "The enemy is arming itself to the teeth with the most modem weapons of death and destruction, supplied to it in a generous manner by its imperialist allies and supporters." 1 5. These weapons are all too familiar from the arsenals of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization[NATOj. They are ordered and delivered in accordance with the NATO code. Thus the monopolies which are engaged in the plunder of Namibia grow richer still by increasing the armaments of the South African occupation troops in Namibia. 6. But these activities do not stop there. Having been enabled to speed its nuclear research, thanks to the close co-operation-notwithstanding all the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations-with the nuclear research institutes, armament frrms, and even the military authorities of imperialist States and Israel, the South African apartheid regime has prepared for nuclear weapons tests even within Namibian territory. The apartheid regime, which refuses to apply the non-proliferation system, has by no means abandoned this project. It is not difficult to guess against whom the atomic bombs now being developed will be directed. We note that in other places, too, imperialist circles are continuing to set up missile bases directed against those same independent States. 7. Those States which are making this development possible bear a heavy responsibility. Nuclear weap Jn~ in the 1 See document A/AC.I09/PV.I062, pp. 19-20. 8. For our part, we consider that supplying weapons and war materials to South Africa, transferring technology to that country, and making available to it means for the manufacture of atomic weapons, as well as any co-opera- tion with it in the nuclear field, represent obvious support for South Africa's acts of aggression directed against the people ofNamibia and hence against the. United Nations. 9. The'situation created by the policies of the apartheid regime and of. the circles which give it their support represent a grave threat to peace and security. Itis a brazen challenge to the Unitea Nations, to its Charter and to its resolutions. 10. However, the oppression of the Namibian people, although it is brutal and is carried out with the assistance of powerful imperialist interests, will not be able in the fmal analyses to prevent that people from securing the fmal triumph of its right to self-determination and inde- pendence. 11. Since the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV), on the initiative of the Soviet Union, many peoples suffering under colonial oppression have won their independence and today occupy their rightful place in the United Nations. Only a few years ago certain forces were attempting, even inside the United Nations, to deny that place to one of Namibia's neighbours, Angola, which, immediately after the proclama- tion of that young People's Republic, had to defend itself against the South African aggressors, who were invading its territOIY from Namibia. . 12. New and more propitious conditions have been created for the struggle being waged by the 'people of Namibia for self-determination and independence. The people are steadily closing ranks round their sole authentic representative, SWAPO. We are convinced that the day is not far off when Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, will take its rightful place in the world Organization. 13. The imperialist monopolies and the representatives of their interests have no intention, however, of accepting this inexorable historical evolution. They are now intensifying their efforts to keep hold of Namibia, its people and its natural wealth as objects of neo-colonialist exploitation. The methods and manoeuvres used for this purpose are many, but they are not always immediately obvious. Nevertheless, in essence there is nothing new in them. 14. There have been press reports of meetings held by grgups which have until now met in the Turnhalle Conference and were chosen by Vorster to carry out his plans for camouflaging the colonial occupation of Namibia. Now these same elements are discussing, with VorJter how they can best manipulate the elections against SWAPO, the legitimate representative of the people of Namibia, so as to cheat that people of the fruits of its arduous struggle. 15. Thus the intention is to pave the way, through puppet go-betweens in the pay of Vorster and the monopolies, for . 17. SWAPO has always put forward a legitimate claim, in full accordance with Security Council. resolution 385 (1976), for the im;nediate, total and unconditional withdrawal of all the South African troops from the Territory of Namibia. This claim is of fundamental sig- nificance for the people of Namibia and for all the peoples of southern Africa. The sovereign exercise of the right to self-determination,' including the choice of the road to development, cannot be guaranteed by Vorster's oayonets. 18. One fact particularly revealing of the neo-colonialist schemes to control Namibia after independence was the recent announ~ement by South Africa concerning the annexation of Walvis Bay. This attempt to annex Walvis Bay, which is Namibia's only deep-sea port, is an act of open colonialist expansion aimed at undermining the future independence ofNamibia. 19. The Gennan Democratic Republic regards Walvis Bay as an integral part of Namibia. This position is in harmony with the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations, and with the documents of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held at Maputo in May [A/32/109/Rev.l-S/12344/Rev.lj. 20. We have not yet heard that this act of annexation has been energetically or publicly denounced by those who are claiming to plead the cause of Namibiats independence to Vorster. Let us not forget that appeasement has always played into the hands of the aggressor, as evidenced by, among other things, the Munich diktat of 1938. 21. The decisions of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly and the debates and the decisions of the International Conference at Maputo and the World Con- ference for Action against Apartheid, held at Lagos from 22 to 26 August 1977, have clearly outlined the path to elimination of the illegal occupation of Namibia. The essential thing is the political will of all States-and I stress "of all States"-to ensure the isolation of the apartheid regime, the key-stone of the vestiges of colonialism and racism in southern Africa. 22. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, in its major statement of 5 October,this year on the total elimination of the vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid [A/32/259j, has put forward a practical plan -for over- coming all the obstacles to a genuine solution of the problems of southern Africa. This initiative is a further expression of the policy of support for the just cause of ~ oppressed peoples which the Soviet Union has consistently and fmnly pursued since the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the sixtieth anniversary of which we shall be celebrating in a few days' time. 24. We consider that the fmal ending of the illegal occupation of Namibia and the granting of the right to self-determination and independence to the Namibian people require a clear-cut and rigorous adherence to principles, as well as resolute action 3n the part of all States Members of the world Organization. 25. All of the States that sincerely champion this cause should recognize SWAPO as the sole authentic represen- tative of the people of Namibia and break off all relations with the forces opposed to the Namibian people and to SWAPO; reaffIrm the right of the people of Namibia to wage its campaign for self-determination in every possible way and by all necessary means until complete inde- pendence has been achieved and give SWAPO the necessary support for that struggle; adopt vigorous measures of coercion against the apartheid regime, which is occupying Namibia contrary to international law; work for the imposition of a mandatory arms embargo and of economic sanctions by the Security Council, and actively to con- tribute to extending still further the international isolation of South Africa; reject all pre-conditions for independence and any restriction on independence, particularly any encroachement on it in the form of the stationing of South African troops, the maintenance of military bases or the carrying out of nuclear tests on the territory of Namibia; ensure the accession of the Namibian people to real independence and to genuine self-determination by elimi- nating the influence of the opposing forces, particularly the repressive South African Government machine in Namibia, the instruments of propaganda of the apartheid regime and of the neo-colonialist economic and other interests opera- ting jointly in Namibia with the apartheid regime; defend the cause of Namibia's accession to independence as a single entity, with strict respect for its territorial integrity; and reject any attacks against these principles. 26. These principles are fully in keeping with the prin- ciples of the United Nations Charter, the pertinent deci- sions of the Security Council on Namibia, the decisions taken by the General Assembly at its thirty-first session, by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo in 19762 and by the Assembly ofHeads ofState and Government of the OAU at its last session in Libreville {see A/32/310]. 27. The performance of these tasks by all States would be an effective contribution to the early termination of the illegal occupation of Namibia and the accession of its people to genuine il1dependence. It would be a real contribution to the early establishment of peace in Nami- bia. 28. May ·1 be allowed to conclude my statement by quoting what was said by the Secretary-General of the r "We support the peoples of Zambia, Namibia and South Africa in their campaign for national independence and social progress. For us, that is a flfDl principle of our policy."

In deciding to refer the debate on Namibia to its plenary meetings, the General Assembly wished to highlight the specific importance of the question, since South Africa is obstinately determined to make of Namibia a stamping- ground for its imperialism and its racist policies. In this respect the reports of the United Naticns Council for Namibia {A/32/24] and of the Special Committee {A/32/ 23/Rev.l, chap. VIII] supply information which gives us a clear picture of the grave reality of the illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist regime of Pretoria, aided and abetted by the equivocal and misguided attitude of certain Western countries which, while condemning apartheid, continue to support the regime which regards apartheid as an act of faith. Their economic and strategic relations with the racist Pretoria regime are so close today that it is difficult to discern which of the two parties is using the other for its own benefit 30. The International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, which was held last May in Maputo, drew the correct conclusions from this crude collusion between certain Western Powers and South Africa. In the course of its work, it established a pro- gramme of action and of complete support for the campaign of the people of southern Africa, reaffIrming the right of Rhodesia and Namibia to independence. Reflecting the action of the Maputo Conference, the World Con- ference for Action Against Apartheid, held at Lagos, gave the world community a further opportunity to express the solidarity of the international community with the people of South Africa in their struggle against the system of apartheid, which is spreading over the whole of the southern part of our continent We all know that the problems of Rhodesia and Namibia are part of the prpblems of southern Africl! because they are all closely linked to apartheid. 31. The Western countries, which are throwing in their lot with the advocates of apartheid, are seriously jeopardizing their future in Africa by trying to defend their short-term advantages. We urge them to review their position before it is too late, since the future of southern Africa lies in the hands of the Africans themselves. 32. I should not like to dwell here on the shameless nature of this alliance, which has earned the almost unanimous condemnation of the international community. What I should like to stress is that the still unavowed complicities from which the racist regime of Pretoria benefits with respect to certain Western Powers has condemned our Organization to impotence in its efforts to bring about the 33. Namibia is still suffering on the African continent, alongside 'Rhodesia, from colonial domination based on an . illegal occupation, and until this belated colonialism is not totally extirpated from Namibia the Namibian people will continue their anned struggle ~o regain their independence. This historic s~ruggle, undertaken under the direction of SWAPO, which is the sole genuine representative of the Namibian people, has 'earned the admiration of peoples. It has enjoyed and will continue to enjoy the support of the majority of the Members of our Organization, of the OAU and of the non-aligned movement. With respect to Algeria itself, we sh~l continue to give our unconditional and total support to the leaders of SWAPO in the struggle that the Namibian people is waging to regain their independence and to restore full sovereignty over their Territory. 34. Thus, 11 years after the General Assembly withdrew the Mandate of South Africa over Namibia, then known as South West Africa, the situation has remained unchanged. It has even become dangerously aggravated as a result of the annexation of Walvis Bay. That act is in flagrant contra- diction of the declared intention of Pretoria to withdraw from Namibia. In fact, the presence of South Africa in Walvis Bay and the maintenance of a large contingent of its troops clearly present a serious and permanent danger to the independence of Namibia and a challenge to its territorial integrity. By engulfmg that part of Namibian territory, South Africa has again challenged the inter- national community. 'That irresponsible move will make it impossible in the future to achieve a peaceful.solution of the problem of Namibia, as the five Western members of the Security Council expected when they started talks with South Africa some time ago. 35. In this connexion, we have followed with keen attention the initiative of Canada, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States. Those countries, which form an intimate and familiar circle with South Africa, could, we were told, use their influence to convince the South African regime to withdraw from Namibia. Without going into the merits of that diplomatic exchange, 1 think it should be stressed that such action was in no way intended to replace either the Security Council, the General Assembly or the Council for Namibia in efforts to achieve a solution of the problem of independence confronting the Namibian people. Any action along those lines must be based on the relevant resolutions cif our Organization, particularly on Security Council resolution 385 (1976) adopted on 30 January 1976. . 36. Mr. BARTON (Canada): On behalf of the Govern- ments of France, the Federal Republic of Gennany, the United Kingdom, the United States as well as Canada, I should like to describe for the General Assembly our joint views on the situation in Namibia and the efforts of our fIVe Governments this year to help bring aoout the inde- pendence of Namibia. 38. As members of the Security Council, o"r five Govern- ments are fully conscious of the necessity to achieve the . implementation of Security Council resolution 385 '(1976)- and thus to contribute to the development of a just and permanent solution to the Namibian question. 39. That resolution, which is but the culmination of a long series of efforts by the Security Council to bring about a settlement of the issue, constitutes a comprehensive plan of action·to achieve, in an orderly fashion, fun independence for Namibia. It follows that, -to be consistent with that resolution, any propo'sed solution must provide for free elections, under the supervision and control of the United Nations, for the whole of Namibia as one political entity, and open to the genuine participation of all Namibians, including those now being detained or in exile. Conditions must be created that will guarantee that such a political process is realized and the co-operation of all concerned must be secured. The basic objectives of the Security Council and indeed of the international community as a whole must be translated into concr/~te measures which will be faithfully impl~mented. 40. Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which con- tinues to have the full support of our five Governments, has therefore constituted the basis for the joint efforts which we launched last spring in an informal attempt at exploring with all the parties concerned the possibilities of a solution to the Namibian problem. We have been under no illusion as to the difficulties inherent in such an undertaking, but it has been and remains our hope that a thorough exploration on our part of all relevant factors would identify practical means that would enable the parties to make possible the implementation of resolution 385 (1976). Thus our goal has been to prepare the way for all the people of Namibia to exercise fully their long d~layed right to self-deter- mination with the assistance of the United Nations through truly democratic elections on a Territory-wide basis. 41. Discussions with the parties began in April. There have so far been three rounds of discussipns with the South African Government. A second round of discussions with SWAPO is currently in progress. Consistent with the critical role of the United Nations in respect of Namibia, we have kept Secretary-General Waldheim and the United Nations Council for Namibia informed of our efforts. We have also been in close touch with the front-line States and other Mrican States. 42. To date, we can report that some progress has been made. We believe that our initiative has forestalled the plan to establish an interim government on the basis .of the Tumhalle con$titution and that we have laid the foun- dations for United Nations involvement. 44. It should be clear from our efforts thus far that no lasting peaceful solution to the Namibian problem is possible unless it has the full backing of the international community. It is also clear that the parti~s directly concerned have a unique opportunity to achieve such a solution, despite the distrust which has been built up over the years. The elements of a solution are to be found in resolution 385 (1976) and we, for our part, will persevere in our efforts to remove the remaining obstacles to its imp!~m~ntation. It is our hope and expectation that all concerned will endeavour to facilitate the achievement of this objective and that by next year, an independent Namibian government~ representative of all Namibians, will take its rightful place among us in this hall. 45. Miss KONIE (Zambia): Zambia is honoured to partici- pate in this uniquely important debate on the vital question of Namibia. My delegation applauds the timely decision of the General Assembly to take up this item on a priority basis and directly in its plenary meetings. All indications are that the situation inside Namibia is rapidly deteriorating. Externally, there is the disqUieting potential that the question of Namibia could be confused in such a manner as to undermine international solidarity with the people of Namibia and their national liberation movement. In addi- tion, both the image and the credibility of this world body which is vested with the sole legal responsibility for the international Territory of Namibia, remain injeopardy. 46. Zambia has been and continues to be preoccupied with the problem of Namibia. We are anxious, more than ever before, that there should be unequivocal international solidarity with the people of Namibia and their national liberation movement, SWAPO. We believe that relentless international support for the just struggle of the Namibian people for liberation and genuine national independence is absolutely essential. This is all the more imperative in the light of the rapidly deteriorating situation inside Namibia and the manoeuvres of South Africa to hoodwink, confuse and divide the international community. The interplay of manoeuvres with regard to Namibia is, in fact, of such grave concern that the OAU decided, at its recent session in Libreville, to call for a special session of the General Assembly on Namibia, {see A/32/310. annex I, CM/Res.551 (XXIXH. 47. The entire international Territory of Namibia has been turned into one huge concentration camp by South Africa. The heirs of nazism and fascism in Pretoria have imposed on the Namibian peopl~ a despicable system of complete bondage. Thousands of over-equipped South African mlli- tary forces have been deployed in various parts of Namibia and along its borders with neighbouring independent African countries. To complement its aggressive war ma- chinery, South Africa has constructed several huge mllitary bases all over Namibia. 48. South Africa's evil policies of apartheid and bantu- stanization have been exported to Namibia where they are 49. The critical situation inside Namibia is compounded by the aggressive nature of the South African Fascists directed outside the Territory. South Africa not only persists in its illegal occupation of Namibia but, in a double offence against international law, also uses Namibia as a launching-pad for its acts of aggression against Angola, Botswana and my own country, Zambia. Because of the South African warmongers, the situation in the region remains tense. 50. We have come to the cross-roads in the long struggle to secure the independence of Namibia from the clutches of racist South Africa's llIegal occupation. The independence of Namibia cannot be postponed. Its people have suffered oppression and repression for far too long. The real question now is whether a free Namibia will be born out of a peaceful process or an armed struggle and violent revolution. SI. It augurs well for Namibia that SWAPO is the vanguard of the national liberation struggle. That liberation movement which has won due international recognition as the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people has, throughout the many years of its struggle, pursued enlightened policies. SWAPO has not at any time rejected the option of peaceful change in Namibia. SWAPO has embarked on an armed struggle for the liberation of Namibia because it was left with· no choice. The inter- national community, which has assumed direct responsi- bility for the Territory, has so far failed in its efforts to compel South Africa to withdraw and to allow the oppressed people to exercise their inaIienable and impre- scriptible right to seIf-detennination and national inde- pendence. 52. If change in Namibia should be violent, it will principally be due to South Africa's continued resistance to peaceful change. The challenge facing the international community is therefore to compel South Africa to yield to reason. My delegation notes in this regard the current efforts of fIVe Western countries to resolve the question of Namibia by peacefhJ means. We are informed that, while those efforts are taking place outside the United Nations framework, they are predicated on and aimed at the implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976). On that understanding, Zambia is not opposed to those efforts. 53. The importance of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) is that it is an omnibus text reflecting all the basic positions of the United Nations on Namibia. As it is this characteristic that has made resolution 385 (1976) universally acceptable, my delegation deems it necessary to stress that there should be no selective interpretation of the resolution. We firmly believe that any well-meaning initia- tives aimed at the implementation of resolution 385 (1976) 54. These, we believe, are the minimum conditions South Africa must satisfy if there is to be peaceful change in Namibia. But one other cardinal point that must be made in this regard is that nothing should be done to undermine SWAPO, the national liberation movement of Namibia. Genuine independence, stability and development for Namibia can only be developed under the leadership of SWAPO. 55. Namibia is a unique case in the history of the United Nations. It is the ~mly Territory for which the United Nations has assumed direct responsibility. Equally unique is the relationship between the United Nations and SWAPO. The General Assembly has designated SWAPO ~s the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people [resolution 31/146J and has granted it observer status in the United Nations. These patterns of relationship surely demand that all States Members of the United Nations be ready and willing to take any necessary measures to rapidly bring about the independence ofNamibia under the leadership of SWAPO. The same set of relationships also demand that, as individual States, we do not indulge in any activity that could have the effect of prolonging South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia and the enslavement ofits people. 56. We are concerned about the continued collaboration .of some Members of this Organization with South Africa, particularly in the military and economic fielC:;. It is because of this collaboration that the South African regime has amassed huge armaments with which it is now terrorizing the people of South Africa and Namibia, and committing acts of aggression against independent African States. It is because of this collaboration that South Africa is now on the verge of becoming a nuclear-weapons Power. Indeed, it is in collusion with some States Members of our Organization that South Africa continues to exploit and plunder Namibian natural resources, particularly uranium, in spite of Decree No. 1 of the United Nations Council for Namibia. 57. South Africa will only relinquish its stranglehold on Namibia if maximum pressure is brought to bear on it We urge, therefore, the tennination of military and economic 58. The NaP.libian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, wlll certainly conJinue, and even intensify, their armed struggle against South African occupation. We urge all freedom-Iovirig and progressive forces to intensify their support for the armed struggle of the Namibian people through increased material assistance to SWAPO. Zambia commends the efforts of those Member States which have continued to render valuable assistance to the Namibian people in their just cause for freedom and independence. 59. Finally, I wish, on behalf of my delegation, to commend the United Nations Council for Namibia for the iniportant work it is doing in discharging its mandate as the sole legal Administering Authority for Namibia. My Gov- ernment will continue to co-operate fully with the Council for Namibia in the interest of the cause of the Namibian people. We urge all Member States to co-operate fully with the Council for Namibia, which is a vital arm of our Org~ization, towards the fulftlment of its responsibilities over Namibia. Let us all rededicate ourselves to the liberation of Namibia and thereby enhance both the image and the credibility of our Organization. Zambia looks forward to the day when Namibia wlll take its rightful place as a Member ofthe United Nations.

As long as the last bastions of colonial and racial oppression remain in southern Africa, the situation will continue to pose a threat to international peace and security. What we are now witnessing is an increasing repression of the majority population by the white minority regimes, leading to massive outbursts of unrest and recurring violence in South Africa itself, to intensified wars of liberation in Namibia and Rhodesia, and to mounting tensions in the whole of southern Africa. If the ruling white regimes in Namibia and Rhodesia do not meet the demands of the United Nations and act rapicly to give up their illegal rule, there will be no option left but a steady escalation of violence, oppression and suffering for all the peoples involved, with dangerous consequences also for peace in the world at large• 61. It can hardly be questioned that the situation not only in southern Africa but in Namibia itself constitutes a threat to international peace and security. This is true because of the continued illegal occupation by South Africa of the Territory, and because of its application of apartheid, of homeland policies, and its continued military build.up in Namibia. The dangers of the situation have, moreover, been amply demonstrated in the use of Namibia as a base by South Africa for armed attacks against two of its neigh- bours, Angola and Zambia. 62. We are still awaiting the fmn commitment that is due from South Africa to comply with the resolutions of the United Nations, enabling the people of Namibia to achieve self-determination, freedom and independence. would~ furthermore, inevitably have the intentional effects of division and civil strife among the population of Namibia. 64. Through South African attempts to suppress the armed liberation struggle, a reign of terror has been installed in Namibia. Needless to repeat, the South African military presence also poses a constant and growing threat to neighbouring African countries. 65. The political prisoners have not been released from South African gaols, nor have those living in exile for political reasons been enabled to return home. The poli- tically repressive and racially discriminatory laws, regula- tions and practices have not been abolished, but have in fact been strengthened. The Namibian people live under police State oppression, complete with the harassment of those who dare to disagree with the illegal regime: restrictions of all political activities that do not fit into the South African pattern for the future of the Territory; arbitrary arrests, detentions, convictions and death sen- tences. The South African persecution has as its main target the principal political movement in Namibia, SWAPO. 66. There have been no real ·.:hanges in those respects during the last year. Neither has the South African policy of fragmentation been abandoned in Namibia. The demand of the international community that the South African Government stop cutting up Namibia into so-called home- lands has not prevented that Government from going ahead with further fragmentation of the Territory. The homeland system is based on the principle of "separate develop- ment"-a euphemism for apartheid-that is pushed to the extreme. Building on the tribal system of yesterday, the South African Government utilizes the homeland scheme to keep alive and to overstress any existing tribal differences or group prejudices, thus promoting division in order to prevent the growth of national feeling. The creation of armed forces based on the tribal ~stem will further aggravate that situation. 3 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory OpiniOn, lel. Reports 1971. p. 16. Mrica to separate it from the iest ofNamibia "with which it is inextricably linked by geographical, historical, eco- nomic, cultural and ethnic bonds".4 In fact, it can be said that even South Mrica itself has de facto recognized the necessary unity of the whole Territory by treating Walvis Bay as an integral part of Namibia for over half a century. To dismember Walvis Bay from the rest of the country would be against Namibia's territorial unity and serioUsly harm its economy and development. The status ofWalvis Bay is a colonial question and should be treated c such. 68. Another clear manifestation of the South African fragmentation policy in Namibia is the so-called CoBStitu- tional Conference held at Windhoek, where the delegates were supposed to represent so-called "population groups" of the Namibian people. Excluded, of course, were the Mrican parties, including SWAPO. The talks on a future constitution for Namibia have rightly been cnndemned by the international community as illusory and aimed only at the perpetuation of South African domination over Nami- bia. We hope, but we are not sure, that th$ Vorster Government has now abandoned its project to impose some kind of Turnhalle-type solution on the Namibian people. Such solution can, under no circumstances, be in COB- formity with the United Nations goal for Namibia as a free and independent nation. 69. Thus, the over-all picture of the situation in Namibia is dark. Nevertheless, the initiative taken by the lIVe Western members of the Security Council gives cause for certaiB hope. The Swedish Government supports the activities aimed at a negotiated settlement in conforIllity with Security Council resolution 385 (1976). As my Foreign Minister stated in the general debate ofthe Assembly three weeks ago: "The Pretoria regime must realize that the only alter- native to giving up control through a negotiated settle- ment is international sanctions and an escalation of the armed liberation struggle. The South West Mrica People~s Organization [SWAPO/ is playing a leading part iD the efforts to seeure an independent and unified NattIibia, and any agreement must be supported by that movemeat. SWAPO must also be given full opportunities ofworkmg freely in the country and of mobilizing its exteBsive popular follOWing there." [13th meeting, para. 12./ It is in this pen:,ective that we express our hope that the talkf' under way will soon come to a successful conclusion. 70. At the Nordic Foreign Ministers' meeting held in Helsinki in September this year, the Nordic States mt- pressed their readiness to offer their services Withm the framework of the United Na~ions with a view to facilitating 4 See Ojjicial Records of the Security Council. Thirty-secDl'ltl Yeor, Supplement lor July, Augustand September 197'7t aOCU111ertt S/12344/Rev.l, annex V, para. 25. 71. In this context, it must be -emphasized that a condition for a peaceful transition period is a strong United Nations presence in Namibia,. coupled with a rapid phasing- out of the South Mrican military presence in all its forms. Only in this way will the political movements of Namibia- apd especially SWAPO, which has hitherto been banned from political expression and participation-be able to do the political campaigning neressary in preparation for the elections, and only in such a way will the parties concerned get the opportunity to C9Jmnunicate freely with the electorate and to rally their supporters. The release of the political prisoners from South African prisons and pennis- sion for those in exile for political reasons to return and to participate freely in the political process is, obviously, also a conditio sine qua non for the holding of fair and democratic elections. Sufficiept time for the campaigning period is equally important in order to give all those who ha:ve been barred f£O"n political life a fair chance. Further- mOle, the United Natwns must be Involved in. all stages of the transition ps.riod and election process so as to ensure that procedures are corrfJct and democratic for all, and that no doubt can be cast on the authenticity of the election rt~.,ults. 72. Should the ongoing negotiations fail to produce results that conform with the principles contained in resolution 385 (1976) cf the Security Council, the qll~sti0I!ofNamibia must again be brought before the Security Council. As the Council has already stated in resolution 385 (1976), non- compliance by South Africa with Lite terms of t.h.at resolufjol't would nec~ssitate consideration by the Council of appropriate measures to be taken under the Charter. As- my Government has repeatedly stated in the Security Council on the question of Namibia, action under Chapter VII of the Charter is justified. As a fnst step, we have propGsed that the recommendation already adopted by the Security Council calling for the discontinuation of all arms ~ipments to South Africa should be expanded and transformed into a binding decision. This would put increased pressure on South Africa to make the concessions that are necessary to achieve the agreed goal of the United Nations-the free and independent nation of Namibia. 73_ Mr. DATCU (Romania) (interpretation from French): The General Assembly's decision to .1eal again in the plenary meetings with the substance of the question of Namibia demonstrat'~s the sense of responsibility and understanding of this Organization. Th~ aim of our debate, as we see it, is to assess the evolution of the political situation in the Territory, the consequences of the per- petuation of the illegal occupation regime and, in the light of the experience acquired thus far, to decide upon measures that will enable the United Nations to discharge its oblige.tions to the people of Namibia. 75. It is a great pleasure for me to welcome the presence of President Sam Nujoma of SWAPO in this body, particularly since my country enjoys a close relationship of militant solidarity, friendship and co-operation with SWAPO. 76. Earlier debates on the question of Namibia h&ve demonstrated clearly many times the unchallengeable wnt of the international community to support the sacred right of the Narm"biali people to create their own free and independent lite in their own homeland. They have also shown that there are solid political and legal grounds for the solution, in a spirit of justice and in conformity with the Charter, of this problem oT such concern to the world community. 77. The special responsibility assumed by the General Assembly concerning Namibia has been confirmed by the Security Council, which reaffmned General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI) putting an end to South Africa's Mandate over the Territory and placing it un1"r the jurisdiction of the United Nations. In its resolution 276 (1970) the Council stated that from that moment the presence of South Africa in Namibia had become illegal and contrary to the .Charter of the United Nations aIJd the relevant resolutions of the Organization. 78. It is pertinent to emphasize here that the United Nations, in the General Assembly as well as in the Security CouncD, the CouneD for Namibia and the Special Com- mittee has made sustained efforts to discharge its obliga- tions to Namibia and has supported the struggle of the _ Namibian people to liberate their country. SimDar activities have also been undertaken, in accordance with the mandate . entrusted to him, by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. 79. The recommendations and measures adopted after these actions of the United Nations created a legal and political frameWork which would be conducive to the elimination of the occupation regime in Namibia so that the Namibian people could create their own future in freedom. As we know, efforts have been made within and outside the United Nations to abolish the colonial,occupation regime in Namibia by political means. 80. In this context, the Security Council has adopted a series of resolutions, including resolution 385 (1976), the implementation of which would enable the United Nations to discharge the responsibDities it has assumed concerning the settlement of the Namibian problem. 81. Unfortunately, neither the efforts made by the inter- national·community to solve the problem nor the repeated orders addressed by the United Nations to South Africa to withdraw its illegal administration forthwith have resulted in the ending of the illegal occupation of the Territory, 82. The aggressive policy followed by South Africa in Namibia in recent years, including its efforts to weaken the national unity of the Namibian people and the territorial integrity of the country-it is sufficient to mention in this connexion the decision to annex Walvis Bay-as well as the intensification of the oppressive measures and the militari- zation of the Territory of Namibia, have more than once been denounced by this Organization. These actions have rightly been stigmatized, as sources of tension in the area and threats to the peace and security of the African continent and the world in general. 83. Romania vigorously condemns such acts of aggression by the Pretoria regime. 84. The perpetuation of the colonialist occupation regime in Namibia has left the Namibian people and their national liberation movement with no other choice than to struggle valiantly, even with the use of arms, to attain their right to self-detennination, independence and national sovereignty and to preserve the territorial integrity of their country. 85. We believe it to be the duty of this Organization to redouble its efforts to support that struggle and to take resolute action to help the Namibian people to attain their aspiration to live as the true master oftheir homeland. 86. In this connexion we should like to emphasize the particular interest of the declaration made in this Assembly by President Sam Nujoma [35th meeting} in which he reaffinned th~ determination of the Namibian people and its national li1reration movement to continue until fmal victory the struggle for the liberation of Namibia. President Sam Nujoma set out the position of SWAPO concerning the settlement of the Namibian problem by the political means of negotiation. 87. As we have already emphasized in the Security Council~ Romania believes that the claims of SWAPO in this cOmlexion provide a realistic and constructive basis for the settlement of the problem of Namibia which would be in confonnity with the inalienable rights of the Namibian people and the general interests of peace. Romania also fully supports the position of SWAPO. 88. The political settlement of the Namibian problem calls for the withdrawal of South African anned forces from the Territory of Namibia, respect for the national unity and territorial integrity of the country, respect by the Govern- ment of South Africa for th~ sacred right of the Namibian people to decide their own fate and, in all freedom, to choose their own road to development. 89. We have stated in the past that, so long as South Africa does not take steps along those lines, the United Nations and the international community as a whole will 90. In this regard, we believe that the United Nations, including the Security Council, should redouble the poli- tical and diplomatic support tllat they may le able to give to SWAPO in its demands for a political solution to the problem of Namibia on the basis of United Nations resolutions. The United Nations must act finnly to ensure the implementation ofits own resolutions on Namibia. 91. The eradication of the pulicy of domination and oppression call for united efforts on the ,part of the whole international community. It is illIperative that all peoples and all States act as vigorously and decisively as possible to help the oppressed peoples once and for all to put an end to colonial policies. 92. That is the spirit in which we consider the present attempts to obtain ~ political settlement of the problem of Namibia. Any effort to achieve this must have as its ultimate target the earliest achievement of true inde- pendence by Namibia. It must not be a means ofprolonging the oppression and exploitation of the Namibian people or of delaying the implementation of United Nations deci- sions. 93. We appreciate the efforts made by the United Nations Council for Namibia to support the Namibian people~ but we feel that everything must be done to ensure that the Council is able, under the best conditions, to discharge the mandate entrusted to it by the General Assembly. 94. In the light of the foregoing; the Romanian delegation is ready to contribute to the preparation and drafting of decisions by our Organization which contain finn measures that will guarantee the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia and the development of that country as an independent, united State, and prevent the per- petuation of colonial domination in Namibia in some other way. 95. The relations of solidarity between the Romanian and Namibian peoples were eloquently defined in the meetings that took place between the President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceau§escu, and the President of SWAPO, Sam Nujoma, in Bucharest and on African soil. These relatiotls have been developed on the basis of the joint communique signed in 1973 in Bucharest. That joint communique reaffmns the detennination of Romania to support by various ways and means the legitimate struggle of the Namibian people to eradicate foreign domination for ever and to ensure the independent development of their country. 96. My country's support for the Namibian people was also stressed in the message addressed by the President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceau§Cscu, to President Sam Nujoma on Namibia Day, 26 August last, and I would venture to quote a passage from it: "As far as we are concerned, I wish to assure you that, consistent with our position ofmilitant solidarity, we are 97. As. a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Romania will carry out its responsibility to h~lp .in the just struggle of the Namibian people and we are ready to work with other States members of the Council and with SWAPO, which has observer status in that body, to carry out the mandate entrusted to the Council for Namibia by the General Assembly. 98. We mpport the recommendations contained in the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia [A/32/24/, including the idea of convening if necessary a special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations to discuss the question of Namibia, if it is felt that such action is called for. 99. The measures that we are to adopt at the end of our debate, in the elaboration of which my delegation is ready to participate, must fully meet the hopes of the Namician people and must also contribute to strengthening trust in . our Organization.

The delegation of the Republic of Guinea has the pleasant duty of participating in the debate on the question of Namibia at this thirty-second session of the General Assembly. All Africa appealed to our Assembly to debate this important item in the course of a special session in September 1977. This shows the enormous importance of the problem ofNamibia and the degree ofconcern feit over the situation in that region of southern Africa by the OAU and all countries which wish to see a better climate of peace and securi!y in the world. 101. In addressing itself to this subject, my delegation does not hesitate for a moment to charge the champions of apartheid with sole responsibility for the explosive situation in southern Africa in general; and in Namibia and South Africa in particular. , 107. The massive repression of the Namibian people by Vorster's henchmen must cease, and no climate of intimida- tion will prevail over the determination of the peoples of southern Africa to establish the regime of their choice in their own country. South Africa has no right to Namibia and there is no justification for its strel~gthening its milit~i arsenal in the region or recruiting Namibians for military purposes. All South African military forces must therefore be withdrawn from Namibia and all States must refrain from assisting South Africa in its cynical and stubborn . determination to strengthen its military arsenal, which .has -become very powerful through the acquisition of nuclear 102. Africa has faced a grave and delicate situation there since the valiant freedom fighters of the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde, ofAngola and of Mozambique crushed the Portuguese colonialist hordes. The victory of the peoples of the Portuguese colonies over the soldiery tore the veil from the odious crimes committed with impunity by the faithless and lawles~ bandits who bear the sadly notorious names of Vorster and lan Smith. The victory of the African ~eoples over colonialists of every stripe has put imperialism at bay, in a desperate situation, and has thus ~pelled it to extremes of tactical sophis- • tic~tion in order to block the coming into power of a black majority and the decolonization ofNamibia. 104. Southern Africa will never be freed through dialogue or resolutions, no matter how pertinent, and it is our bounden duty to legitimize the armed struggle and to kick out of southern Africa the handful of racists who are hanging on to a policy which is .on its last legs, a policy which the international community, long and sorely tried, can no longer save in the name of civilization or other concepts which" have too long deceived world opinion. It is our duty firmly to uphold SWAPO in its stubborn struggle against colonial rule and that is why the Republic of Guinea regards any dialogue with South Africa, ~ther than that instituted by the freedom fighters, as no more than a betrayal of the African peoples and the peoples of the third world. 105. What we must do is reaffirm the inalienable right of the Namibian people to self-determination, freedom and national independence in the framework of a united Namibia, in conformity with the United Nations Charter and as recognized in resolutions 1514 (XV) and 2145 (XXI) and all the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. 106. South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia is an act of aggression against Africa as a whole, and the United Nations must bend every effort to put an end to this threat to world peace and security. In order to do so, there must be absolute respect for th;:; territorial integrity of Namibia, and the unity of Namibia must be preserved through the prevention of any annexation of Walvis Bay to South Mrica. The colonial expmsion of the advocates of apart- heid who,. in flagrant violation of the United Naticns Charter, seek to annex that vital region of Namibia, is a most serious provocation and we are entitled to take up Utis challenge by giving our full support to SWAPO. 110. For the Republic of Guinea, the South African presence in Namibia has lasted all too long and it is time to intensify our efforts so that the fraternal people of Namibia may enjoy Us full rights. 11 L We should therefore demand that any discussion of the problem of Namibia be carried on with the sole rep':esentative of the Namibian people, namely, SWAPO; that the United Nations play the role which is assigned to it by all the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council; that South Africa set free all patriots in its gaols and immediately withdraw from Namibia; and that States should refrain from dialogue with the dastardly Pretoria regime, which, by threatening the security of the peoples of southern Africa, is endangering world peace and security. 112. In expressing to our fighting brothers of SWAPO our full solidarity, we wish to reaffmn to the people of Namibia that, true to the memory of Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, Mondlane, Gamal Abdel Nasser and Amilcar Cabral, worthy sons of the African fatherland, the people of Guinea, its State-Party and its bader, President Ahmed sekou Toure, will always stand with them for the total liberation of our continent.

The delegation of Chile wishes to express its support, so often reiterated in this Organization, for the desire of the people of Namibia for national independence. 114. The constant position of my country in this regard is consistent with the vocation for freedom and nationalism of our people and also our respect for the fundamental principles contained in the Charter of the United Nations. 115. We uphold the principle of national freedom and independence and have ~one so since we ourselves fust started independent life 167 years ago, and we have done so throughout the course of our existence as an independent nation. We have therefore also upheld these principles since the creation of the United Nations, in all our activities in the Organization, and more particularly in our participation in the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV), the very key- stone of the decolonizing work of the United Nations, as well as in all those other resolutions that supplement it. 117. Furthennore, Chile has actively supported decoloni- zation, as a member of the Special Committee for 11 years, from the Special Committee's inception in 1963 to 1968, and from 1973 to the present day. 118. With the same dedication, my country has co- operated in this noble endeavour by its uninterrupted participation for 10 years in the United Nations Council for Namibia, from the Council's creation in 1967 to the present day, and we had the honour of presiding over it for one session. 119. Pursuant to the principles we support, and in line with the course of conduct we have followed, strengthened by the ideals of freedom and the nationalist spirit of our people and our Government, we wish here to reaffrrm the full and unwavering support of Chile to the cause of independence ofNamjbia. 120. Chile's support of the cause of decolonization is not influenced by its own political interests, nor does it reflect any type of economic interest. Our support is due exclusively to our country's adherence to those ideals and to the solidarity we feel with the other developing nations. 121. In the course of our lengthy participation in the United Nations the position of Chile with regard to the problem of Namibia has been consistent, since it is based on solid leg~J and political principles. The position of my Government has been "reiteratetl year after year in the various organs of the United Nations, and we therefore do not consider it necessary to reaffrrm our position at length today. However, I should like to sum up the essential points of our policy, which, 2I11ong others, are the following. First, Chile gives its support to the various General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on Namibia. Secondly, Chile condemns the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa in violation of resolutions of the General Assembly and of the advisory opinion of tlW International Court of Justice. Thirdly, Chile supports the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to self-determination, independence and freedom. Fourthly, Chile maintains that the territorial integrity and pational unity of Namibia must be preserved. Fifthly, Chile vigorously condemns the policy ofapartheid and bantustanization being applied to Namibia 122. My country's participation in the work of the United Nations Council for Namibia has allowed us to become thoroughly familiar with its activities. My delegation wishes to stress the useful work done by the Council in the course of this year, as the legal administrator of the Territory of Namibia, in representing its interests at various inter- national conferences, such as the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the United Nations Water Conference, the United Nations Conference on Desertification and others. Similarly, we believe that we should mention the missions which the Council has sent to a number of specialized age~cies of the United Nations and 123. The Chilean delegation would also like to express its appreciation to the United Nations Institute for Namibia for its work in training professionals and other Namibian leaders to prepare them to serve their country. In this connexion I should also like to mention the praiseworthy support given by the United Nations· Commissioner for Namibia to both the Council and the Institute. . 124. We understand, however, that what has been done by the United Nations in this context may appear inSUfficient or slow. We understand that these may be the feelings of those who yeam and struggle for the independence of their nation. 125. Nevertheless, we must state our profound conviction that the constant efforts of the United Nations, and particularly the Council for Namibia, have made the independence of that country inevitable, and made it appear as. a close and certain reality. 126. A careful and objective analYsis of the steps taken to achieve Namibia's independence could lead to the conclu- sion that the best road for that people to follow is to seek its independence by peaceful means without a further increase of suffering, without forcing that people to suffer the enormous destruction caused by a war ofindependence on its territory entailing the sacrifice of thousands of lives and the loss of material resources, and with the terrible consequences which have been the lot of so many nations ofthe world. 127. There are many of us who in the course of history have also suffered such tragic consequences in our struggles for independence, and there are still many who are still trying to recover from the destructive effects of a war of independence, or of the anarchy which often follows closely on its heels. 128. In its work of decolonization the United Nations has striven to avoid the need for such wars and the subsequent sufferings of its people. Because of the very reason for its existence, through loyalty to the basic objective of the Charter, which is to ensure peace, and through respect for the legal principles it upholds, the United Nations has striven to achieve a rapid and peaceful solution, and must continue to do so. 129. Chile considers that there are clear opportunities for Namibia to obtain its independence without seeing more bload spilled on its soil or to suffering the destruction which all wars, even the most glorious, must cause. 130. The unofficial efforts and negotiations at present being carried out by five Western members of the Security Council may well be useful ifthey contribute to the United Nations endeavours to achieve independence with respect for the peace, llationaIintegrity, and the social unity of the inhabitants of ~at Territory. 132. The Council for Namibia, too, as the legal repre- sentative of that country and Administrator of the Terri- tory by appointment and resolution of the United Nations, must also participate actively in a peaceful solution which will allow complete independence for Namibia to be established once and for all. . 133. Finally, Chile wishes to express its firm hope that the people of Namibia will see its efforts crowned with success and achieve national independence as soon as possible.

We have before us the eleventh annual report of the Council for Nanu"bia. For 11 years the United Nations has played a vital role in support of the Namibian people. It has made available essential practical assistance. It has seen to the material needs of those forced to seek refuge in neighbouring countries or to go into exile. It has extended moral support to them and kept their interests before the international community. 135. In this United Nations effort the major responsibility has fallen on the Council for Namibia and the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia, and I should like to take this opportunity to pay a special tribute to the work of the President of the Council, Ambassador Konie of Zambia, and to Mr. Martti Ahtisaari, the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia. As a member of the Council we are aware of the zealous and constructive work they do. 136. Unfortunately, the Council has still not succeeded in devising practical steps which can achieve the objectives we all share: respect for human rights in Namibia, and in particular the ending of the occupation of the Territory by South Africa. There are, however, two developments which offer hope that at last a satisfactory settlement may be in sight. 137. One development that gives rise to this optimism is the report that South Africa has decided not to press forward with the Turnhalle Conference. Earlier this year in the Special Committee I examined in some detail the - workings and structure of the Constitutional Conference on South West Africa, the Turnhalle Conferencr, which had been meeting in Windhoek for several months with the aim of deciding the future of Namibia.s In that statement I examined carefully the more significant assumptions that appeared to underly the Constitutional Conference and in particular those which underpinned maIl¥ of the decisions already taken by it. I need not review again here the unacceptable propositions put forward by the Constitu- tional Conference in its various documents. I shall repeat only the conclusion of my statement in the Special Committee, that little would have changed in Namibia under a Government established on the basis of the deliberations of the Windhoek Conference. The Conference would not have led to genuine independence for Namibia. 138. The international community could not have accepted that either the Turnhalle Conference itself or, the 139. South Africa has undoubtedly been influenced in its decision to abandon the Turnhalle concept by the unani- mous international rejection of such a course of action by the successful Maputo Conference, in which Australia participated, and by the representations made to it by the five Western members of the Security Council. In his statement in the general debate [11th meeting], the Australian Foreign Minister, Mr. Peacock, welcomed the initiative of the five-member contact group as a con- structive action to bring about the peaceful decolonization of Namibia. The contact group appears to have reached an important stage in its negotiations with the parties con- cerned Its aim should be to persuade South Africa to adopt a course of action with regard to Namibia acceptable to the international community, that is, one compatible with Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 140. The armed forces which South Africa has used to retain its control over Namibia must be progressively and rapidly withdrawn. The election of representatives and the adoption of a constitution must be carried out freely and without the fear of immediate or subsequent violence. 141. We have understood and sympathized with the frustrations which drive the opponents of the policies of South Africa to use force to end the illegal occupation. We can never forget, however, that armed conflict would injure and maim, if not destroy, many fme Namibian patriots. For this reason we have remained fIrmly attached to the objective of complete and genuine decolonization achieved by peaceful means. We are greatly relieved that there is now at least the prospect of the achievement of independence without the use of force. 142. Australia for its part will continue to press for such a peaceful solution and will lend its support to action designed to implement Security Council resolution 385 (1976). While we welcome the initiative of the five countries and have confidence in their fidelity to the principles of resolution 385 (1976), the Security Council and the General Assembly have a continuing duty and role in the decolonization of Namibia. The United Nations has very special responsibilities to the Namibian peopfe and it must see that the process towards independence, as well as the goal of freedom itself, is in accordance with the genuine and freely expressed wishes of all Namibians. We must ensure that every avenue that can lead to genuine inde- pendence is fully explored Let us unite our efforts so that by the time the Assembly meets next year we shall know that the work of the Council for Namibia has been crowned with success, an<i that only its final report remains to be written. 143. Before I conclude, I am instructed to express the symBathy of my Government and the people of Au,stralia for the victims of the recent hijacking of. a Lufihansa aircraft, including the brutal treatm'~nt of innocent hostages by terrorists, on behalfof their criminal confederates in the

The fact that the question of Namibia is being debated in the plenary meetings of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and iJpmediately following the completion of the general debate shows the very deep concern felt by the overwhelming majority of the Member States about the extremely serious situation in the Terri- tory, illegally occupied by South Africa.. 146. The policy ofviolence and of savage repression which is being intensified by the South African racists in Namibia, the inhuman exploitation of the indigenous inhabitants, and the grosseSt violation of human rights, the attempts by the racists to violate the territorial integrity of the Territory, and to dismember it through the policy of bantustanization, the incessant acts of armed provocation by South Africa against neighbouring independent African States and encroachments on their sovereignty-all ofthis is creating a situation in the region which represents a serious threat to international peace and security. 147. There is obviously no need to enumerate all the efforts that have been undertaken by the United Nations to assist the people of Namibia to free themselves from domination by the South African racists and to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and national independence. Suffice it to say that -the General a.ssembly and the Security Council have repeatedly adopted resolu- tions decisively condemning the unlawful occupation of Namibia by South Africa and demanding that South Africa put an end to it immediately. However, Vorster's regime most ostentatiously and provocatively ignores all these important decisions of the United Nations. 148. In view of the situation in the regio'- there is every justification for the patriots of Namibia t__ press on with their liberation struggle under the leadership of SWAPO, which is the sole lawful representative of the people of Namibia, the spokesman and defender of its aspirat~ons and interests. 149. 'That struggle, which now encompasses virtually the whole of the south of the African continent, has entered upon a decisive stage. The day is drawing closer when the long-suffering people of Namibia will free its land from the rac~ts, colonialists and aggressors and will join the family of independent African States. ISO. The inevitable victory of the Namibian patriots is guaranteed not only by the justice of their struggle but also by the broad solidarity which has bee' ~ shown them and which will continue to be shown them by all progre~ve and genuinely demccratic forces. 151. From this high rostIum, on behalf of the Govern- ment of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, our 152. The outrageous behaviour of the Vorster regime and its reliance on its impunity_ show that such shameful political anachronisms as .the racist regimes in southern Africa could not have continued to exist as long as they have through their own inh~rent strength and stability, but only through the wide and systematic support that they have been receiving from the imperialist monopolies and from a number of Western Powers that have an interest in preserving those regimes. For it is that support and also the protection of a number ofWestern countries that are acting in direct contradiction to the well-known decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council that enable the South African racists to continue their illegal occupation of Namibia and to preserve its colonial status. The close interweaving of the economic, military and political inter- ests of South Africa and of certain foreign circles acts as a sort of shield that protects Vorster's regime, which is rotten to the core. 153. The recent debate in the Fourth Committee has revealed a wealth of evidence pointing to the involvement of those circles in a criminal conspiracy with the racists of South Africa against the indigenous population of Namibia. Foreign economic circles through the intermediary of the transnational corporations, which are encouraged and sup- ported to the hilt by the racist regime of South Africa, continue to plunder the natural resources of Namibia, neglecting the interests of the Narnibian people and their lawful right to avail'themselves of the wealth of their own country. The extraction of raw materials fc,om Namibia, according to information in the foreign press, has now assumed such proportions that the country has becomethe most intensely exploited Territory in Africa. All this, of course, is bound to arouse great indignation, and rightly so. 154. Fearful for their positions and privileges in Namibia, as indeed in southern Africa at large, South Africa's partners are now feverishly taking steps in order to prevent the collapse of the last bastions- of racism and colonialism. They are trying, as is well known, to impose and to implement jointly with the Pretoria regime and with the assistance of the Namibian collaborationists and traitors to the vital interests of the indigenous population, a nea- coloni~list solution to the problem of Namibia and to determine that country's future constitutional structure according to their own d~sign. ~155. However, experience has shown what such political manoe-avres by the racists of Pretoria and their Western patrons are worth. r do not suppose that anyone will believe in the sincerity of such' measures, which are proffered to world opinion as little short of a panacea. It is perfectly obvious that behind those "initiatives" lies the clear intention of the Republic of So~th Africa and its patrons to-decide the fate of Namibia behind the back of its people, by circumventing the well-known resolutions ofthe 157. The situation in southern Africa, and particularly in Namibia, has trJlnsformed the region into one of the centres of tension of our planet. The threat to world peace grows ever clearer and more imminent as a result of South Africa's forc~g the pace of the development of its own nuclear weapons, the intensified militarization of Namibia and also the establishment by the Pretoria regime in that Territory of a series of hew bases in the immediate vicinity of the frontiers of neighbouring independent African States. 158. That is why my delegation fully shares the view expressed by many delegations to the effect that the efforts of the United Nations to eliminate the last vestiges of colonialism on the African continent and to ensure peace and security in southern Africa can succeed only if the pertinent decisions of the United Nations are unswervingly and fully complied with by all States without exception and if all States'strictly abide by the fundamental purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and make practical efforts for the effective implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted by the General Assembly 17 years ago [resolution 1514(XV)]. 159. That is why today, when approximately 150 of the world's States are met in this Assembly, it is necessary not only once again to declare our determination to put an end to racism and colonialism in the southern part of the African continent, not only to hold up to universal obloquy the racist reghne of South Africa and its criminal policy in the Territory of Namibia, but also to take more effective practical steps in regard to the actions of that regime to compel it to terminate its unlawful occupation of Namibia and to comply with the pertinent decisions of the United Nations. 160. The peace and security of pebples require that the United Nations make more effective efforts to secure the early exercise by the Namibian people of its right to self-determination. 161. Accordingly, our delegation fully supports the "state- ment of the Soviet Union concerning the complete elimi- nation of the vestiges of colonialism and racism and apartheid," which was circulated as an official document of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly [A/32/259]. That statement calls for the intensification of international support for colonial peoples in southern Africa. 164. In fact, the question ofthe international Territory of Namibia has been a matter of concern for many years because of its illegal and continued occupation by South Africa despite the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice and the many resolutions adopted in the United Nations, both by the Security Council and the General Assembly, and also despite the strongest condem- nations issued by the international community at the shameful policies carried out by South Africa in Namibia and in other territories of southern Africa. 165. My delegation has always denounced the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa and we have equally upheld and supported the just struggle of the Namibian people to recover their independence; and so this year again we wish to reaffirm our unflagging support for the cause of that people which, under the leadership of its true representatives, SWAPO, will achieve, in increasingly dangerous conditions, success in its struggle to free itself from the South African colonial yoke. 166. My delegation would also like to express its great concern at certain events and new acts that have taken place in Namibian Territory in the course of the year that has elapsed because of the policy of domination, oppression and occupation of Pretoria. Today more than ever before, my delegation is determined to denounce that policy with the greatest of vigour so that the Namibian people shall as soon as possible achieve their freedom and independence. 167. It is an irrefutable fact that the extension of the implementation of South Africa's apartheid policy in Namibia has been generally condemned by all of the Namibians themselves and by the international community as a whole. Despite this unanimous condemnation it is most regrettable to note that this year again the report of the Special Committee [A/32/23/Rev.l, chap. VIII] provides facts that attest to the stubborness of South Africa in seeking to perpetuate its domination and its illegal occu- pation of the international Territory of Namibia, and it has done so by increasingly repressive acts. In other words, South Africa inexorably and stubbornly is determined to defy the international community. .. 168. Last year our General Assembly adopted a certain number of decisions covering all aspects of the problems arising in the international Territory of Namibia. The Assembly condemned South Africa for its persistent refusal to withdraw from Namibia, for its massive repression of the Namibian people, for the redoubling of its military power and the exploitation of the Namibian people and its resources. In less than a year th.e situation in Namibia, far from evolving along the lines that we would have so 170. But then the Namibian people, -as all peoples do, aspire to freedom and independence. Pretoria should understand that arrests and arbitrary imprisonments of Namibian nationalists will in no way obstruct the march to freedom and independence of that people. The experience of history has taught us that when a people is united and when it rises to break the shackles of oppression, it must and will triumph. 171. In the light of increasing victories on the part of the Namibian people in their armed struggle for national liberation, the illegal occupation regime, in its last-ditch stand, has frenziedly tried to increase its military potential and has continued its policy of fragmenting the Territory to set up so-called "homeland administrations" in its pay. At the same time, it has been organizing the so-called Constitutional Conference designed to perpetuate its occu- pation and domination of Namibian territory. South Africa's henchmen still effectively control all power over Namibia and thus prevent the people of Namibia from exercising freely their right to self-determination and independence. Following this shameful policy of dismem- berment of the Territory an,d its pqlicy of "divide and rule", South Africa has recently unceremoniously annexed the port of Walvis Bay, which is an integral part of Namibian territory. 172. My delegation strongly denounces that irrational act, which constitutes a further escalation of the danger to security and peace in southern Africa. 173. Furthermore, everyone is aware of the fact that, while the illegal occupation regime continues with its sordid plans of repression and intimidation, it also engages in the pillage and exploitation of the natural and human resources of Namibia, and thus exploits and sells diamonds, copper, lead and other mineral ores. What is even more alarming is that South Africa at present is carrying out a systematic exploitation of Namibian uranium, which is taken from Rassing, and with its capacity of producing enriched uranium, would place South Africa in· a position to manufacture nuclear weapons. At present, mention is made of the construction by South Africa of nuclear installations in Namibian territory, a fact which would lead us to presume that South Africa is almost at the point of possessing nuclear weapons. It is obvious that the posses- sion of such terrifying and destructive weapons would gravely threaten international peace and security not only in southern Africa but over the entire continent of Africa and the rest of the world. In the light of a situation of such extreme gravity, my delegation feels that we are right in asking ourselves why action is not being taken now. 175. South Africa's ability thus far to scoffat the appeals and resolutions of our Organization, and to continue its pillage of Namibia's human and material resources, is clearly due to the connivance, not to say collusion, ofsome Western Governments. Those self-same Governments, while loudly proclaiming their anti-apartheid policy and their opposition to racial discrimination, nevertheless, in prac- tice, do all they can to delay the inevitable fate that is bound to befall the apartheid'regime, and thus, with regret, we recall the three vetoes in the Security Council cast by three Western permanent members of the Security Council on the matter of the arms embargo to South Africa. 176. While the situation in Namibia worsens daily, we are again told. of new initiatives-let us hope they are the last-by the' Western Powers to achieve a peaceful settle- ment pursuant to the terms of Security Council resolution 385 (1976). Be that as it may, with SWAPO entering the decisive phase of its struggle for freedom, those initiatives can never serve as a pretext for further avoiding the fulfJ1ment of the deep-felt aspirations of the Namibian people. Although we do not wish to prejudge the possible outcome of such initiatives, my delegation nevertheless wonders how those same Powers. are going to persuade Vorster to give up his plans of occupation of Namibia, while their own interests in the Territory are so deeply linked with his; and the Namibian people is fully aware of those facts. It is for this reason that the armed struggle carried out with increasing intensity constitutes the only guarantee ofa fmal victQry. 177. The mounting' struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, to recover their indepen- dence and freedom has earned them even wider and more intense sympathy and support from the international community. Thus, the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, which was held this past May in Maputo, solemnly proclaimed its full support for the struggle being waged by the Namibian people for self-determination, freedom and independence in a united Namibia. By the same token, energetic measures against the illegal administration of South Africa in Namibia have also been outlined. Elsewhere, the Confer- ence that met at Lagos in August equally condemned the extension of the policies ofapartheid to Namibian territory by the racist regime of Pretoria;6 and the OAU has, in its turn, never failed to give its strongest support to the struggle of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe. Even more recently, the Conference of Foreign Ministers of the non-aligtled nations, in the course of its special session held ih New York on 30 September last, reaffirmed its vigorous support for the struggle to eliminate colonialism, apartheid, and all forms of racial discrimination completely from southern Mrica, and reiterated its' fum support of the struggle for liberation of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia[see A/32/266-S/12412]. 6 See RePort of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2), c11ap. X. 179. My delegation strongly supports the just conditions laid down by SWAPO, namely public recognition of the right of the Namibian people to independence and sover- eignty; scrupulous respect for their territorial integrity; the liberation of political prisoners and the free return of all political exiles; the withdrawal from Namibia of the South Mrican police and army; and the holding, under the sole supervision of the United Nations, of constitutional talks with a view to organizing free national elections. 180. My country which recovered its independence and freedom by recourse to arms as well as through negotia- tions, does not in any way underestimate the merit of negotiations. But it is equally true that any honest negotiations on Namibia must be based on Security Council resolution 385 (1976). Any other kind ofeffort on the part of colonialism, imperialism and racism will, without any doubt, meet'with the strong condemnation of my Govern- ment. 181. The just struggle of the Namibian people and of the people of Zimbabwe has earned the full support of the Lao Government and people. To prove our unshakable soli- darity with the ~ause of those peoples, the President of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, in the course of the Maputo Conference, sent a message of support for that struggle. More recently still, in the course of the general debate at the thirty-second session of the General As- sembly, the head of my delegation, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Phoun Sipraseuth, when speaking of the situation in southern Africa, stated: "We support the peoples of South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia in their struggle against racism and apart- heid, against imperialist interferenc~ and aggression, for national independence, against oppression and exploita- tion, and for democracy and social progress; and we strongly condemn all the bloody and savage acts of the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia, and impe- rialist intervention and aggression." [16th meeting, para. 70.}

On this occasion the question ofNamibia is being considered in the plenary meetings of the General Assembly. This is proof of the importance which the international community attaches to the present evolution of the situation with regard to this problem. 185. The General ASst!mbly, at its frrst session held in 1946, in resolution 65 (I) rejected the proposal of South Africa to incorporate Namibia into its own territory. Since then to the present time, the United Nations 'has system- atically rejected all attempts of the South African regime to incorporate part or all of the Territory of Namibia de jure or de facto. 186. On 27 October 1966, under resolution 2145 (XXI), the General Assembly, after many attempts to make South Afri~a agree to place the Territory under the control of the Trusteeship Council and many recommendations to that effect, decided to revoke the Mandate conferred on the British Crown and exercised on its behalf by South Africa for the administration of the Territory, in the conviction that the administration had been conducted. in a manner contrary to the Mmdate itself, to the Charter of the United Nations and to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. By that historic decision, the international community placed the Territory under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. 187. A year later, during the fIfth special session of the General Assembly that was convened for the purpose of discmssing the case of Namibia, the Organization decided to discharge the obligation it hAd by virtue of the dire~t responsibility it had asswned over the Territory and to take practical steps for the effective transfer of power to the Namibian people. To that end, under its resolution 2248 (S-V), adopted in May 1967, the General Assembly decided to establish a United Nations Council for Nami~a and to entrust to it the administration of the Territory until it became independent. In accordance with that resolution, the Council was to proceed immediately to the Territory to take over its administration, to ensure the withdrawal of South African personnel and troops, to consult with the Namibian people in order to draft a constitution and transfer all powers to the people of Namibia at the time of the declaration of independence. In the same resolution, the Assembly set the month of June 1968 as the latest deadline for the declaration of independence. 188. The United Nations Council for Namibia held its 1st meeting on 10 August 1967, and a few months later, in its frrst report to the General Assembly7 this month it will be exactly 10 years ago-the Council stated that the attitude of the South Mrican Government in open opposition to resolutions 2145 (XXI) and 2248 (S-V) made it impossible for the Council to discharge the responsibilities and functions assigned to it by the General Assembly. 189. When in April 1968, the CouncB, which had gone to the Namibian frontier, was frustrated in its attempt to enter 190. Since its establishment, the United Nations Council for Namibia has to date endeavoured by all means available to discharge the duties and responsibilities assigned to it by the General Assembly so as adequately to exercise its mandate. During these last 10 years, the Council has launched a vigorous international campaign so as to put pressure on the Government of South Africa and to deprive it of the illegal powers of representation that it claims to exercise with respect to the Territory ofNamibia. 191. The Minister for External Relations of Mexico, Mr. Santiago Roel, in his statement made in the general debate on 30 September, said: "Mexico, as President Jose L6pez Portillo has reiterded, has a history of struggle against colonialism and its vestiges. It will endeavour to see to it that the decisions adopted this year on the subject of physical colonialism, geopolitical colonialism and mental colonialism fully safeguard the responsibility of the United Nations and comprise prompt action for the elimination of colo- nialism, including the application of enforcement action, as mentioned in Chapter VII of the Charter ofthe United Nations." [14th meeting, para. 50./ 192. As regards the specific problem of Namibia, our Minister for External Relations, referring to the activity of the Organization in the field of decolonization, stated that the United Nations is confronted with an impasse with regard to possible action on its part to solve the funda- mental problems in that area, among which are: "the continuing illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa and the need to fmd ways and means for the United Nations Council for Namibia to fulfil its mandate" [Ibid., para. 65/. 193. It is fitting to recall that under its resolution 264 (1969) adopted on 20 March 1969, the Security Council recognized that the General Assembly had termi- nated the Mandate and had assumed direct responsibility for the Territory until its independence, and in paragraphs 2 and 3 added that the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia was illegal, and called on the Government of South Africa to withdraw immediately its administration from the Territory. 194. On 30 January 1970, the Security Council adopted resolution 276 (1970), in which it added another concept, namely, that acts committed by the South African regime with regard to Namibia were illegal and invalid, and it further stated that the defiant attitude of the Government of South Africa w)lS undermining the authority of the United Nations. , 195. On 29 J61y 1970, under resolution 284 (1970), the Security Colnen requested the International Court of Justice to f,ive an advisory opinion on the "legal conse- quences fOr States of the continued presence of South "'(1) that, the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia being illegal, South Africa is under obligation to withdraw its administration from Namibia immediately and thus put an end to its occupation of the Territory; "'(2) that States Members of the United Nations are under obligation to recognize the illegality of South Africa's presence in Namibia and the invalidity ofits acts on behalf of or concerning Namibia, and to refrain from any acts and in particular any dealings with the Govern- ment of South Africa implying recognition of the legality of, or lending support or assi5tancc to, such presence and administration' ". . 197. In paragraph 7 of the resolution the Security Council: "Declares that all matters affecting the rights of the people of Namibia are of immediate concern to all Members of the United Nations aild, as a result, the latter should take into account in their dealings with the Government of South Africa, in particular in any dealings implying recognition of the legality of, or lending support or assistance to, such illegal presence and administration". 198. That decision ~f the S~urity Council was adopted by 13 votes to none, with 2 abstentions. 199. However, this time unanimously, on 30 January 1976 the Security Council adopted resolution 385 (1976) condemni'1g "the continued illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia by South Africa"; declaring it "imperative that free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations be held for the whole of Namibia as one political entity"; demanding that South Africa "urgently make a solemn declaration accepting the . . • holding of free elections in Namibia under United Nations supervision and control, undertaking to comply with the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations and with the advisory opinion ofthe International Court of Justice of 21 June 1971 in regard to Namibia, and recognizing the territorial integrity and unity of Namibia as a nation." The Security Council reiterated Its demand that South Mrica should: •"... take the necessary steps to effect the withdrawal ... of its illegal administration maintained in Namibia and to transfer power to the people of Namibia with the assistance of the United Nations". 200. In a statement I made on 17 May last at the plenary meeting of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia held at Maputo, Mozambique, I indicated that Mexico has always been in favour of a pea~eful solution of conflicts, noting, never- tlleless, that if that is not achieved, the responsibility for 201. In the light of the decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, a fundamental pre-condition of any solution of the problem of Namibia is the immediate withdrawal from the Territory of the civil and military administration of South Africa, which would enable the United Nations Council for Namibia to discharge its mandate. 202. In recent months the information media have men- tioned the holding of exploratory talks with the Vorster regime by a group of countries members of the Security Council, on their-own initiative. 203. The Mexican delegation welcomes with satisfaction any effort at negotiation, always provided that, for the apparent attainment of a short-term peaceful solution the principles of the Organization are not sacrificed, there is no violation of its decisions, w!lich in this case require the immediate witharawal of the South African civil and military administration from the Territory ofNamibia, and the fulfJlment of the condition that the building of a future free, independent and democratic Namibia is not based on false foundations.

My delegation would like first of all to congratulate the members of the Special Committee and the Council for Namibia for the excellent and comprehensive reports they have submitted "to the General Assembly. The reports serve to highlight once again the serious'situation in Namibia. What is more important, they underline the urgent need for immediate action by the international community to terminate the illegal occupa- tion ofthe TerritOIY by the South African racist regime and to bring about measures that will enable the people of Namibia to enjoy their legitimate right to national indepen- dence within a united Namibia. 205. My delegation is particularly appreciative nf the difficult task of the Council for Namibia in fulfilling its mandate to administer Namibia until independence. In spite of the tremendous challenge to the authority of the United Nations posed by the defiance of the racist regime, it must be said that the Council has indeed performed an excellent job. It has done much to create greater public awareness of its efforts to assist the Namibian peopie under the leadership of SWAPO in their stru~e to achieve their legitimate rights. May I say that in continuing to discharge this mandate as the legal Administering Authority for Namibia the Council can count on the total support of my delegation. 206. The situation currently prevailing in Namibia cer- tainly does not give us much hope that the racist regime will soon stop its systematic repression of the people of Namibia. There are also no indications that that regime will withdraw ail its military forces from the Territory. My delegation is disturbed that, in spite of the initiative of the fi~e Western members of the Security Council in trYing to negotiate a peaceful settlement of the problem, the South Mrican Government has not seized this opportunity to self-determin~tionand genuine independence. If anything, the racist regime, through the intensification of its repres- sive measures in Namibia and the escalation of police violence, intimidation and torture, is bent on perpetuating its inhuman system of apartheid and bantustanization, which has been carried out through the enforcement of its homelands policy in order to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. The Turnhalle tribal talks, it will be recalled, turned out to be no more than a ploy to mislead world opinion into believing that the racist regime seriously intended to recognize the legitimate aspiration of the Namibian people to independence. In other areas the racist regime has increased its militarization of the Terri- tory; it has increased its troop strength and established militaIY bases along its northern frontier which pose a constant threat to the security and territorial integrity of neighbouring African States. 208. Another serious development is the reported uni- lateral decision of the Pretoria regime to annex Walvis Bay as a part of South Africa's Cape Prov"~ce. This decision indeed constitutes a serious violation of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, and is an act of aggression against the people of Namibia. It shows very clearly the expansionist and colonialist intentions of the South Mrican regime. My delegation joins others which have spoken before us in condemning this initiative of the racist regime in the strongest terms. We hold the view that Walv3s Bay forms an integral part of Namibia and consider the decision of the racist regime to be utterly null and void. 209. The position of my delegation in regard to the Namibian problem is very clear. We support the legitimate struggle of the people of Namibia, under the leadership of its liberation movement, SWAPO, to achieve self-determi- nation and national independence in a united Namibia. We fully associate ours~lves with the view of the Special Committee that the only possible politica: solution for the Namibian problem is one based on the free exercise by all the Namibian people of their right to self-detennination and national independence within a united Namibia. 210. We also support ilie recommendation of the Council for Namibia that any independence talks regarding Namibia must be between the representatives 01 SWAPO and South Africa, under the auspices of the United Nations, for the sole purpose of discussing the modalities for the transfer of power to the peGpie ofNamibia. 211. My delegation also subscribes to the view that the basic elements in Security Council resolution 385 (1976) must be taken fully inte )ccount in order that Namibia may attmn genuine independenc'e. In this connexion, we support 212. The recommendations of the Council for Namibia contained in document A/32/24 deserve the special atten- tion ofthe General Assembly. 213. In concluding, we hope that the South African Government will seriously heed the appeal of th~ inter- national community and take steps to enable the people to achieve their national independenc.e under the auspices of the United Nations.

The delegation of KUWait would like to commend the United Nations COOOi::ii for Namibia and the Special Committee on decolonizatiofi fot their efforts in promoting the cause of the Namibian people for independence and sovereignty. 215. The South African regime is engaging ilS attention anti expending its energy in an attempt to stop the tidal wave of emancipation that has engulfed the world in the last two decades. That policy is bound to fail. The report of the Special Committee on decolonization reveals the sinister devices and strategems employed for the purpose of maintaining South African supremacy in Namibia. 216. One of the mischievous ways of keeping the people of Namibia in bondage ~s the policy of fragmentation. Revival of decaying tribalism disguised as bogus self-deter- mination will simply not work, The consignment of the indigenous majority to less promising land whil~ designating the best portion for the white minority is not only an impingement upon the basic right·of the majority but also a challenge to the United Nations, whose Council for Namibia is the only legitimate body recognized by the international community as responsible for the administra- tion ofNamibia. 217. The origm of the policy of fragmentation lies in South Africa's deliberate aim to secure the submission of the majority to its designs. South Africa is against the emergence of a strong black African State on its doorsteps. The obsession with fear ha~ brought about the pursuit of the policy ofbantustans. South Mrica's defmitive objective is to surround itself with mutilated African pseudo-States whose comm(;m feature is tribal uniformity. The indepen- dence of Angola and Mozambique has no doubt accen- tuated that fear. The South African design in Namibia has taken a turn for the worst. The attempts to separate Walvis Bay from Namibia and the establishment of the free-fire zone highlight the extent of South Africa's designs on Namibia. 218. The Government ofKuwait recognizes SWAPO as the only legitimate representative of the Namibian people; any other group created and propped by South Africa cannot be th(ftrue voice of Namibia. 219. Kuwait's support for the people of Namibia goes beyond the usual moral, ritual and political encourage- ments. My Government recently contributed $1 million to 220. On the ollter hand, we should do our utmost to allay the fears of the white minority in Namibia. Our message to the minority in Namibia should be carried with complete clarity. They should realize that their future lies in a democratic, independent Namibia founded Of" equal rights for every individual, regardless of colour, creed, ideology or origin. The whites in Namibia should know that their interests cannot be preserved or promotr..d in fact by reliance on South African troops or by its attempts at ~egemonyin the Territory. 221. The implementation of Se~urity Council resolution . 385 (1976) of 30 January 1976 is not possible so long as South Africa- continues to receive velvet-glove treatment from some Members of the United Nations. Mandatory sanctions against South Africa should be applied. 222. My delegation would in fact like to see the success of the talks between the five Western Powers and South Africa on the future of Namibia. Such talks should be based on the provisicas of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which contains the essential elements for the solut!on of the problem. If those talks fail or get stalled, punitive measures should follow. 223. The international community has every right to suspect South Africa whose record of flouting United Nations resolutions and trampling underfoot its Charter leaves no room for hope in a peaceful settlement of the problem. 224. Talks between Pretoria and the five West~rn Powers should be conducted in close co-operation with the Uni~ed Nations Council for Namibia, not in isolation from the Organization's efforts to find a peaceful settlement. The danger is that South Africa could use those talks to gain time in order to complete its designs on Namibia. No one can give South Africa the benefit of any doubt. 225. The presence of South African troops in Namibia no doubt compiicates the search for a peaceful settlement. It is imp03sible to hold a genuine referendum under United Nations supervision while South African troops are present .in N~mibia; hence the withdrawal of those troops is imperative for any successful emancipafdon of Namibia. 12':>. The subjection of South Africa to international indignation. important as it is, remains inadequate unless words ar~ matched by action. States that utter words of -;oadetnm:tlon while maintaining political and economic links wi~h South Aftica indeed undermine, by re~son of the very nature of thosa links, the will of the international comnnmity. SI.!ch States do not only jisregard the General Assembl)' res(.'!utions, but, more dangerous than that, they indirectly eJl~ourage South Africa to hold on to Namibian territory, in defiance of United Nations resolutions and in derW1~e of the international community. Nothing affects th~ image of the United Nations more than the widening gap between words and deeds. 228. Five years ago during the deliberations of the Fourth Committee on the question of Namibia, my delegation proposed the convening of a pledging conference, organized by tha United Nations Secretariat, in which Member States would announce their contributions to the freedom fighters in South Africa.8 That proposal, however, did not meet with the consent ofthe Members of the United Nations. 229. It is the desUnY of those freedom fighters to bear the heavy ton of sacrifice for the sake of achieving indepen- dence. Our responsibility as States Members of the United Nations is to assist them towards hastening and expediting the attainment of their goal. We in Kuwait have been doing ~lis for many years.

At the outset I should like to express my delegation's appreciation to the Presi- dent of the United Nations Council for Namibia for her cogent and enlightening statement concerning the Council's work dUring the past year [35th meeting]. We should also like to thank the Rapporteur of the Special Committee for his introduction of that body's report [ibid] , and the representative of SWAPO for his extensive statement [ibid.] which provided us with a fust-hand account of recent developments in the Territory, in which the valiant mem- bers ofhis organization have played so important a role. 231. At the current critical juncture of developments in southern Mrica, it seems of the greatest importance to my delegation that the United Nations intensify its efforts on behalf of all the peoples in the region and, particularly, of the Namibian people. The United Nations has assumed a special responsibility for promoting progress towards self- determination Lt} Namibia by virtue of its revocation of South Africa's Mandate over the Territory. By resolution 2145 (XXI), the United Nations assumed the unique duty of administering the Territory and of supervising the Namibian people's progress toward self-determination. 232. In pursuance of that duty the United Nations adopted a series of resolutions designed to ensure the speedy removal of the oppressive rule of the illegal South Mrican occupation regime from Namibia. By those resolu- tions it was also sought to guarantee that the N?::libians would enjoy the righ~ to determine their own political destiny in a manner consistent with the provisions of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the General As- sembly. The Security Council and the International Court of Justice have affirmed the validity of those resolutions, and the former has condemned the illegal occupation of the Territory by South Africa, while demanding its withdrawal without delay. In addition, through such actions as its sponsorship of the International Conference in Support of 8Ibid., Twenty-seventh Session, Fourth Committee, 1984th meeting, para. 25. 234. These efforts to consolidate a lasting political domi- nation over the Territory have been buttressed by an increasing militarization on the part of the occupying regime. As we learn from the report of the Special Committee, South Africa has continued to increase its troop concentrations and has expanded the web of its military bases along the northern border of Namibia. Martial law has been declared in ~ broad section of the Territory, and a vast no-man's land has been created by the forced evacuation of thousands of Namibians from their homes and land. Those innocent civilians are the victims of the regime's brutal efforts to repress the growing struggle by the Namibian people for their freedom under the valiant leadership of SWAPO. The illegal regime has also com- mitted acts of aggression against neighbouring countries, creating a grave threat to international peace and security in the region. These measures are eloquent testimony to the Pretoria regime's detennination to maintain and strengthen its control over Namibia, and they support the contention of the Central Committee ofSWAPO that: "Notwithstanding South Africa's public pronouncements that she is ready to end her illegal occupation of Namibia, the situation in Namibia has not changed for the better. On the contrary, it has deteriorated as the balkanization of the c\luntry countinues unabated." 235. This process has been accompanied by an intensifi- cation of bmtality towards the civilian population. Torture, abduction and murder have become important instruments in the South African campaign' to repress the struggle for freedom by the Namibians, while the looting of villagers' 236. The exploitation of Namibia's natural wealth by South African' and other foreign economic interests also constitutes a serious fonn of oppression of the Namibian people. It has been estimated that nearly one-third of the gross national product of Namibia is shipped abroad each year in the fonn of mineral exports by foreign corporations operating in the Territory. The Namibian people themselves receive virtually no rompensation for the plund.~-:'ing of their heritage. These actions clearly constitute a serious threat to the economic well-being of an independent Namibia, and the Council for Namibia has rightly acted to enforce its Decree No. 1 for ~e Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia. My delegation is of the fmn belief that rigorous enforcement of the Decree represents one of the most effective ways in which the il1embers of the international community can contribute bath to the strug- gle of the Namibian people against the illegal occupying regime and to their future well-being. 237. A related subject of particular concern to my delegation is the exploitation of the uranium deposits of Namibia by South Africa. The seriousness of this activity has been underlined by recent reports that the South African Government is on the verge of developing nuclear weapons. Moreov~r, South Africa has reportedly established nuclear test installations in the Kalahari Desert of Namibia. In view of these developments and of the fact that South Africa is not a signatory to the Treaty'on the Non-Prolife:ra- tion of Nuclear Weapons, my delegation hopes that the Ad Hoc Committee on Uranium Hearings referred to in paragraphs 128 to 133 of the report of the Council for Namibia [A/32/24J will vigorously pursue this question and its manifold ramifications. 238. Among L~e most effective actions in support of the people of N2mibia taken this year by the members of the internatio:lal community was the United Nation~sponsored Internationa! Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe alld Namibia, held in Maputo, Mozambique. This Conference helped to focus attention on the needs of the Namibians as well.as the harsh repression they suffer at the hands of the South African regime. The Maputo Conference was attended by the widest spectrum of delegations ever to assemble in support of the oppressed peoples of southern Africa and represented a new dimension in efforts by the international community to aid the Namibian people in their struggle for self-determination and independence. While recognizing that the effort~ the Namibian people may make on their own behalf are of primary importance, my delegation fully supports the endeavours of the Maputo Conference and other international bodies towards this end. 239. Among the other ways in which the international community has made significant contributions to tlle Namibian fight for freedom is the providing ofsupport for the United Nations Institute for Namibia, currelitlylocated in Zambia. Through its training programmes the Institute is 240. For its part, my delegation would like to take this opportunity to renew L"ldonesia's pledge of determined support for the Namibian people in their struggle for freedom. It is our hope that this goal can be achieved without resort to force on a large scale, but my delegation will fully support the use' of all netessary means to ensure that the people of the Territory attain their long-denied rights. My delegation also fmnly believes that all efforts undertaken by the members of the international com- munity 5hould. have the primary aim of securing the transfer of power to the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, recognized by the United Nations as the sole authentic voice of the Namibians. In this con- nexion, the Indonesian delegation wishe~ to aff111l1 its belief that, as stated by the representative of SWAPO, Security Council resolution 385 (1976) must be implemented in toto in order to achieve ~ peaceful resolution of this problem. This process would necessarily include withdrawal of South African troops and the release of all political prisoners prior to the holding of free elections under United Nations supervision. 241. In view of the Pretoria regime's continued intran- sigence and the grave threat to regional peace and security 242. VaI}ous organs of the United Nations, in particular the Special Committee and the C.puncR for Namibia, have already made significant contributions to the cause of the Namibian people. My delegation hopes they will be able to redouble their efforts at this crucial juncture and, concur- rently with other initiatives outside the United Nations, to bring to a successful conclusion the efforts of the inter- national community in the fight against this remaining bastion of racism and colonialism. My delegation is con- fident that such concerted efforts Vl.ill at last ensure freedom and independence for the vaUant people of Namibia. The meetingrose at 6.50 p.m.