A/32/PV.71 General Assembly

May I consider that the General Assembly decides to take note of the report ofthe Special Political Committee?

Before" calling on the first speaker for this afternoon, I should like once again to remind delegations which intend to submit draft resl)~utions that they should do so as soon as possible.

The maintenance of the system of apartheid in South Africa has long been a matter of deep concern to my Government. 9. The Haitian delegation is happy to participate in the debate on this nefarious policy, the most explosive and disqUieting aspects ofwhich are highlighted in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid issued on 4 November 1977 in document A/32/22. 10. I should like to take this opportunity to pay a deserved tribute to the Special Committee against Apart- heid, to the Organization of African Unity and to all non-governmental organizations which, through their continued efforts in the course ofthis year, have succeeded in mobilizing waverers in all parts of the world in the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa against inequal- ities ofall kind. 11. The struggle of the people of South Africa, together with all peace-loving peoples seeking peace, justice and equality in the world, has entered a decisive phase. ,. 12. In compliance with the mandate entrusted to it by the General Assembly, the Special Committee against .Apart- held, the outstanding dynamism of which is recognized by- all, undertook this year a whole series of initiatives wmch are bound to have the effect of bringing nearer the downfall ofthe South African regime. 13. The Government and the people of Haiti were greatly encouraged by the fact that the initiatives sponsored by the United Nations"had repercussions in South Africa. Indeed, 1 See O[ficilzl Records of the General Assembly, Thuty-second Session, Special Political Committee, 25th meeting; and ibid., Special Political Committee, Sessional Fascicle, corrigendum. . 15. As was to be expected, their peaceful claims were met by the fury of an irresponsible Go~emment, which cfid not hesitate to use the most formidable repression machinery known in our time. Mass execution, assassination of political priSoners, deportation of suspects-such is the fate reserved to the ~efenceless black populatiom. These facts have not failed to arouse the condemnation of all men of goodwill. And it was to express its opposition to thi, state of affairs, which, to say the least, is revolting, that the Second International Trade Union Conference for Action against APartheid, held or.: 10 Md 11 June 1977 in Geneva, condemned the arrogance of the racist minority regime of South Africa. In its report I s~e A/32/22/Add.l] that Conference stressed that that regime, far from heeding the injunctions of the.intemati~nalcommunity, continues to harden its repressive and oppn~ssive measures against the majority of the population, while speeding up the establish- ment ofthe totally unacceptable system of bantiJstans, thus turning the majority of Africans into foreigners in their own country. The Conference also proclaimed its unre- served support of thG workers and the peoples of South Africa and Zimbabwe and declared Us solidarity with their action against the racist oppression ofthe apartheid regime. 16. In addition to the many activities of the Special Committee, which include the despatch ofvisiting missions to Heads of Government and non-governmental organi- zations, seminars on the elimination ofapartheid have held the attention of the world, and the International Seminar on the Eradication of Apartheid and in Support of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa, held in Havana from 24to 28 May 1976, after having analysed in d~pththe situation m the whole of southern Mrica, formulated a global Programme of Action,2 which is supported by a wide sector of the international community. 17. The Government of the Republic of Haiti, endorsing the legitimate asph-ations of the South Mrican people, was represented in lltgos at the highest le~el and signed the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid,3 adopted by the World Conference for Action Against Apartheid, held from 22 to 26 August 1977. 18. In this conn-exion my delegation is happy to congra- .tuIate the noble people ofNigeria and itJ great Government for the leading IoIe played by that country in the struggle ofoppres.f.ed peoples agabSt colonial domination. 19. These visiting missions, these 'seminars, these confer- ences have, in adilltion to the repeated contacts made by 2 See OfficiJZl Record: ofthe Security Council, Thirty-fint YetiI', &lpplementforAprli, May OM June 1976, document 8/12092. . ...._.·~.I_-I • 3 See Report of (he World Conference fol' Action agowt Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.x1V.2), chap. X• 20. Anyone who in South Africa must carry a special pass to move about in city streets is not free; anyone who, because of the colour ofhis skin, cannot enter places where whites gather is not free; anyone who, according to the theory of apartheid, is excluded from participation in city government because he does not belong to the chosen race is not free. 21. The solu~ion to the problem of Namibia and Zim- babwe is closely linked with the solution which must be found to the problem ofapartheid in South Africa. 22. Indeedt it is Vorster who, contrary to Security Council a..'1d General Assembly resolutions ordering him to with- draw his unlawful administration from Namibia, still maintains that Territory under colonial domination. It is Vorster again who, equally in violation of sanctions approved by the United Nations, provides the Fascist and racist regime of Ian Smith with the support he needs to remain indefinitely in power. 23. Furthermore, his repeated acts of aggression against Botswana, Zambia and Mozambique and hill interventions in the Pef'ple's Republic of Angola each demonstrate the gravity of the continued presence of that apartheid regime in the heart ofthe Mrican continent. 24. That is why we have arrived at the conclusion that the cancer in souu'l~m Mrica i~ Vorster and his system of apartheid, and we consider that the international com- munity is in duty bound to employ every possible means to put an end to his evil work. 25. The time for action has come. Some who are still reticent feel that the time has not yet :ome, that a solution can still be found to this problem through dialogue. However, recent events in South Mrica have clearly demonstrated the naivete and fallaciousness ofsuch reason- ing. ~ecent1y, over 600 children were arrested. At the same time, in his Machiavellian d~sign to destroy the unity of the non-white populations Vorster announced the constitution of three different ethnic parliaments in South Afri,'.,'i, namely, one composed of Indians, another of those of mixed race, and a third of whites. It is worth noting that ill that republic planned by Vorster the blacks have no pl?ce. They are not even mentioned. For them there will always be the bantustans-reser\'ations~as they are called in other Western countries. 26. In the light ofthis situation the bleak aspects of which have finally moved mankind as a whole: decisive action must be taken. The Prcgramme of Action for the suppres- sion of Ilpartheid, adopted in Lagos by States meeting at that Conference under the aegis of the United Nations, .represent& an important step in this unparallelled struggle against such a regime. The eight draft resolutions submitted by the Special COIiUI"Jttee against Apartheid for considera- 28. The Haitian delegation was ple~b d with the imposi- tion of the arms embargo by the Secuity Council against South Africa in its resolution 418 (1977). However, it wonders if the few States members of the Council traditionally linked politically and economicaHy with the South African regime did not await the moment when South Africa was capable of becoming self-sufficient in military materiel before joining the countries condemning apartheid. We wish to give them the benefit of the doubt, although it see:-s to us impossible to accept that the !flstitutes of strategic studies and intelligence services of those States members of the Security Council, whose efficiency needs no demonstraticn, did not foresee, frem the first moment that the question of an embargo was raise.d, ~hat South Mrica I:ould a~quire its present po- tentIal ID weapons of all kinds. Similarly, we assert that those countries knew very well that South Africa had th~ necessary expertise to build a nuclear arsenal and. th~t their own experts worked in the South African nuclear centres and provided that country with the necessary equipment and technology for that purpose. Those'countries have acted regardless of the consequences and with irrespon- sibility with regard to the future of peace both on the African continent and in the world as a whole. We hope that the Governments of those countries will realize the inconsistency of thE" _ position and the dangers to which they expose the wn: .e of mankind. After all, why not have an economic embargo as well, since Vorster himself h&s (Ieclaled that the arms embargo would cIve no effect. We f:~"!te those countries, before it is too late, to abide by the desires expressed by the intemational community as reflected in the draft resolutions of the ~pecial Committee against Apaltheid. This would enable us to achieve, without undue delay, the complete eradication of this evil, L'lis scourge of apartheid, to safeguard all men, regardless of race. 29. It is. in this spirit that my delegation requests representatr\Te~) to adopt the recommendations of the ~nited Nations Special Committee againstApartheid and to give unreserved support to the draft resolutions it has subnlitted. 32. Through their most recent rep~essive measures the South African authorities have seriously damaged the prospects for peaceful change inside South Afric~ Instead of listening to its moderate critics the South African Government has decided to silence them. At a time when a dialogue within South Africa was more necessary than f;ver for a peaceful development, the oppositior. has been forced underground. By these actions, the South Afric'm ;iuthor- ities have isolated themselves even further f::;m normal mlations with the outside world as well. 33. The world is shocked by the tragic death of Steven Biko, one of South Africa's most prominent and eloquent black leaders. A. person of Biko's !:baracter and standing was the type ofleader that South Africa WOJld have needed in the difficult times ahead. Mi5 d~a'(h, toge'£her with that of other detainees, raises most serious questiolls about the way political prisoners are treated in South Africa. 34. We must also on this QC!'''' ~on regret South Africa's banning on 19 October this year of 18 prominent organiza- tions committed to raci~l equality and justice, and its muzzling of m:lortant news media. > These actions have virtually crippl~d all remaining extraparliamentary opposi- tionin South Africa. 35. The situation is aggravated as tIlls type oLaction continues. Most recently in a wave of arrests the police detained more than 600 people, including nearly 200 schoolchildren. A.ll the~ manifestations are signs of a sick society. Such praetices are in clear contravention of basic humar- tights. We c.mnot condone them wherever they take place-be it in South Mrica or any other place in the world. 36. We are also disturbed that the South African Govern- ment is continuing its fragmentation of South Afri~a through the establishment ofso-called "independent home- lands". Despite heavy criticism and opposition both inside South Africh and from world opinion, South Africa is now planning for the soooealled "independence" of another bantustan by the end of this year. I wish to repeat that my Government will not recognize these regimes as indepen- dent. Norway will increase its assistance to those countries in southern Africa which have been affected by South Africa's "bantustan" policy. 37. By their own choosing the South African leaders have made the situation in South Africa a question oflegitimate international concern. Gross violations ofhuman rights can never be regarded as a domestic matter. Consequently, the South African Gnvemment cannot expect the outside world to remain idle. We welcome, therefore, as a highly 38. This recent decision by the Security Council has wide ramifications which the South African Government cannot have failed to note. For the frrst time in the history of the United Nations the Security Council has imposed man- datory sanctiofl1\ und;}r Chapter VII-against a Member State. The import31"1ce of this unanimous decision should not be underestimated by the South African authorities. !t is a clear warning ofwhat must follow unless the South Mrican authorities initiate, without delay a process of peaceful change~ aimed at majority rule l.ased on the principle of "one man, one vote" in South Africa. 39. This year's debate in the General Assembly on the situation 'in South Africa ought to dispel any illusions the present South African authorities mit;ht have th~t the world is not plt;}pared to take further steps beyond a mandatory arms embargo. It cannot have escaped the South African Government that marLy countries all over the world are at present examining in a detailed manner their economic relations with South Africa. 40. The Norwegian Government has for its own part alrt~dy taken a number of concrete steps to limit our own country's economic relations with South Africa. A~ men- tioned eaflie!~ Norway applies a voluntary embargo on the supply of amI.;;) cnd strategic matarials to South Africa. In addition, the Norwegian Government has refused to grant permits for currency transfers for investments in South Mrica ami has excluded South Africa from State guarantees for experts. A Go~ernment-appointed committee has been established to fmd further ways to reduce the remaining cow.mercial and economic ties to Sout-h Mrica. 41. We have undertaken measures on a national basis in the past and shall be willing to consider similar unilateral action again. It must, however, be emphasized that eco- nomic measures against South Africa, to be effe.ctive, must be based on concerted action by the world community as a whole. 42. In the absence of international concerted action, the Nordic Foreign Ministers decided at their last meeting to establish a working group to consider the possibilities of a joint action programme for widened economic measures. However, since global measures are needed to bring about a change in South Africa, I appeal on this occasion to the members of the Security Council to take the lead in mapping out a comprehensive strategy for peaceful change - in the whole of southern Africa. For our own part we shall respond favourably and promptly to whatever the Council may decide, including mandatory economic sanctions. 43. In the time to come we must be looking for ways to increase even further the pressure on South Africa to abolish its apartheid system. We must, however: also be looking for ways to assist directly the oppressed people in South Africa in their struggle for human dignity and equal rights. The Norwegian Government has, therefore, re- 44. I should like on this occasion to pay a special tribute to the work carried out by the Spe.cial Committee against Apartheid under the eminent leadership ofthe Chairman of the Committ,~e,AmbassadQr Harriman of Nigeria. Tfiis year the Special CommHtee, together with t.~e Government of Nigeria, has undertaken a major effort in the intemational campaign against apartheid by organizing the World Confer- ence for Action against Apartkeid at Lagos, a conference in which my Prime Minister had the honour to participat6. 45. My Government considers the Lagos Conference a milestone in our efforts to create a broad and consolidated intemational front against apartheid. As my Prime Minister stated in his address to that Conference:4 "I consider the Conference against Apartheid to be a test of our ability to contribute to raising the quality of life for our brothers in South Africa. It will be a test of our ability to create a more worth-while existence for coming generations. It will be a test of our ability to show that we do not feel our hands are tied." 46. We believe that concerted action on the intergovern- mr;ntallevel is necessary and even essential in order to bring about change in South Africa. Our efforts must, however, also be based on solid popular support in our own countries. Last month an international hearing 0ll apartheid was arranged in Oslo. The hearing brought new evidence to bear on the present situation in South Africa. 47. Norwegian trade unions are continuing their own national campaign against apartheid, These efforts are now also being co-ordinated on the Nordic level. The Norwegian Government attaches great importance to these efforts by the trade unions as well as those of other voluntary organizations. 48. Next year, 1978, is the International Anti-Apartheid Year. We have today reached a point in our international fight against apartheid and racial discrimination, where, above all, 'We must be examining and implementing existing programmes of action. This is the real challenge of the International Anti-Apartheid Year. 49. The result of the policies of the South Afric2Jl Government must be an arduou,s struggle, the brunt of which will have to be carried by the South African people themselves. But we would all fail in our duty as citizens of an interdependent world if we were not to do eyerything we can to make the struggle shorter, the human suffering le~s, and the transition to universal suffrage smoother. 50. The alternative is as tragic as it is real: a violent racial conflict in South Africa of untoreseeable consequences and with the danger ofexternal intervention. 4 For a summary of this s!3tement, see Report of the Wodd Conference for Action c.:gainst Apartheid (United Nations rJublica- tion, Sales N~. E.77.XIV.2), chap. IV B. 52. ihose resolutions have made no impact on the attitude or action of the racist regime which still goes its way ruthlessly, relentlessly and remorselessly. In recent months it has gone further up on the escalator of barbaric injustice. 53. Do other nations have merely to stand frozen in horror or disgust? How has the South African Government been able to defy the unanimous opinion of the civilized world? The answer affords a sad commentary on the power of money to corrode the human spirit. Some highly advanced nations knew what was right and did what was wrong. Thby preferred money to morals, profits to ethics, commerce to values. They tried-with success in most cases-to put out of their conscious mind the fact that the wheels of industry, which were blithely tuming in their own countries to produce weapons and other essential goods for South Africa, were grinding the faces of the blacks thousands of miles away. Oil and armaments or the licences to make them, which were necessary to ensure the suppression of the 21 million non-whites, continued to pour into South Africa. In some countries there are powerful sectional interests to whom gold is dear and flesh and blood so cheap. One wonders how naticns which collaborate with a foreign regime that practises govern- mental terrorism can cupe with private terrorism at home. 54. What will. be the shape of things to come in South Africa? Myopic eyes see: "Truth for ever on the scaffold, Wrong for ever on the throne". Today the blacks are desperateJ~e.YQlld...m..e.as.Qr.e. They are hmmded and hunted in the streets" aiid--nave- before them only the bleak landscape of blood and despair. But there can be no doubt-no doubt whatever-that the cause ofliberation will ultimately triumph. The society which has impo~d apart- heid is a society with a death wish. Slowly, ominously, the shadows are gathering around the inhuman regime; and the darkening evening will be followed by the engulfmg night. _Powerful tremors are working their way through the subsoil of South African politics. The soul of Steve Biko is not slain. Still his spirit walks abroad. There is an inexhaustible supply of brave men and women who are prepared to die on their feet rather than live on their knees. In these dark days a great cause sustains those whose outlook is marked by pessimism of the intelligence but optimism of the will. 55. The most desirable scenario would no doubt be that the South African Government may see and dismantle the brutal repressive measures which penalize so savagely the accidents of birth. and colour; but all indications at present are that that Government is light years away from any such reasonable solution. ' 57. We must never forget that United Nations resolutions are only as good as their enforcement. Mere hard words break no bones, much less regimes. Racism is a fast breeder reactor: it generates more explosive energy than it con- sumes. Such a self-generating \iciouspower can be checked or destroyed only by making it colIid,~ 'Vith another power. That other power can have various components-man's unconquerable mind, the anned liberation movement of those who are left with no alternative, and universal total embargoes and sanctions in place of mercenary collabo- ration. South Mrica, though the second largest producer of gold and the fifth most industrialized State, is spiritually impoverished and morally ~ankrupt. It would wither surprisingly soon if it were totally isolated and cut away from the outside world. 58. Despite all the falterings and failings, there is clearly discernible in our times a groping towards the ideals of human un:~y and human dignity. Tbe Government of India shares the great objective of the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, to set standards of decency in national and intemational affairs and to foster human rights and values whose historic time has come. The wiIlingness of a State to sever economic and cultural links with South Africa is a fair index of its commitment to human rights and values. 59. In this field, the United Nations has much to do and little time to do it. One of its most urgent tasks is to add a new dimension to international law, to evolve jurisprudence on the intemational crime of racism. The present law enforced in civilized societies presents the ludicrous spec- tacle of trying and punishing those who cause an injury to an fudividual but not those who devastate or snuff out the lives of a race or a whole segment of a nation. An entirely new branch of law must be developed to bring home personal responsibility to those guilty of such gigantic crimes. Nothing would concentrate the mind of the international community 50 wonderfully on racism as an international trial. 60. From its very. nature, racism cannot be merely an internal problem of the country which is its victim; it can never be dealt with by the municipal laws which are themselves made by the racist society. Wherever racism is practised, its fall-out crosses the nation's frontiers, and it diminishes every other nation since we are all involved in mankind. The International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid [resolution 3068 (XXVllI)J, to which only 37 States have so far become parties, is the first small step in the right direction. 61. Having defined the international crime of racism, the United Nations should support-if not set up-a truiy judicial, non-political forum to try individuals-whatever be the office they hold-who have been guilty of this crime against humanity. And the trials of the guilty should begin 62. May I reiterate the basic point that the time has come for the international community to enact the substantive and procedural laws which wnI ensure that whoever sins against humanity shall carry the personal burden of an eventual reckoning. Man would then realize that, in the words of Ralph Waldo Emerson, "justice still rules the world with inexorable weight"" .

This General Assembly debate is taking place against a background of developments in South Africa that are most disquieting to ail those who are genuinely advocating a policy of quick and construct!ve change to overcome the problems ofthat region ofAfrica. 64. While we see developments in the right direction for Zimbabw~ being initiated by the United Kingdom and the United States Governments, as well as by those African personalities who are working with perseverance for a peaceful solution of this pressing problem, and, while through the Namibia initiative that we are undertaking together with the four other Western members of the Security Council some progress has been achieved which should encourage all parties' concerned to accept the need for further constructive compromise, in South Africa itself there are forces which, despite the obvious danger of their growing isolation, so far seem to be little inclined to embark upon a process ofreorientation. Instead of focusing their energies on speedy reforms so as to eliminate discrimination by law and in daily practice, the au!horities have recourse to even more totalit2rian police action to contrel the situation. The world is·mourning the death of Steven Biko, who was a symbol of hope for a just and peaceful future for South Africa. For someone who believes in the force of Ilersuasion, in the ultimate attraction of commonsense and in the perception of enlightened self- interest, it is clearly disheartening to see that a Plrjority of the whites in South Africa, following their leaders, have collectively lost their sense of reality and s~em to close their eyes and ears, moving deliberately towards what can only be an abyss. The apartheid regime has brought about 2Jl escalation of its repressive policies by denying free speech and personal liberties, thereby rendering void its claim ofbeing a defender of Western democratic values. 65. The Ambassador of Belgium has presented the view of the nine States Members of the European Community, and we fully associate ourselves with his statement [70th meeting!. Apartheid is racism, and racism is one of the most violent forms of destructive prejudice. More than 30 years ago the United Nations was founded on the con- viction that all men are equal and that peace will not last unless men respect human dignity in all countries of the world, irrespective of race, nationality, creed or political belief. Those who segregate, those who persecute politi- cally, or those who preach or practise apartheid violate the Charter ofthe United Nations. 66. The Federal Republic of Gennany is aware of the. importance and urgency of the mandate of the United 67. The Federal Government has declared time and again that it condemns South Africa's discriminato!y treatment of its people on grounds of race and colour. South Africa is certainly 1].ot the only country which is open to the accusation of racial discrimination or the violation of human rights, but the difference in South Africa is that racial discrinlination has been institutionalized. 68. Although we understand under those circumstances the anger and indignation which has led many Mricans to conclude that only violence carl eradicate apartheid, my Government is not convinced that a solution by violence is the only way out that can be recommended. We continue to support the search for a settlement without bloodshed and, as Foreign Minister Genscher recently declared before this General Assembly, we share "... the objectives of all those who, in liberation movements and elsewhere, champion the cause of self- determination and human rights by peaceful means." [12th meeting, para. 129.} 69. My country is aware of the fact that it is not enough to condemn apartheid We must do something against it. We try as best we can to give effect to our anti-apartheid policy through appropriate action. The main guidelines for the implementation of that policy can be described as follows. First, it is the firm and established policy of the Federal Government not to supply arms to South Africa. There is no such thing as military co-operation between the Federal Republic of Germany and South Africa. We have strictly observed a voluntary arms embargo since 1963. In the Security Council my delegation, together with Canada, sponsored the odginaI drafts leading the way to ~e mandatory arms embargo which the Council adopted as resolution 418 (1977) on 4 November 1977, considering the acquisition of arms by SOUth Africa under the current circumstances to be a threat to peace and security. Also, there is no military co-operation on our part with South Mrica in the nuclear field. The Federal Government has reacted with concern to indications that South Africa may plan a nuclaar-weapons test. 70. As Foreign Minister Genscher pointed out: "We take it that the Government of South Africa will keep to the declarations it has made in the meantime. However, we appeal to it once more to accede to the non-proliferation Treaty in order to dispel any doubt concerning its position." [Ibid.-, para. 134.J 72. At the same time, we rank among the most important participants in multilateral programmes of development assistance implemented in that region. The Federal Republic of Germany is also one of the important fmancial contributors to funds and scholarship programmes for southern Africa. 73. We view these activities as a decisive contribution towards the solution of the most pressing problems of Africa. Going beyond mere declarations and solemn ges- tures, we have translated our awareness of these problems into practical politics, thus assisting our African partners on their way to genuine independence. 74. Thirdly,South Mrica, as well as Namibia and Southern Rhodesia, have been explicitly excluded from the invest- ment promotion measures for the benefit of all other African States, which means the following: no Government guarantees to cover capital investment in South Africa; no investment p(omotion treaties with South Africa; no establishment credits from the European recovery pro- gramme; no tax incentives under the development-aid tax law; no promotion of joint ventures by the German development company. 75. The Federal Republic of Germany has set up, together with its partners in the European Community, a code of conduct for subsidiaries of companies doing business in South Mrica [see A/32/267]. This action is designed to abolish discrimination against black workers, to institute wage equality and to encourage trade union activity. We view this as an important contribution towards eventually overcoming apartheid. In a modern industrial society, the social integration of the working population is essential. 76. We are wllling to use the economic influence at our disposal to work for changes in an active way. Although we cannot claim to be encouraged by recent developments within South Mrica, we still feel that total isolation of the Pretoria Government would undermine all efforts aimed at the necessary change without bloodshed. 77. Fourthly, the growing and improved supply of information provided by the mass media in my country is increasingly alerting large sections of the population to the need for action against all forms of racial discrimination and against still existing remnants ofcolonialism. 78. The political parties endeavour to arouse the people's sense ofresponsibility and, mainly through their deputies in the German Bundestag, contribute towards a progressive and constructive policy in co-operation with the Federal Government. Political parties, churches, trade unions and political foundations are in close contact with the represen- tatives of those inhabitants of South Africa who are - affected by apartheid. They support their vital interests in

This year's debate on the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa takes place against two backdrops, each of which lends poignancy and throws into greater relief a situation which sinks lower and lower in the respect for human dignity, in the guaranteeing of personal liberties and in the exercise of common decencies that one human being owes to another. 80. On the one hand, apartheid, as an institutionalized system' of segregation. repression and degradation, has reached new lows in perpetrating criminal actions against the vast majority of blacks in South Africa. We strongly condemn those actions. On the other hand, Security Council resolution 418 (1977)"of this year, imposing a mtmdatory arms embargo on South Mrica in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter, is welcome, even though it comes perhaps too late to affect seriously that country's efforts to maintain and improve its arsenal against the vast majority of the masses. The Security Council resolution may not have made a dent in the war machine of South Mrica, but its moral blow is stunning and it should not fall to induce those responsible in the Government of South Africa to think that their country is now well on its way to a disastrous situation unless there is a change of heart. 81. Yet these two backdrops appear to my delegation to converge and overlap, in that they not only indicate that the policy of apartheid is one which produces violence and brutal behaviour on the part of the South Mrican regime, but, also, that world opinion is now unanimous on the taking of practical action against that regime in order to curb, even though belatedly and in a relatively small way, its vast armed potential which is beirig used to crush those whose only crime is their legitimate struggle to be treated as human beings rather than human fodder to fatten those who, under the convenient doctrine of white supremacy in all facets of life, remain blind to the catastrophic conse- quences of their political creed. .. 82. Last year, the debate on this item was held under the dark shadow of Soweto. Many of us may have thought that by publicly decrying those massacres the moral forces that this Assembly was supposed to muster should have tem- pered the application of the policies of apartheid by the Government of South Mrica, thus creating an improved atmosphere for calm thinking and a fair appraisal of a situation which, at that time, we all feared might worsen. Indeed, at the time we are meeting this year, we find our hopes dashed to pieces and we are confronted with an almost desperate situation. The death of Steven Biko, the leader of the Black Consciousness movement-a death which can hardly be considered mysterious any longer- cries for redress, and although it was a crime committed by the Pretoria regime, his death weighs heavily upon the consciences ofus all. "It is an admission that the Government of this country is by jackboot as far as blacks are concerned. Such action~asticallynarrows the options available, and robs u.s of all demQCratic choice of peace and harmony." .. 84. Furthenn9re the. Ad Hoc Working Group of Experts on southellJ. Africa of the Commission on Human. Rights gave us an extremely negative picture of a deteriorating situation after Soweto [see A/32/226]. 85. The Umted Nations has been seized ofthe question of apartheid in one fonn or another since 1946, and it has condemned it as a crime agains~ humanity which threatens international peace and sezurity. Yet perhaps the most important document we have today against this inhuman and evil policy is the Lagos Declaration for Action agaiiIst Apartheid. My Government supports that document since it has declared and reiterated in this forum its abhorrence'(jf apartheid and racism in all their forms and manifestatio~s. It believes that apartheid is a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and rejects, as did the Conference in Lagos, all aspects of the apartheid system, including the imposition of bantustans, which, again in the words of the Declaration, "divide the population, deprive the African people of their citizenship and inalienable right to self-determination, and deny them a just share of the wealth ofthe country". 86. It has often been said that the tragedy for the blacks in South Africa that results from the policies of apartheld of the Pretoria regime is not only a South African problem, or at most an African problem, but a world problem. My Government shares this belief and, in its opinion, the nations of the world, whether large or small, should contribute to the solution of the" problem. Assistance to those vast masses, who are in daily p~riI of their lives, should be political, moral and practical. The isolation of the Pretoria regime is a strong political force, more effective - than people sometimes tend to believe. As 1978 has been proclaimed International Anti-Apartheid Year, it would be a most fitting time to heighten world awareness of the hapless situation prevailing in South Africa. An oppor- tunity for us to intensify our moral, political and practical help will therefore be given to us next year, and let us not miss it. "I have not to date come across any responsible black leader who has advanced the theory that whites are expendable and must be thrown into the sea. We have, on the contralY, over the years emphasized that whites are South Mricans and have the right to exist in a common fatherland; and that all of us, around a conference table, must devise a formula acceptable for future coexistence." When such words come from a man whose newspaper has just been closed and who is under every provocation to blast the regime that silenced him, 1 believe I am right in saying that calm heads and clear thinking stilI exist in South Mrica. This is the hope for that country, if only "the Pretoria regime could see it. 88. Had Mr. Qoboza been a demagogue, the Government would have had some reason to silence him, but to suppress the voice of reason, of moderation and of genuine concern for {site's fatherland is beyond understanding. But ifleaders like Mr. Qoboza exist, and we have no doubt that they do, thenhope remams, and a just and peaceful solution can be fourld. 89. But the days of obedient blacks are gone, and what we face now is the need for swift accommodation of the various interests before it is too late.

For the last three decades the United Nations has been seized ofa problem concerning the southern part of the African continent, where the majority indigenous population has been denied rights, equality and justice by the minority white regime. An institutionalized policy of racial segregation devised by the minority racist regime dictates the whole pattern of life of the majority blacks. It is a pity that all the measures taken by this world body to abolish apartheid from South Africa have so far proved ineffective. 91. The developments during the last year in South Mrica demonstrate that while, on the one hand, the oppressed people have, iri spite of their sufferings and sacrifices, succeeded in arousing nationwide consciousness to fight against the abhorrent policy of apartheid, on the other hand, the minority regime, with the help of a series of repressive measures, is determined to defend white supre- macy at all costs. 92. The agony and sufferings of the opponents of apart- heid, as a result of the massive inhuman repressions of the racist regime, have exceeded the tolerance of mankind. The legislation under apartheid-the Terrorism Acts, the Inter- nal Security Act, the Indemnity Act and many others-is designed to intimidate and" bring about the arrest and imprisonment of innocent people for their opposition to 93. In more than 100 resolutions the United Nations has time and again admonished the minority regime to abolish the anachronistic. policy of apartheid and to ensure equal political rights for all the inhabitants of South Africa without discrimination. But the racist regime has so far arrogantly .defied all the reasonable demands of the internationa.I community. In spite of the refusal of South Africa to abandon .the policy of apartheid, the world body has been active and has been taking stronger steps with a view to eradicating apartheid, which is totally unacceptable to the civilized world. 94. The oppressed'people of South Africa h.ave marched forward in their just struggle against the heinouls policy of the racist regime in Pretoria, which is desperately striving to perpetuate its power and priVileges at the OOl:t of the black majority and by expioiting them. Since the Soweto massacres in 1976, ~e uprisings of the masses have been widespread a..nd the struggle is gaining more and more strength and support. The people have put up heroic resistance against the brutal and repressive measures of the raci~tregime. 95. The people's growing resistance has caused great concern to the apartheid regime and has led it to increase its military build-up. According to reports, South Africa has increased its defence spending for the year 1977-1978 by 21.3·per cent, and has also expanded its military and police forces. But the obdurate Vorster regime should not forget that military force can never defeat the popular will of the masses, whose struggle for the right cause is continuously supported by the justice-lodng people of the world. 96. It may be recalled that almost all the Member nations of this world body strongly condemned the sham indepen- dence of the Transkei last year. The apartheid policy of bantustanization or so-called separate development, whether in Transkei, Bophuthatswana or any other .part of South Africa, will never be recognized by the international community. 97. The Vor~er regime is now under growing pressure to stop its oppression of the peopl~ and to change its racist policy for the welfare of the entire population of South Africa. But the regime, blinded by power, is not moving in the right direction. The proposed holding of an election on 30 November 1977 is a desperate m3l10euvre of the racist Vorster regime to remain in power. But we are confident that any attempt to maintain 4f'llrtheid is doomed to failure. 99. Nepal, which is privileged to be ~ member of the Special Committee against Apartheid, has continuously supported all "activities against the repugnant policy of apartheid of South Africa. Nepal's accession this year to the International Convention on the Suppression and Punish- ment of the Crime of Apartheid demonstrated our com- mitment to the cause of the suffering people under ~cial domination. 100. His Late Majesty Prithvinarayan Shaha,. the founder of the Kingdom of Nepal, described our nation as a garden of four castes and 36 subcastes, which te~tifies to the multiracial nature of our country. Freedom and progress in harmony ever since has been the secret .of our national unity. Apart from this, the Kingdom of Nepal is well known all over the world as the land of the Lord Buddha. The Nepalese are, therefore, by tradition and temperament committed io peace, which is e$Sential to all-ro}Jnd national development. It is in this context that my Sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra, over two years ago eroposed that Nepal be declared a zone of peace. Peace being the corner-stone of our foreign policy, my delegation feels that the abhorrent system ofapartheid in South Africa could be eradicated by peaceful means. However" ,conditions in South Africa under the racist regime have become so intolerable that the liberation movements have had to . . raort to armed struggle in order to regain their political rights. 101. The people of the world, inside and m:tside the United Nations, have extended their unswerving support to the struggling people of South Africa and have reiterated their determination to eliminate apartheid by all .means. The international Conferences held this year at lisbon, Maputo and Lagos and the Declarations they issued prove beyonJ doubt that apartheid is anathema to ·the world community and it must end without delay. 102. The racist regime, which has been supported and assisted in the military, economic, trade and other fields, has become stronger than before and is heedless of the repeated calls Gf the world community. It is, therefore, high time that the racist regime be isolated by all means. 103. The recent ban on a number of individuals and organizations, and the closing down of a black newspaper and the arrest ofits editor reflect the unease and concern of the racist regime over its deteriorating situation cre&ted by the popular revolt of the people against apartheid. But the racist regime has failed to realize that it can never stifle the 105. The situation in South Africa is becoming critical day by day. In spite of repeated warnings by the international community, the racist regime seems determined to preserve aptl11heid in South Africa. So, it has become urgent that concerted efforts against apartheid be redoubled and the struggle for freedom and independence intensified. The most essential factors that sustain and serve to harden the racist regime are foreign investments, economic, trade and other collaboration. If the racist regime still remains adamant in its practice of apartheid. the international community must tell South Africa in unequivocal terms that stronger measures will follow the mandatory arms embargo for t".. total elimination ofapartheid, the scourge ofmankind, from the face ofthe earth.

Events in South Africa demonstrate more forcefully than ever before the inexor- able truth that racism and exploitation and their most potent mani(e~tation, apartheid, cannot withstand the in'esistible tide of history. The South African minority regime today is b~sieged by its own brutal inhumanity and the bitter resistance that it has engendered. In its attempt to maintain its anachronistic and uniquely abhorrent form of racist supremacy, the regime has become virtually an armed police state, isolated and condemned by the world community, anxiety-ridden over its own future and apparen~y committed to a course that can have only one end-conflict and violent overthrow. We can only echo the words of the Secretary-General on this subject, that the international commupjty "can no longer afford delay, as the potential for major disaster becomes more real every day6 u • 107. Recent developments in southern Africa have under- scored this reality and the compelling sense of urgency in the situation. 108. The international community during the past year has launched perhaps the most concentrated expose of and - assault on South Africa's policies of institutionalized racism. The World Conference for Action againstApartheid in Lagos was comprehensively to consolidate a programme of intensified action against apfl1'lheid elaborated by the General Assembly at its thirty-tmt session [see resolution 31/61J and, inter alia, deliberated upon in Lisbon by the World Conference on A[Jil7theid, Racism and Colonialism in 109. As the world community grapples with the choice of action it must undertake-, whether peaceful or punitive, at this decisive stage, Bangladesh for its part believes that certain truths are self-evident. The struggle in South Africa must be viewed essentially within its dual context-the human rights aspect and the fundamentally political dimen- sion affecting not only internal peace in South Afr.ica but also international peace and security. The two components, humanitarian and political, cannot be divorceci or viewedin isolation; they are l.'1divisible. To emphasize only the humanitarian content and solution of the problem and to relegate the struggle of the South African majority to the plane of ciVP liberties and basic human rights is incom- patible with the realities of the situation. Itis a deliberately myopic view and one that has been rejected by the nations of the world. Such dissembling, in our opinion, would indeed give credence to South Mrica's belated attempts to deceive world opinion by making some minimal concessions in lessening the stranglehold of racial discrimination- concessions seized upon by sympathetic economic and military collaborators of the racist regime to offset the increasing demand for meaningful political action. The diplomatic and propaganda offensive launched in the 1970s highlighting promised reforms and detente and dialogue with black African States, the attempt to extend some representation in Government to coloured minorities, and the granting of sham independence to the Transkei ban- tustan-all 'these were exposed and condemned for what they were: a lubrication to grease the axle ofthe apartheid system. South Africa's military adventurism into Angola was decisively to seal all doubts on this score. , 110. It is, therefore, with particular pleasure that we welcome in our midst the representatives of the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, who are the true representatives of the majority of the people in South Africa. Their presence underscores the real dimensions of the problem, an integral element of which is the legitimacy of the struggle of the oppressed people ofSouth Africa to secure their inalienable rights including their right to self-determination on the basis ofuniversal adult suffrage without discrimination. 112. While humanitarian considerations demand the total eradication of apartheid and the dismantling of its machinery of repression, there can be no doubt today that politically its continued existence constitutes a grave threat to international peace and security calling for decisive action by the world community. Challenged by resistance from within and without, South Africa is rapidly transform· ing itself Lito a military machine directed against the entire Mrican continent and geared to keep that whole region permanently under military surveillance. Aided and abetted by its economic and military collaborators, South Africa continues to bolster its armed might through massive increases in its military budget. Perhaps the gravest manifes~ tation of this, apart from the stepped-uji-' [induction of its 0"'. conventional armaments industry, is the increasing development ofits nuclear weapon po!.;n'tim and capability, with its dire implications not only for Africa but also for the world. 113. The past few years have revealed the extent of the threat posed by South African militarism. Not content with its illegal occupation of Namibia, the South African regime has openly collaborated in the support and succour of the illegal racist minority regime of Southern Rhodesia. South Mrica's aggressive acts are not confmed only to its own territory but have repeatedly transgressed its borders, threatening neighbouring independent African countries and actually violating their sovereignty. In the face of the nakerl armed aggression launched against Angola on the eve of its !ndependence and constant violatio~ of the terri- torial integrity of Zambia, which have been condemned by the Security Council, it would seem to us incongruous to deny the acute danger to peace and security. 114. Meanwhile, the liberation struggle continues to gather momentum and strength. South Africa's intensifi- cation of its machinery of terror, intimidation and repres- sion have in direct proportion reinforced and fuelled the determination of the freedom fighters to resist against all 115. For more than 30 years the United Nations has been expressing its concern with apartheid, seeking a wide variety of avenues for a peaceful resolution of the problem. South Africa has spurned all such attempts with impunity. Tht: Lusaka Manifesto in 19708 sought to stem the growing tide in favour of violent upheaval by proposing a workable framework for a just and lasting solution, including amnesty for all political prisoners, negotiations with the liberation movements, the abandonment of bantustans and the extension of fundamental rights on the basis of the United Nations Charter. The recommendation to convene a national convention composed of genuine representatives of all the South African people was mooted as early as 1~64. These conditions still remain pertinent, but they have been flatly rejected by the racist regime. The only alternative remaining is the option of struggle by all available means, including armed struggle, with all the explosive conse- quences that this entails for South Africa itself, southern Africa and the world as a whole. 116. Bangladesh is totally committed to the eradication of apartheid without compromise. Our commitment to the liberation of southern Africa is unequivocal and total. Bangladesh fully reaffIrms its recognition of the legitimacy of the liberation struggle, including armed struggle, for the death of apartheid. We believe that a concerted campaign must be directed towards the complete and total isolation of the aparthe.id regime on all fronts-political, economic, social, cultural and diplomatic. The international com- munity must intensify its efforts to give all forms of assistance-moral and material-to the national liberation movements. Within its limited capacity Bangladesh is fully prepared to contribute its due share. 117. On the more practical and positive front, concerted efforts must be directed towards the sustaining, develop- ment, education and training of South African refugees displaced from their homeland. They constitute the real vanguard for the dismantli..'1g ofapartheid. 118. But important as these steps are, they cannot substitute for the crucial responsibility that rests upon the major economic and military supporters of South Africa. While the mandatory arms embargo imposed by Security Council resolution 418 (1977) marked a small step forward, its impact on South Africa's militat)' might remains basically a moral one. Bangladesh fully concurs with the view that a mandatory embargo under Chapter VII on all forms of military and nuclear collaboration, including a halt to the sale and supply of arms, ammunition, compon~nts and spare parts to South Africa, as well as the cancellation 8 See Officilll Records of the General Assembly, Twenty-fourth Session, Annexes. agenda item 106, document A!7754. 119. There is clear consensusall10ng the great majority of nations that any form of relations whatsoever with South Africa directly bolsters the apartheid regillle and cannot but be viewed as aPPeasement of that criminal regime. The time has now come for the imposition of mandatory and comprehensive economic sanctions under Chapter VU of the United Nations Charter. 120. South Africa's record constitutes one of the bleakest chronicles in human history-a Permanent blemish to the conscience' ef mankind. The anguish and unequivocal condemnation of.the international community cannot be assuaged by anything short of the total eradication of this abhorrent policy. Apartheid remains a fundamental obstacle to international co-operation not only in Africa but in the world as a whole. Condonement of apartheid seriously jeopardizes the moral and intellectual fabdc of our global society; it wouM throw into doubt the viability and sovereignty of nearly 100 States which have emerged to independence from colonial domination. Peace without justice is ephemeral; a world order based on cognition of such a glaring exception to the universal norm will remain a mockery. Bangladesh is therefore irrevocably committed to pursue the total elimination of apartheid in all its manifes- tations, and to this end we pledge our fullest support to the valiant and oppressed people ofsouthern Mrica.

This year, too, the General Assembly is considering in plenary meetings, as it did last year, this important agenda item. 122. The very fact that this item continues to be on our agenda and that it has been debated for years and decl'des is proof that no progress whatsoever has been made towards the solution of this burning issue. The facts also show that the Pretoria Fascist regime continues flagrantly to challenge the will of progressive world opinion and freedom-loving peoples,. and that it is becoming ever more obstinate in its pursuit of the policies of savage racial discrimination and oppression, the ugliest manifestation of which is apartheid. 123. In reality, this regime has set up a complex and endless system of Fascist laws which deprive the African population of its most elementary human rights while giving a free hand to the racist police and army to suppress by fire and sword any sign of resistance or protest against the racist regime. 124. Although South Africa is know to all as a country of great natural riches, its colonial population of about 20 million continues to live a life of poverty beyond descrip- tion; it is maltreated, oppressed and exploited in a manner - reminil>..:ent of the days of slavery. The indigan"'us popula- tion, whose number is four times greater than that of the white settlers, continues to be herded into those mass concentrations set up purposely for blacks only and known by their notorious name of bantustans. The bantustans comprise only 14 per cent of the country's total area. They are poor and almost desolate places, whereas the areas where the white settlers live are the richest anli most 126. The Albanian delegation has more than once stated, and will contmue io reiterate, its viewpoint th~t the Vorster regime is capable of existing and hanging on to the hateful policies of apartheid simply because the imperialist Powers-in the ftrst place the United States-have always given and continue to give the Pretoria and'Salis6ury regimes all-out political, economic and military supportland back- ing. Hundreds of United States-, West German, British and other capitalist monopolies and companies carry out their activities in South Africa, most ruthlessly exploiting the riches as well as the cheap labour in that part of the world, thus reaping ~uper-proftts amounting to billions of dollars. Meanwhile, it is precisely those imperialist Powers that are enriching themselves through the proftts drawn out of the sw~at and blood of the African population that are doing all they can militarily to .strengthen the racist regime of South Africa: No wonder that the Vorster regime was not bothered in the slightest when it learned that its allies were indignant to the point of allegedly threatening it with a total arms embargo. 127. £ut one cannot help asking; Who is it that does not know about the imperialist Powers' all-round support and aid to South Africa? Is it not that support and aid which has made it possible for the racists of South Africa to reach out for atomic weapons? Then is not all the imperialist fuss-in particular the fuss made by United States imperia- lists-about the arms embargo a mere farce? Certainly such a farce can deceive no one. 128. There is no doubt that United States imperialism and its allies wish to see the racist regime of South Africa grow stronger with every passing day, for in that regime they have an important strategic point of support for the realisation of their ambitious plans against the freedom and independence of the African peoples. In the Fascist regime of South Africa they tlave a reliable. gendarme against the freedom of the peoples of southem Africa, a watchdog of irnperialis:31 in the African continent. 129. But in spite of the brutal Fascist violence and oppression wilich is daily intensifying, in spite of the arrests, imprisonments, tortures and even assassinatimls by the Pretoria regime, the people of Azania have never been subdued but on the contrary are meeting ruthless Fascist violence with revolutionary violence. Nothing can extin- guish the flames ofhatred und revQit that have engulfed the broad masses of the people, the youth and students, and which are manifested daily in the form of demonstrations, anti-racist rallies, strikes and clashes takirig place in Soweto, Johannesburg and other places. 130. It must be pointed out, however, that the policy of apartheid is not an isolated phenomenon to be found in South Africa alone. Apartheid is practised also in Rhodesia by the lan SIPith regime-this hateful epitome of the reactionary rule of the white settlers minority over the indigenous black majority. It also-exists in Nam.ibia which , the Vorster regime aims to turn into its own colony. 132. Just because the anti-racial and liberation struggle of these peoples is at the same time directed against the imperialist Powers and their interests, United States imperialism, in cnllaboration with the white settlers of South Africa and Southern P.hodesi~, is manoeuvring in various diabolical ways and forms, to fmd a way out of the difficult position in which they find themselves. 133. The big shuttles of the Washington envoys to southern Africa and other African countries are not tourist travels, nor are they missions of peace or goodwill, as imperialist propaganda is trying to present them. On the contrary, they are an integral part of the feverish diplo- matic offensive undertaken by the imperialists, with the United States imperialists at the head, to stifle the just struggle of the African peoples and to save the racist regimes. The special role which the imperialists and their lackeys are assigning to South Africa, so that it may allegedly contribute to the peaceful solution of the ques- tion of Rhodesia, and their incitement to create the bantustans in Namibia and Azania reveal clearly the true aims of the imperialist Powers against the African peoples. 134. We cannot fail to mention here that the struggle of the peoples of South Africa becomes even more difficult and complicated because, just as in all the'other parts of the world, in southern Africa, too, a fierce rivalry and competition for expansion and hegemony exists between United States imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism. Thus, while United States imperialism tries to present itself to the peoples as the strong barrier to Soviet social imperialist expansion, Soviet social imperialism for its part conducts itself in a most demagogic and unscrupulous manner by using the slogan of the anti-imperialist struggle as a means to bring the national liberation movements under its own influence and control. 135. We firmly believe that the peoples fighting to liberate themselves from the imperialist yoke do not and cannot want to exchange one form of slavery for another, nor will they accept the exchange of one kind of fetters for another kind of chains. 136. When spoaking about the struggle of the African ·peoples, the leader of the Albanian people, Comrade Enver HoAba, said at the Seventh Party Congress: "On the Afric~ continent, the struggle between the two super-Powers has just begun and is far from coming to an end.... "The big imperialist Powers make the most of the difficult economic and social situations of the peoples, the countries and States of Africa, where they hatch up a thousand and one intrigues. These are never-ending intrigues engineered to retard the revival of this vast 137. It is crystal-clear that colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism and social imperialism have thrown themselves into an onslaught against the African peoples in order to obstruct titem and prevent them from attaining their genuine political, economic and social emancipation. 138. The Albanian delegation, faithfully interpreting the sentiments of the Albanian people, who are sincere friends of the African peoples, is strongly convinced that neither aggression nor expansion, neither racial oppression and racial discrimination nr.-r the demagogy and manoeuvres employed by the two super-Powers-the United States and the Soviet Union-and their .followers will be able to halt the great process of the African peoples' struggle which is bound to lead them to victory, to a life of freedom and dignity. No matter what the racist regime of South Africa does to suppress the struggle of the people in that country and to stifle their desire for freedom and human dignity, it will never succeed in accomplishing that fiendish goal. The people of Azania, through their resolute struggle and by never giving up their anns, will certainly put an end to the racist regime and its hateful policies ofapartheid.

I should like first ofall to stress that my delegation entirely endorses the statement made yesterday on behalf of the fijne countries of the European Community by my colleqgue the representative of Belgium ;-;Oth meeting}. I shall therefore be brief. 140. In today associating my delegation with those who from this rostrum have voiced their protest against apart" heid. I am aware of performing a duty which is more urgent than ever. Recent grave events in South Africa, in particular the crack-down against black or white citizens whose only crime was to try, through peaceful means, to secure justice and the respect for human rights, show that the South African authorities are travelling further and further along the road of excess and unreason. 141. These events, and particularly the death in prison of the respected leader, Steven Biko, have appalled the people and Government of my country. 142. Human rights are a part of our heritage. The Government and people of France are too deeply devoted to the principle of freedom and equaHty not to abhor a policy which offends the most elementary dignity and claims to define a series of fundamental freedoms on the basis of ethnic criteria. Such a system is inadmissible and muat be condemned. 143. That una~aptable regime is plr'nging the majority of a people into despair and placing them at the mercy of a minotity. It is seeking to 'establish a legal basis for the efforts of the few who wish to maintain their rule over the 144. The proponents of apartheid can hardly invoke principles of which their policy is the very negation. Their attitude, founded on contempt and fear, can, if they persist, lead only to their own downfall. It is fraught, perhaps in the very short term, with grave dangers for Africa and for the world. 145. The international community has a duty to ac~ to end apartheid. My country shares the indignation of all those who ha:ve denounced behaviour so fraught with disaster for the future. It has shown its determination by, among other things, joining in the unanimous decision of the Security Council to impose an embargo on arms shipments to South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. It has immediately taken all measures within its power to enable that decision to be fully implemented. 146. France is also making a $100,000 contribution to the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa, which is helping those whom apartheid would deprive of their right to education. 147. In view of the worsening situation of those who are fighting against apartheid, my country has decided this year to be a sponsor of the draft resolution on the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa!A/32/L.20], to which it has been contributing for many years and the usefulness of which is today more obvious than ever. 148. Having said that, we do not believe that the total isolation of South Africa, as has been suggested by some, would help the just strui:gle of those who are fighting against that regime. The end result of such an attitude, we believe, would be to immure the zealots and apartheid in their isolation and to afford them comfort in their obstinacy. 149. We must, instead, allow every opportunity for a peaceful change of minds and hearts. We mus~ show the leaders of South Africa that recognition of the rights of all who live in tl1at country is for them the only way to avoid chaos and violence. 150. We hope to see the peaceful emergence in that part of Africa of a multiracial and democratic society in which all who are born in the country will have their rightful place. IS!. We deem it incumbent on our Organization and all its Mem.bers to bring to bear active, firm, but responsible pressure along those lines. France, for its part, is doing what it can. We would hope that there may be yet time for the voice of reason to be heard.

For many years now the question of apartheid has engaged the attention of the international community. It is a fact that this Organization has been concerned with the racial policies of South Africa for almost as long as the life of the Organization itself. It has done so because the system of apartheid is one of the most flagrant denials of humanity and a challenge to the 153. However, it has become clear that the international community is not prepared to tolerate the existence of apartheid any further. The proof lies in the fact that this year the question of apartheid has returned to the General Assembly with an increased acuteness calling for urgent intervention by the United Nations. 154. Indeed, the repression of anti-apartheid opposition, recently resorted to by the South African Government, proves that unfortunately there is no intention on its part to give up this odious system. We all know that the essence of the policy of apartheid, which is that black and white people cannot live together in equality, is absurd and simply cannot resist the march of time. Therefore, it is the view of my delegation that there can be no solution other than the integral application of the provisions of the Charter, of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and of the relevant United Nations resolution on South Africa. The alternative would only be disaster. 155. Consequently, my delegation strongly believes that more effective steps should be taken by this Organization, pursuant to the Charter, in order to eliminate a situation which has for many years been considered as one of the major concerns of humanity. 156. Our position on the question of apartheid, with all its repercussions on the whole of southern Africa, is well known and hardly needs an elaborate exposition. Greece would be oblivious of itself were it not to stand for the defence of human dignity and of freedom, and for the effective respect Qf the ideals of democracy and the rule of the majority. 157. Greece has always vigorously condemned apartheid and all other forms of racial discrimination and supported all efforts to ensure that human dignity, security, safety and progress for aU prevail in this region. Namibia should also accede to independence, and the people of Southern Rhodesia must be given the benefit of self-determination and the democratic principle of Government by majority rule. 158. In the context of the international struggle against apartheid, it has to be noted with satisfaction that considerable events have taken place during the current year. The International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held at Maputo, gave considerable impulse to the furtherance of the legitimate aspirations of those peoples for independence and majority rule. 159. A landmark in the history of the fight against apartheid has also been the convening and successful outcome of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held at Lagos, for which we express our deep appreciation and thanks to the Government and people of Nigeria. We also extend our sincere thanks to the Commis- sioner for External Affairs of Nigeria, who played an important role in the Conference and was kind enough to 160. Finally we believe that the unanimous adoption by the Security Council of resolution 418 (1977), prescribing a compulsory arms embargo, according to Chapter VII of the Charter, reflects the will of the intenl.ational community to samp O']t apartheid, 161. We hcpe that South Africa will not fail to pay heed to this very selious warning. 162. Miss KONIE (Zambia): T'ne con:sideration of the quest:o!! oi iipartheid by this Assembly comes at a decisive .moment in the long cmel history of South Africa. This debate comes in the aftemlath of the latest rep:lessivc measures amid sustai.'1ed conflict in South Africa. Reports abound that racist South Africa is on the threshhold of detonatdlg a nucle3r weapon for none ctha~ than e~plicit ag~1l'essi'Je designs. The consideration of this item comes n.fter tht. epoch-making World Conferl~nce for Action ¥inSI. A/Alrtheid, held in Lagos last August, 't"'ltich symbol- izec~ conc~rted world pressure to isolate and combat ap"'1rtl:dd. Th'.; birth and conwlidation of !h~ People's Rep~blilCs of An.W1e ~nd Mozambique out of the ruins of a.he PortugLle~ eL!pire and the sustained wars of liberation in 2:imbabwe and Namibia have all created new favourable conilldons for combating the heartland of apartheid. The world's spotlight is focused on southern Africa in general arid on Soath Africa in particular. 163. Zambia continues to be preoccupied with the plight o:t the oppressed people of South Africa. We identify ourselves with the oppressed people and their liberation movement in their relentless effQrts to rid South Africa of racism, oppression, exploitation and plunder. My Govern- ment is equally resolved to help to find solutions to that ailment called apartheid. This position emanates from a sober, calculating and thorough assessment of and acquaint- ance with the heinous policies and practices of apartheid. Zambia's familiarity with the obnoxious behaviour of the Afrikaner rulers of South Africa is well known. 164. The evil system of institutionalized racism in Sout}: Africa is piimitive, base and myopic. Vorster ~lHd his clique do not only live in the past but also fanatically entertain a highly distorted view ofhistory. They remain impervious to progressive change. I submit that if they were rational bei.,gs they would have abrogated apartheid overnight in order to live like human beings. President Kaunda aptly presented our view of apartheid at the Lagos Conference in the following terms: "Apartheid is a negation of the common humanity of all races not only in South Africa but in the world as a whole.... '\ .. it is a view of life ... w~tich says, 'I am whitf-l am good. You are not white-you are bad'.... IF'1. President Kaunda has observed further that, like all other theories of domination, such as r.azism and fascism, which led to tragic wars, apartheid could engulf southern Africa and the entire world in a holocaust too ghastly "£0 contemplate.. Apartheid should, therefore, not be permitted by the international community to be the state doctrine of any State. Furthermore, the racist white regime it, South Afric'l must be den~ed shelter by sli Governments. Claims that Vorster ~d his group are devout Christians and custodians of Western values and ci1.rilization defy common- sense. Those claims must be dismissed with th~ contempt they deserve, particularly by those societies whose very values and civilization Fascist South Africa purports to represent. 166. Zambia appeals to all membt.'rs of the world com- munity to ostracize South Africa, rrJIitarily, economically, diplomatically and politically. The world commwnty must close its ranks and develop a sustained consensus against South Africa. This is why we welcome recent positive measures, hcluding the impositio.., t.y the Security Council of a mandatory anns embargo against South Africa and subsequent pronouncements by certain We~tem Govern- ments that they will oblige. The ball is now in the court of the West. 167. Nevertheless, we feel it is necessary to pronounce ourselves on certain aspects of the proceedings in the Security CouncH debate on South Africa. It was paradoxi- cal that Western members .of Jle Se~urity Council had to veto an African-sponsored draft resolution on an arms embargo fust before voting for an arms embargo resolution of their own conception. This history must not be repeated. We applaud the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries for voting in favour of the recent draft resolution calling for an oH embargo against South Africa in the Fourth Committee. Zambia further commends all members of the international community for refusing to recognize the sham independence of so-called bantustans in South Africa. This augurs well for the future. 168. Additional concerted measures are required to com-. bat apartheid. The major Western countries must Withdraw their massive investments in racist South Africa before their so-called profitable enteIJIrrises go up in flames as the day of reckoning finds them on the wrong side of the struggle. Countries which continue -to sUPr~y nuclear materials to 4fJflrtheid South Africa should desist from doing so forth- with. Their actions are tantamount to arming apartheid. Therefore they will be held criminally responsible for the consequences of t:teir actions. 169. Zambia strongly abhors the continued collaboration in the nUGI~ar field between certain Western countries and apartheid South Africa. This collaboration is contrary to 9 Sec Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No, E.77.XIV.3), pp.lS-16. 170. Finally, ..hi: international community has the duty to demand the release of thousands of politic!Jl prison~rs in South Africa's gaol c;!ies and on Robben Island. The international community must also render material assist- ance to refugees and other victims ofapartheid. 171. The people of South Africa have demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt their utmost commitmerat to fighting· for freedom. They have defied. challenged and confronted Vo~ter's Gestapo police for decades. Soweto, Langa, Sharpevllle, Alexandra are but the latest landmarks in this long history of a protracted struggle by the Africans in South Africa. Murders, maimings, imprisonments. deten- tions, restrictions, torture and haras~mentshave all failed to extinguish the sparks of freedom in South Africa. If anything, the resolve of the people to fight on has intensified. No military might can ever quench the eternal fife of freedom to the maintenance of which the people of South Africa are committed. They need our continued support. and the time is now. 172. Mr. EL SHEIBANI (Ubyan Arab Jamahiriya) {inter- pretation from Arabic): A few days ago the international community reached an important turning point of consider- able significance in its modem history through the unani- mous adoption of Security Council resolution 41 g (1977) on an arms embargo against the racist regime of South Africa. That resolution was designed to meet the explosive situation in South Afric~.md prevent the racist regime from pursuing its heinous policy, which threatens international peace and security, especially on the African continent. 173. The adoption of the Security Council resolution to which ' hava just referred is of considerable importance. ~ecause it is in fact the first measure adopted by the United Nations against the racist regime in South Africa. That resolution applies the principles of the United Nations. in particular Chapter VII of the Charter. The unanimous adoption of the resolution of 4 November confirms the fact that the international community has assumed its responsi- bilities in the light of the serious situation in South Africa. In that resolution the international community reflects the aspirations and hopes as well as the confidence placed in the United Nations by the oppressed peoples. and it demonstrates that it can take measures, when it can freely express its will and when it keeps faith with the principles and the ideas laic down in the Charter, the foundation upon which the United Nations was established. 174. This resolution encourages us to adopt effective measures in the context of other problems affecting the destiny ofpeoples stlll living under the yoke of colonialism, _racism and oppression. We are sure that other measures will be taken effectively to eliminate completely the policy of apartheid and to assist the people of South Africa to exercise their inalienable right to self-de;termination. 175. "The delegation of the Ubyan Arab Jamahiriyah believes that the resolution adopted by the Security racist regime, the Government has devoted to the purchase of military arms and equipment from external sources more than 50 per cent of the convertibk currency section of its budget and has spent hundreds of thousands of rands, the local currency. for the same purpose. 176. Tho~ figures confirm the importance of the resolu- tion adopted by the Security Council. because it must help to minimize the expansion of the military strength of the racist regime and thus diminish the threat hanging over the neighbouring. countries. 177. The' implementation of that resolution in our view represents an important step towards the isolation of that racist regme in the international scene. It will. of course. not end all the crimes committed against the Africans in South Africa by the racist regime. For over 30 years this Organization has been concerned about these crimest because it has devoted many sessions to the discussion of possible solutions to the criminal policies and acts com- mitted by this racist regiMe in South Africa. which represent a -serious source of danger, threatening peace and security not only in the region but in the whole of the African continent. 178. The Security Council resolution will no doubt diminish the direct threats against internationOal peace and security in South Africa. However, that resolution will not completely eliminate those threats. because the decision taken by the Security Council will have limited effect on the balance of power within South Africa itself. That is why the racist regime remains powerful and continues to defy the international community by applying its apartheid policy. continuing the oppression. exploitation and intimi- dation of the African people. including the use of torture. Thus the resolution adopted by the Security Council is but a first step along an arduous and difficult path. and the adoption of more effective international measures is neces- sary to eradicate the apartheid policy practised by the racist regime in South Africa. -179. At present the re.al difficulty is to decide upon the next step to be taken by the United Nations. We cannot fail to take further measures because the policy ofapartheid is not anything as simple as a conflict or dispute between two parties; it is a crime against humanity. It is the duty of the United Nations. under the Charter, to adopt measures and take the necessary steps to punish this crime. In addition. the policy pursued in South Africa is an element of the colonialism represented by this racist regime. Therefore. concerted efforts must be made on an international scale to eliminate the apartheid policy in South Africa. 180. In order to adopt the requisite measures, we must be clear about what is going on in South Africa and establish the evolution of events in that part of the world. The policy of apartheid is not an academic question. It·is a pressing problem, calling for important practical measures, because 181. The delegation of the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya believes that we should assume our international responsibilities as laid down in the Charter and that the United Nations and the international community should speedily adopt measures to eliminate the apartheid policy practised by the racist regime in South Africa. There are certain States Members of this Organization which speak as if the racist regime had changed, even while it is committing a barbarous massacre of children in the African schools in Soweto, arresting hundreds of students and African citizens, throwing them into prison, and killing freedom fighters like Steven Biko. Others, in the name of certain Western Powers, say that the United Nations should not adopt further measures against the racist regime in South Africa, at least not in the n~ar future. Why is that? Is it because the United Nations has adopted a resolution on an arms embargo against South Africa? And now should the United Nations stand by with folded arms before the spectacle of apartheid and the inhuman practices inflicted on our African brothers by the South African regime? My delegation, while it appreciates the importance of the resolution of the Security Council, considers that that resolution should not prevent the adoption of other effective measures aimed at the rapid elimination of the apartheid policy and the inhuman practices of the racist regime in South Africa. Nor should that resolutkm divert our attention from all that is happening in, South Africa or Clom measures taken against the heroic struggle of the South African people. 182. In a television interview 'organized recently, one distinguished and responsible American figure described the position to be taken by his Government after the adoption of the resolution on an arms embargo as follows: "Our hope . . . is that the South African Government will take the necessary corrective measures before the international community ostracizes it, and before the situation in South Africa becomes polarized."10 183. The representative of France also st:lted, after the vote on the resolution adopted in the Security Council, that: "The message is clear. Soutll Africa must now under- stand that it will have to come to its senses and rapidly put an end to its policy ofapartheid. "I 1 184. My delegation considers it impossible to take such a declaration seriously, because we are absolutely convinced that the racist regime will not on its own initiative willingly take measures to eliminate the policy ofapartheid, which constitutes the keystone to the economic, social and political structure of the regime. The belief on th~ part of certain Western Powers that the Vorster regime will work 186. Apartheid is a system based upon the imposition of a series of unjust laws aimed at separating the various races in South Africa. The racist regime considers those laws to give the minority the status of the majority so that the minority can impose its domination on the resources of the African people, exploiting them by virtue of the law. 187. The abolition ofapartheid would, we believe, require more than mere intervention in the sense of amendments or partial changes within the social structure as a whole, because there are no fundamental problems concerning South African society itself. South African society, includ- ing the white colonialists, enjoys a very high standard of living because of the economic resources and facilities available. But those who are imposing it fail to realize that everyone would be better off if apartheid were abolished. Therefore, one may wonder why apartheid is applied in South Africa. Weli, the answer is self-evident: the white minority in power in South Africa is aware that the exercise of that policy enables it to exploit the African people in the interests of the white minority, and thereby obtain material benefits for that white minority and for multinational corporations. And the white ~l1inority can get all the support it needs to protect its interests and privileges in that part of the world. Accordingly, apartheid is a system of domination of the majority by the minority based on force. The Unite ~ Nations should adopt urgent measures consistent with this fact of life. 188. Apartheid was devised by the white colonialists who occupied South African soil, where they carried out the most loathsome policy against the African people, who constitute 75 per cent of the population and who live permanently in bantustans, occupying bnd representing not more than 13 pel' cent of the total area of South Africa. Faced with that illegal situation, Africans are emigrating towards areas inhabited by the whites to seek work In the fields, mines and factories, of which the whites are the owners. What is surprising is that the policy ofapartheid is applied to these Africans when they leave the bantustans, where the white man divests the black man ofhis God-given rights. Is there anything more surprising? 189. The apartheid regime treats the blacks as a source of cheap labour, refusing to grant them even the most fundamental economic, social or political rights. Indeed, the white minority which devised this regime, refused to recognize Africans' rights \"fnen they say that Africans can work only for low wages. As I said, it is merely a means of 190. The intention of the apartheid regime has been to redu.~e the blacks to slavery in order to usurp their natural resources. The regime allows the white minority to enjoy the highest standard of living in the world, while the blacks live at a subsistence level. Moreover, the white minority derives great benefit from the imposition of this regime in South Africa, dominating the.blacks, resorting to massacres and murders of Africans-indeed, of any African who would fi&ttt against that regime. The truth is that the end of the apartheid regime would mean the end of the white minority and its privileges in South Africa. 191. My delegation considers that this analysis provides a basis for discussion of the measures which should be taken by the United Nations against the apartheid regime in South Africa. I do not think there can be any ambiguity as to what we have just said, because realities require us to recall tltat an armed conflict has been going on in South Africa, and this must be solved, on behalf of the majority which is fighting for its freedom, by bringing about a change in the conditions in which they have been compelled to live for the time being. We believe that there is no other way to end the policy of apartheid than to fight against that policy, using force to end this tragic situation in which the people of South Africa live. In this connexion, the international community should help that oppressed people, giving them the strength they require in order to prevail. 192. We would, prefer for that power to be transferred to the African majority' by peaceful means with the least possible violence and bloodshed. Yet, the responsibility for an increase in violence and bloodshed wiil E:~entually have to be borne by the majority as well as by the racist minority, which persists in imposing apartheid. Therefore, as long ·as the racist regime resists the demands of the African people, the latter will be compelled to seek their freedom by force, and the responsibility for the ensuing violence and bloodsiled will have to be borne by those who are violating the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Charter of the United Nations. As for those who help and support the racist regime, they, in their turn, become accomplices to the crimes committed by the apartheid regime and must bear responsibility for any consequences. 193. One may wonder how such an analysis can help us in discussing what measures the United Nations and the international community should take. Undoubtedly, it will help up to foresee forthcoming events in South Africa. 194. In this conflict we should follow the developments that influ~nce the balance of forces each step of the way. Therefore, this conflict wiJI develop as changes occur in the balance of forces. We know the power of the white minority regime today. Their economy is powerful b~cause they dominate it. Their military forces are also in a good position. The regime has many friends overseas. Banks and multitiational corporations are proViiling it with the neees- . 195. Developments within South Africa should be con- sidered in the same context as other developments that have occurred in Namibia and Zimbabwe. That struggle taking plac~ in Namibia and Zimbabwe to end the colonia11st presence has entered a d-ecisive stage. In Namibia, the African people under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization is on the eve of independence, though certain steps remain to be taken before indepen- dence is achieved. We are convinced that the racist regime in Namibia ·is approaching its end and that the darkness has begun to disappear from that land. A new age of freedom and independence will be born. In Zimbabwe the Patriotic Front will come to power soon despite the efforts of certain foreign forces to impose their own solution-which in fact means they are safeguarding their own interests. The end of colonialism in that part of southern Africa is therefore about to be achieved. 196. The achievement by Zimbabwe and. Namibia of liberty and independence will have a considerable influence upon South Africa itself. That new situation will give further strength to the liberation movements in South Africa. It will give a new dimension to the struggle to end the policy of apartheid, and therefore the balance of forces in that country will inevitably be changed. As a result. increased pressure by the international community upon the racist regime could speed up the movement to end the criminal policy of tre racist regime in South Africa and help the oppressed people of South Africa to achieve liberation in accordance with the principles of the United Nations. 197. The Zionist racist regime has not remained indif- ferent. In its turn it has contributed military aid to the n~cist regime in South Africa. The co-operation between the two regimes over the last two years has increased con- siderably. 198. The Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Mr. Leslie Harriman of Nigeria. on 11 August 1976, at the meeting of Ministers for Fo~eign Affairs preceding the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or ..Announcement by Israel of proposed sale to South Africa of two corvettes equipped with missiles represents flagrant violation of United Nations resolutions and cynical and hostile act against African people now engaged in heroic struggle for freedom in face of massacres by apartheid regime. It also constitutes threat to independent African States and challenge to efforts to establish Indian Ocean zone of peace. I call on all Governments and people to denounce this action and growing Israeli collusion with apartheid regime and demand cessation of all collaboration with Pretoria. I feel certain that non-aligned ministers now meeting here in Colombo will give this growing threat to Africa the attention which it deserves."l 2 199. The relations between South Africa and the Zionist entity have ideological and historical roots. In the book Weizmallll and Smuts: a Stud~' in Zionist South African Co-operation l3 written by Richard P. Stevens, we find that General Smuts, at one time Minister of Defence of the Federal Government and a member of the War Council of 1917 in South Africa was one of the main authors of the Balfour Declaration on the creation of a national Jewish homeland in Palestine. General Smuts, a close friend of Chaim Weizmann, continued to play the role of a dedicated defender of zionism until his death. 200. In a French review, the Revue [ranraise et etudes politiques africaines. No. 119. published in November 1975 on relations between Israel and South Africa, it was said that the Government of the national coalition under the presidency of General Herzog had supported the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine and had adopted a resolution along those lines in 1926. It had promised to support Zionist objectives in the League of Nations and later, in the United Nations, South Africa supported the partition of Palestine. One of the first acts of the National 201. The community of interests of the racist Zionist entity and the apartheid regime was clear from the beginning. The Jewish community in South Africa acts as a liaison between the two racist regimes. In a speech to the Eighth World Conference of Progressive Judaism, held in London in 1953, Chaim Failaha said: "Jews as a community have decided to adopt no stand as regards the question of the indigenous inhabitants, for our concern should be only with assistance to Jews in all parts of the world. The efforts of the Jews of South Africa to help Israel are greater than the effort of any other community. The community cannot ask the Government for an authorization to export funds, while biking the opposite position with regard to the measures taken by the Government." 202. The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya considers that the presence of racists in any part of the world will have grave consequences for the international community as a whole. We therefore believe that every State should undertake to combat racism and apartheid. The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya took the initiative of holding a world symposium in Tripoli from 24 to 28 July 1976 in order to examine the links between zionism and racism. The symposium, in which many personalities, philosophers, writers and politicians took part, s~ressed the importance of the struggle against zionism as a real extension of colonialism and imperialism. The symposium also stressed the need to make every effort, moral and material alike, to help national liberation movements struggling against the two racist regimes in Palestine and in South Africa, in order to enable these people to exercise their inalienable rights. 17le meeting rose at 6.35 p.ln.