A/32/PV.73 General Assembly

The Government of Trinidad and Tobago reJT1ains fmnly committed to the eradication of the criminal policies of racial discrimination and segregation as institutionalized in the apartheid system of the Government of South Africa. Our resolute opposi- tion to these policies stems from our deep-rooted belief that fundamental human rights shnuld be accorded to all people irrespective of colour, creed or race, and that a society based on racial superiority or exclusivity constitutes the very negation of those rights which are the inalienable birthright of all peoples. 3. The racist regime in Pretoria, seemingly impervious to the just demands of the people of South Africa and notwithstanding the appeals made by the international community for an end to the abhorrent practices of apartheid, has intensified its repression of the opponents of apartheid. The mass arrests ofschoolchildren, the detention without trial of countless otheis, the use of torture and the banning of outspoken critics of the regime demonstrate the NEW YORK lengths to which that regime is prepared to go to suppress the legitimate aspirations of the people ofSouth Africa for freedom and justice, and to silence their leaders. The death of Steven Biko in police detention in Pretoria on 12 September 1977 demonstrates the increasingly ruthless nature of the govel11mental authorities in South Africa. My Government condemns the cowardly murder of that true son of Africa who had dedicated his life to the creation through peaceful change of a just, eqUitable and non-racial society in SCl~th Africa. We pledge our solidarity on this occasion with South African patriots who continue to languish in South African gaols, their only "crime" being their unwavering opposition to racial injustice. 4. In the face of growing internal demand for change within South Africa. and with a view to preserving the privileged status of and dominatiof' by the white minority, the Government ofSbuth Africa has engaged over the years in a massive armaments build-up through purchases from abroad or from the manufacture under licence of military equipment in South Africa. The international community has repeatedly called for the imposition ofa comprehensive mandatory arms embargo against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations in the light ofits policy ofaggression against neighbouring African States. My Government takes note, therefore, of the decision of the Security Council in resolution 418 (1977) of 4 November this year in which th;!t body, recognizing the threat which South Africa poses to international peace and security decided-after, we wish to point out, much procrastination-to impose a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. My Government trusts that this demonstration of unanimity among the major arms pro- ducers of the world will result in the strict enforcement of this somewhat limited anns embargo. Although that resolu- tion does not prohibit nuclear collaboration in all its aspects with South Africa we are nevertheless encouraged by the prohibition now placed by the Security Council on all States to refrain from any co-operation with South Africa in the manufacture and development of nuclear weapons. It would be tragic for the entire world com- munity if South Africa. which has already demonstrated its utter disregard for human life, should acquire nuclear- weapons capability. 5. My Government regrets, however. that as a result of a triple veto by France, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. the Security Council was unable to impose a mandatory embargo on trade with and investment in South Africa. There is in force in my country a total prohibition on trade with South Africa. and persons are prevented by law from imp~)fting from or exporting to South Africa any goods whatsoever. However, increased economic collaboration between multinational corpDrations from the industrialized democracies and South Africa 6. While we recognize the importance of international action in the imposition of military and economic sanctions in bringing about the desired change in South Africa, it is important for Governments increasingly to isolate the South African regime by avoiding cultural, educational and sporting contacts with South Africa. In so far as sport is concerned. my Government's position is clear. Under no circumstances will visas be issued to South African players, nor will any competition to which South African players are invited be held in Trinidad and Tobago. Furthermore, sporting organizations in Trinidad and Tobago or memb..ers of those organizations taking part in any sporting activities in South Africa or with racially selected South African teams will be denied official sponsorship an"d financial support. In this connexion we take note of the proposed International Declaration against apartheid in Sports trans- mitted to the General Assembly Isee A/32/36/. and we would urge all Governments, in pursuanc~ of that Declara- tion, to refrain from maintaining sporting contacts with South Africa. In so far as similarly organized cultural events are concerned, nationals wishing to participate in them are advised of the Government's firm opposition.to apartheid. and they receive no fmancial or other support from my Government. Official representatives of Trinidad and Tobago are, furthermore, instructed not to associate them- selves in any way with social activities which are held or may be held in connexion with such cultural events. 7. At the thirty-fIrst session of the General Assembly my Government joined with other members of the interna- tional community in strongly condemning the establish- ment of bantustans, which are designed to consolidate the inhuman policies of apartheid. to perpetuate white- minority domination and to dispossess the African people of South Africa of their inalienable rights. As a matter of policy the Government of Trinidad and Tobago does not have any dealings with any institutions or authorities claiming to represent the so-called independent Transkei or other bantustans, and we will not accord recognition to any of them. We condemn the. sham independence slated for Bopbuthatswana later this year. 8. My Government will continue,to provide both moral and material assistance to the people of South Africa and their national liberation movements and to support their legitimate struggle for equality, human dignity and justice. But the total eradication ofapartheid requires the collective and determined action of the whole international com-

One year ago we the African States in this Organization brought the issue of apartheid to the plenary meetings of the General Assembly to emphasize our opposition to bantustanization and our anger over the deliberate dehumanizing of our brot~ers and sisters in South Africa. We appealed to the conSCIence of the world and orged States to support our efforts to bring down apartheid. 11. "This year I am pleased to note that our appeals have not fallen on deaf ears and that our efforts have not all been in vain. 12. For once the world community has decided to match words with a~tion against apartheid. and the signals sent to the racist regimes in both South Africa and Zimbabwe this past year were not muffled by cold excuses. indifference and hypocrisy. They transmitted a clear message to the dreamers in southern Africa that apartheid is alien to this world and that in this modern age of interdependence and respect a political system which uses race to determine who are human beings and who are not cannot be tolerated. 13. The positive measures taken by some countries to isolate the apartheid regime in South Africa this past year are indeed a welcome change for the better. The most unique and perhaps most important of these is the unanimity with which the Security Council has for the first time joined hanQs with the Africans to impose an arms embargo on ~outh Africa. Though the arrogant and unrepentant Mr. Vorster later declared that this was a futile effort because his country did not need foreign arms. my delegation considers the Security Council's action a memo- rable and important victory for the victims ofapartheid 14. Mr. Vorster at least has to admit that the world- especially, in this case, the Western world-is no longer impressed and has no intention of being fooled any more by his cries for protection against communism. The Western world, it seems, has begun to see that continued protection of the racist apartheid regime of South Africa makes a mockery of the teachings of their religion and the noble tenets of their political system. No true Christian or Moslem can be indifferent to the cruelty and insanity of apartheid. just as no true supporter of democracy can ignore the racism and injustice ofapartheid and consider its perpetrators respectable allies against his enemy. 15. We Africans have not for one moment been deceived by Mr. Vorster's often expressed anxiety over commlmism 1 See Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.77.XIV.2), chap. X. 16. We realize that we still have to convince the Security Council to adopt the necessary resolutions which will completely cut off trade and diplomatic ties between South Africa and the rest of the world. So far the Security Council has been reluctant to take this essential step which, in ourjudgement, will assure the collapse ofapartheid. 17. We cannot ignore the fact that influential countries in the Security Council which had blocked all our efforts to impose an arms embargo on South Africa at the time when the apartheid regime there was vulnerable militarily, sud- denly came out strongly in favour of this position when we all know its material effect is negligible. If some of us in Africa doubt the sincerity of these countries it is because we fmd it difficult to accept that this delay was a result of misjudgement. 18. Our scepticism is justified by the fact that our attempts recently to get the Security Council to adopt economic sanctions against South Africa and to deny nuclear technology to that country had been collectively blocked by those countries. Even armed to the teeth as he is, Mr. Vorster knows that trade with the outside world is essential for his survival and that a severance of it would constitute considerable pressure which would force im- mediate change and herald the collapse of apartheid. Most especially, foreign investment in South Africa, which will provide employment and keep the Africans quiet, is very much needed at the moment. Are these countries going to wait again until Mr. Vorster finds an alternative before they act'? Black Africa hopes not and the rest of the world hopes not. 19. The excuse that the policy of free trade does not support economic sanctions is weak and unacceptable. Countries which profess this theory do not have to look far among their ranks to come up with evidence of powerful countries which have not hesitated to apply economic sanctions against small harmless States when they believed their interests to be threatened. Besides, free trade is part of the democratic process, and democracy advocates the principle of "one man, one vote", freedom of the individual in speech and movement, the equality of all peoples, the protection of basic human rights, respect for human beings irrespective of race, colour or creed-all ofwhich apartheid negates. If free trade does not reflect the noble ideals and the guiding principles of a free society, then it is by itself contradictory. 20. In the same vein. my delegation does not believe that countries should consider their rejection of the artificial stability and business potential which apartheid offers to foreign investors in South Africa as a sacrifice. To consider 21. There should be no hesitation. Apartheid must be condemned and must be eliminated from our world. 22. The cries of the parents and relatives of the children of Soweto who were massacred in cold blood because they opposed the cruelty and injustice of apartheid should jolt our conscience and lead us to act i!l unanimity against apartheid. 23. Already, the racist regime is feeling caged because it sees the whole world closing in on it, and in desperation it has embarked on a number of repressive measures to maintain the semblance of calm, to lure businessmen to South Africa and to assure them a perfect haven for making quick money from the cheap labour apartheid provides. It is indeed regrettable, as is observed in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid. that "the Interna- tional Monetary Fund had been a principal source of fmance for South Africa in 1976"/A/32/22. para. 801. In this same paragraph it is observed that "in 1976 the inflow of capital into South Africa had totalled R800 miIJion. which almost completely covered the increase in the regime's military budget"/ibid.}. 24. So. the irony is that apartheid draws its strength from the same world it defies and insults, and therefore a concerted action by the world would rid the earth of this shame and horror. 25. No doubt those who felt that Mr. Vorster had the human capacity to accept change and repent were shocked by StevenBiko's death and the latest bannings and arrests of even so-called moderates and whites in South Africa. Can they blame us then when we support an armed struggle as a means of freeing the suppressed people in South Africa? My delegation condemns the arrests and bannings of opponents of apartheid in South Africa. It deplores Steven Biko's death and the treatment of all political prisoners in South Africa. It expresses solidarity with these prisoners and pledges its total support for those who carry on the struggle outside the prison walls of Mr. Vorster. 26. Last year my delegation rejected the independence of the Transkei as unrealistic and as intended only to consolidate apartheid. My delegation reiterates this position and notes with great concern that, in the Special Com- mittee's report, it is stated: "... press reports that the South African regime planned to declare the so·called independence of the Bophuthatswana 'homeland' on 6 December 1977" IA/32/22. para. 981. The report adds that "the absurdity of this independence was demonstrated by the fact that Bophuthatswana would consist of six separate areas with no common boundaries", and that "Of its total population of more than 1.7 million, only 36 per cent lived in the territory" libid.l. Yet the apartheid regime in South Africa expects the world to accept this arrangement as a genuine effort to help the Africans. It is only insane and arrogant people like the perpetrators of apartheid who could believe that the world will accept such 27. Bantustanization is a devious attempt to weaken the African opposition tQ apartheid in South Africa by setting one community against the other, just as the regime sets one tribe against the other to divert attention from the problem (.ofapartheid. 28. In t.lte same way, my delegation views the latest decision of the apartheid regime to,uset up a 'joint Cabinet Council' with members from the Coloured persons Repre- sentative Council (CRC) and the South African Indian • Council (SAIC)t9, as observed in the Special Committee's report / ibid~. allnex I. para. 11OJ. as a deliberate attempt to win the Coloured people and Indians to its side and thus reduce the impact which the joint outrage of these people and the black majority has on apartheid. My delegation is happy to.note that the Coloured and Indian communities in Souti'. Africa had refused to co-operate and especially decried the exclusion of the African majority from Parlia- ment. My delegation commends them for their courage and understanding and urges them to continue to resist the devil's offer to betray the cause of the suppressed black majority in South Africa. .. 29. This Organization is unanimous in its condemnation of apartheid. and the Lagos Declaration, which emerged from the World Conference for Action against APartheid last August, is an important development indicating the world's . disgust withlJ{JQTtheid and anew universal determination to seek its eradication. My delegation hopes that this year appropriate resolutions will be adopted with a unanimity that will leave no doubt in the minds of the apartheid leaders in South Africa that apartheid has begun its final decline.

Once again the United Nations is debating the chronic question of apartheid. a question that has for many years been taken up in this forum, where numerous attempts have been made to find a way to put an end to the problem, but so far in vain. 31. My country's stand regarding the notorious policy of apartheid is clear and well known and it has time and again been reaffirmed in international conferences. Mozambique condemns apartheid and demands an immediate end to it. not only because such a policy constitutes a grave insult to human dignity but also because it is assuming such alarming proportions that it is bound to end up in a catastrophe engulfing a great part of mankind in a holocaust without precedent in the world's history. The people of Mozam- bique, having experienced racism under the Portuguese colonial regime. are among those in a better position to' understand the seriousnes~ of the humiliation and. suffering endured by the South African people under the racist regime ofVorster. 32. In spite of the numerous international attempts through conferences where apartheid is denounced, and pressures, protests and boycotts aimed at stopping this evil practice, the South African racists continue unmoved. Their regime not only survives but thrives and seems more determined to follow its abominable policy. The champions 33. As I have stated in the beginning, this international body has for many years been discussing apartheid without any positive results. Now I· may venture to add that the Organization will continue to do so year after year, without rmding any solution, as long as the Western countries continue to make light of the African~ suffering there and co-operate with the Vorster regime. We all know that in doing so they intend to protect their highly lucrative economic interests that thrive on the blood· and sweat of the indecently exploited African popufation of South Africa. However, these Western friends of the South African racists should be reminded of what happened in the former Portuguese colonies where they backed the colonial Power against the oppressed peoples. They helped to murder thousands of innocent people" Out in the end their dreams were doomed to failure. Now, as history repeats itself in South Africa, many of the horrible events recorded in the bloody history of apartheid. such as the Sharpeville massacre, Soweto, 2rbitrary detentions on Robben Island and alleged prisoners' suicides, would have been avoided had the South African racists not been encouraged by the Wesfs support. 34. For many years the South African people, under the leadership of their liberation movement, the African National Congress of South Africa, have been very patient, always resorting to peaceful means such as strikes and boycotts in an attempt to change the situation. The latest example of this peaceful method can be seen in the case of Steven Biko. who was brutally murdered by the South African, police. However, patience has a limit, and, if the Powers involved do not act in time to influence positively the COUrse of the events in South Africa, very soon it may be too late. 35. Mozambique regards as a positive step the fact that the United' Nations decided to convene the Lagos World Conf~rence for Action against Apartheid. In that confer- enct' clear guidelines were established in the Lagos Declara- tion for Action against Apartheid, and now it is up to every nation to act in accordance with those guidelines. The people of South Africa look to the international com- munity -for help and solidarity in their plight and they should not be let down at this crucial time in their history. 36. It is for these reasons that Mozambique believes the world community should take concerted action against the promoters of apartheid. We reiterate the Lagos Confer- ence's call upon all Governments to intensify the campaign for the elimination of the policy of apartheid in all its aspects. including the bantustanization of the country. 37. The People's Republic of Mozambique demands equal rights for all the inhabitants of South Africa, including political rights. as well as the immediate release of all political prisoners in the country. We hail the proposal to proclaim 1978 as International Anti-Apartheid Year to be observed by all countries of the world. endanB~r i~ternational peace and security as much as, if not more than, other problems. 39. As we know, for many years South Africa held the view that the policies ofapartheid were an internal problem of South Africa which the United Nations was barred from discussing by the provisions of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter. Needless to say, that view was held only by South Africa and was rejected by the whole international community, including legal minds that were consulted on the matter. In.deed, South Africa temporarily suspended its contemptuous refusal to discuss the subject when it agreed to make some kind of defence in connexion with the move initiated in 1974 for its expulsion from the United Nations. On that occasion, when a recommendation for exptJsion of South Africa' from the United Nations was blocked by a triple veto, some misleading statements by the represen- tative of South Africa gave the impression that South Africa was ready to move away from these odious policies. A feeling of hope was generated when the representative of South Africa said on 24 October 1974-and I quote from the statement he made before the Security Council on that day: "But I want to state here today very clearly and categorically: my Government does not condone discrimi- nation purely on the grounds of race or colour. Discrimi- nation based solely on the colour of a man's skin cannot be defended. And we shall do everything in our power to move away from discrimination based on race or colour".2 On that occasion, an impression was given that South Africa was genuinely interested in making reforms to enable it to move away from the evil policies of apartheid. More than three years have now p&ssed, and among other continuing activities of South Africa we have witnessed the invasion of Angola by South Africa, the Soweto massacre of innocent children and many murders by the Government authorities of black South Africans who express opposition to those policies-including the latest, the murder ofSteven Biko-to mention but a few. We have heard with dismay public pronouncements from the highest levels of the Government of South Africa that South Africa has no intention of giving up these evil policies. In view ofall this, the United Nations must continue to give special attention on a continuous basis to these policies of the Government of South Africa, which hold the greatest danger not only for Mrica specifically but for the rest of the world. 41. These policies of the Government of South Africa hold another danger for the rest of the world. Efforts are being made everywhere by Governments and peoples to move away from primitive attitudes which have held the human race in bondage, leading to numerous wars and all forms of strife in the past, in favour of a more enlightened world where these scourges are eliminated. The United Nations is making every effort in that direction and we are convinced that through small steps, accumulated on a daily basis, progress is being made. However, as long as the philosophy of apartheid exists in a significant part of Africa, the evil of discrimination, oppression and exploita- tion of people on the basis of their colour. sex, creed or place of origin is bound to continue to receive inspir~tion and encouragement. As I have said, Governments every- where are making an effort to remove this problem while South Africa continues not merely to practise these policies but to propagate them and preach them as a viable form of social and political organization. The international com- munity has a duty to declare war against this evil. 42. This year, as we review these policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, we have before us a number of reports, including one by the World Conference for Action against Apartheid and another by the Special Committee against Apartheid; and we have also to take into account the recent action by the Security Council, which imposed a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa because of these policies of apartheid. The activities ofthe Special Committee against Apartheid are producing results which are heartening. The world has become more and more aware of the evil of these policies, and the successes to which I have referred are bound to make further action in the future easier. Indeed, the World Conference for Action against Apartheid. held in Lagos, Nigeria, has to be seen as part of this programme. With regard to the Security 43. The Member States which blocked the adoption of a mandatory arms embargo for many years in the past are as aware as we are that the necessary facilities for the production of arms have successfully been transferred by them to South Africa, so that by the time this symbolic action was taken South Africa could do nothing but jeer at the fuUlity of the measure. The same Powers have again stood resolutely against proposed action to impose manda- tory economic sanctions, including an embargo on the supply of oil. hOO the reasons given are not different from the reasons these Powers gave in the past for rejecting a mandatory arms embargo. No doubt a few years from now, when it becomes obvious that South Africa cannot be hurt by limited economic sanctions, or that the economic interests which these Powers protect in South Africa cannot be hurt, another symbolic measure will be taken imposing limited mandatory economic sanctions. This prospect cannot give pleasure to anybody. We can only call upon those concerned to review these policies and actions and determine whether they are justified in shielding South Africa from measures likely to produce results. The responsibility is clearly shifting somewhat, so that those who shield South Africa from appropriate actions share in an increasingly obvious way the responsibility for the continuation ofthe policies ofapartheid in South'Africa. 44. A few comments on the proposals for tougher. measures against South .\frica are necessary to answer those who oppose these strong measures. Friends of South Africa object to measures adopted to isolate South Africa from all contacts with civilized society. But measures to isolate apartheid South Africa in sports are appropriate. South Africa itself has segregated human beings in sports within South Africa, and it would appear to us that those who engage in sports with South Africa are giving direct support to apartheid, and we can only call upon them to stop giving such support to the evil system. Naturally, wher. South Mrica gives up this inhuman practice ofsegregating people like animals, everybody will be happy to resume normal contact with South Africamsports. 45. We have also held for a long time that the creation of bantustans is South Africa's final phase of apartheid We reject the creation of bantustans because it will codify and entrench, on a permanent basis. the slave system through which black people in South Africa are exploited in the most ruthless fashion and subjected to genocide. Their country wOll..ld be carved up with the black people confmed to what would amount to slave labour camps in the so-called bantustans, while the remainder would be held hostage in the cities of their own country in slave ghettos, where their only value would~be seen in terms of the labour extorted from them. All this we reject. We do, of course, understand the impatience of the black people in bantu- stans, who see them as a fonn of relief from the painful torture they undergo in their country. Unfortunately. our accepting these would be like Indulging drug addicts in other societies because drugs provide them with a tempo- rary escape from reality. We must therefore continue to reject and oppose vehemently the creation ofbantustans by the South African regime. 47. Mr. McHENRY (United States of America): Much has been said from this podium and in other United Nations bodies about the unhappy situation which exists in South Africa. Our renewed consideration of the situation in that country follows a year in which we have looked in vain for signs that the South African Government would heed the warnings of the Soweto riots and move to make funda- mental structurai changes leading to an abandonment of apartheid. ; 48. My own Government's policies have been stated in detail by President Carter, by Vice-President Mondale, by other United States officials and by the United States House of Representatives. We oppose apartheid and every- thing for which it stands. Apartheid is a blight upon the continent of Africa and on the history of mankind. We have sought solemnly to warn the South African Government that failure to end racial discrimination and to make progress towards full political participation would result in a deterioration of our relations. And, in light of the .evidently conscious decision of that Government not to change its course but in fact to move massively in the direction of further repression, the United States has taken a series ofsteps to give effect to our warning. 49. In the United Nations we have supported making mandatory the voluntary embargo on anns and military equipment which the United States has observed since 1963. WiLhin hours of the decision ofthe Security Council, the United States moved to prevent any shipment ofspare parts as the remaining item omitted from the voluntary arms embargo on goods destined for South Africa. 50. Bilaterally, we have taken additional steps towards bringing our relations with South Africa into line with those values and interests which we have in common. Those steps include the withdrawal of our naval attache from South J\frica and, in relation to a comprehensive review of economic relations with that country, the recall of our commercial" officer in Johannesburg. 51. As many ofyou Imow, I was among those representing the United States at the funeral of Steven Biko. With thousands of others [ shared the sense of loss and mourned the further reduction in the ranks of moderation and reason in a society already desperately depleted of those attri- butes. 52. The tragedy of Steven Biko's death was not simply in the unfortunate circumstances and inhumane manner in which he was arrested, imprisoned and died. It was also in the circumstances in which he lived, a young intellectual of international reputation who had successfully survi,ved the numerous laws of apartheid-and had even survived Bantu education. In most other societies Steven Biko would have 53. Biko's gaolers effectively snuffed out his voice. But surely South Africa's frightened whites, even from the sanctuary of their homes, must have seen, as those of us present at the funeral can attest, that the major eVe11t of Steven Biko's funeral was not his removal from the ranks by interment but the reinforcement of those ranks by thousands of others, who are perhaps less moderate, less patient,tess intellectually endowed and less interested in peaceful accommodation. 54. Indeed the protests and hundreds of deaths in Soweto, the death of Biko and the bannings and detentions of 19 October may already have set in motion that phenomenon predicted long ago: a self-perpetuating cycle of repression and violence. The result may well be, as Alan Paton predicted in his book Cry the Beloved Country: by the time whites learn to love, blacks may have learned to hate. 55. I doubt that either another torrent of resolutions from this body, or further intemperate rhetoric in the current political campaign in South Africa, will contribute posi- tively to a resolution of the problems which exist in that country. The question arises, What can we in this Organiza- tion do to be of assistance in these tragic circumstances? 56. I submit that we must resist the temptation to emphasize coercive and punitive measures, but we must not lose sight of the fact that, far from interfering in internal affairs as South Africa would have us believe, we and South Africa have solemn obligations under the United Nations Charter to promote respect for human rights and to preserve international peace and security. 57. We must reassure South Africa, as Africa did in the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa3 almost nine years ago, that we stand ready to be of every possible assistance and to maintain the warmest of relations. But South Africa can never expect normal and warm relations with the community of nations so long as it insists on following practices so universally repugnant. 58. We must make it clear to the South African Govern- ment that we recognize that history and circumstance have combined to create a unique problem of great complexity not capable of easy or instantaneous solution. But we must also state that the resolution of every problem requires a beginning and we must express our view that the situation in South Africa is such today that it requires bold statesmanship, and now. 59. We must insist that the well-being ofSouth Africans is our 'primary goal and we must warn against those who would fish in troubled waters in order to reap ideological or political advantage. But we must equally insist that ideolo- gical fears cannot be used as an excuse to delay necessary changes. 61. Finally, we must retain our hope that the spiral of repression and violence will end, that South Africans will finally realize that just as in other societies, my own included, just as we found it possible to make progress toward the resolution of the seemingly intractable, so can the South Africans, provided that they. will.

This year the debate on apartheid takes place under circumstances of a qualitative change. On the one hand the repression has intensified, as demonstrated by the actions of the South African Govern- ment a few weeks ago; on the other, in response to these acts the international community has at long last taken determined action through the resolution adopted by tie Security Council on mandatory sanctions against South Africa. My statement today will concentrate on these two aspects of the situation. 63. The intransigence of the South African Government has led it to measures reflecting fear and panic. 'Che banning of black organizations and news media a few weeks ago has aroused a wave of protest all over the world. These measures are indeed an affront to the United Nations as wen as to any concept of human rights. And yet the very same regime makes a claim that it is a defender of freedom and democracy. Nothing could be more absurd. 64. A terrifying example of the pQlice State conditions prevailing in South Africa is that during the last year some 20 political detainees have died in gaols for unexplained reasons. The fate of Steven Biko, an outstanding leader to his people, has brought this tragic situation to the attention of the entire world community. We must not fo~get. however, that there are hundreds of fighters and patriots like Biko gaoled and detained, victims of the apartheid regime. 65. Mr. President, on 24 Oct.Jber the Finnish Government issued a statement on the repressive measures taken by South Africa and with your permission I should like to quote that stateme!1t: "The Government of Finland has taken note with deep concern of the recent decisions of the Government of South Africa aimed at depriving the black and coloured population of that country of its only remaining possi- bility to express its views on the inhuman policies of apartheii and to try to achieve, through peaceful meanst a pluralistic society based on racial equality. ..It would be fatal if the South African Government, through its continued measures of repression of the basic human rights of the vast majority of the population of the country., would force that population to resort to the use of force as its only means for defending its inalienuble rights. 66. The reaction of the international community to the recent events in South Africa has been a unanimous condemnation. As an expression of this, Security Council resolution 417 (1977) strongly condemns the South Af.ican racist regime for its resort to massive violence and repression against black people amt other opponents of aparthp.id. 67. In practical terms the ~lternational community has responded to t~ese events by instituting a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. Thus, for the first time in its history, the United Nation~ h.as applied mandatory sanc- tions against a Member Stati~ under Chapter VII of the Charter. It is an ~xpi'ession of solidarity with the majority of the South African people that all the members of the Security Council have acknowiedged that the acquisition by South Africa of arms constitutes a threat to the mainte- nance of international peace and security. A decision on common action binding on aU Member States is a logical consequence of tms. The Go~ernment of Finland, for its part, considers thi!; Security Council decision. as a step forward, leading to a situation where the United Nations would at last be in a position to fulfil its responsibility through increased p:essure on the South African regime. (0 3. Finland itself has for years treated the voluntary arms embargcas a mandatory one as far as 9ts own actions are concerned. Since a number of other States have acted differently we have, tos~ther with the other Nordic countries, insisted that a mandatory arms ·embargo be instituted. We would also have prefe"":"~d a more compre- hensive embargo. 69. Be that as it may. even a mandatory arms embargo as sucI1 is not enough. in our a:;sessment it alone will not bring enough pressure on the Government of South Africa to make it draw the right conclusiol1S and give up its policies. It is evident that further measures by the Security Council will be needed. As one such measure my delegation, together with oth~r Nordic countries, sponsored at the last General Assembly session a resolution aimed at preventing new foreign investments in South Africa.4 These activities are particularly alarming within the context of t.he sub- stantial increases in the military budget of South Africa. 70. It is the considered view of my GO'iernment that it would be a significant action if the Security Council, as a first step towa~d:; ~pplying economic presmre against South Africa. in addition to the arms embflrgo, took decisions aimed at preventing new foreign investments. Together with other Nordic countries we are planning to propose a draft resolution along thase lines for the consideration of the General A5Sembiy.s 4 Ibid., ThirtY-first Session, Annexes, agenda item 52. document A/31JL.l~~ and Add. I. 5 Sub~qu(,'ntly circulated as document A/32/L.34. 72. The news about the possible plans of the South African Government to develop nu=lear explo$ives has added a new dimension to the situation in southern Africa. There could hardly be a more telling reminder of the danger of nuclear proliferation in general and ofthe urgent need to strengthen the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. 73. The rapid deterioration of the situation in South Afric~ has placed new demands on .the international solidarity towards the South African people a;ld their aspirations for basic human rights. This was clearly demon- strated at the World Conference for Action against Apart- heid in Lagos. That Conference adopted by consensus its Declaration for Action against Apartheid, and, what is even more significant, some central elements of the Declaration have already ~ri tmplemented by the action of the Security Council. My delegation wants to take this oppor- tunity to express its gratitude to the GovernJl1~nt and people of Nigeria for initiating and hosting this Cunference. 74. The Finnish delegation was one of those. which adopted the Lagos Declaration without any reservations whatsoever and we are ready to contribute to its full implementation. While this is neither the time nor place to go into the details of that Declaration, we want to stress one important element in it which has cont!nued validity, and that is the rejection of the imposition of bantustans, which are designed to divide the African population and consolidate the racist minority dominance in South Africa. 75. The position of the Government and people of Finland on apartheid is clear and unequ1vocaI. We reject all forms of racial discrimination and segregation, which are totally incompatible with our conception of equality and dignity of every human being. The inhuman racial policies pursued by the South African Government are in complete contradiction with the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 76. This is why my Government has consistently and actively supported humanitarian assistance to the victims of apartheid. We have contributed annually to the United Nations Trust Fund for South Mrica, the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa and the United Nations Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid. All these funds are performing important tasks in their respective fielos: aiding victims of apartheid laws, providing education and. training, and mobilizing world public opinion. Recognizing the crucial role of the dissemi- nation of infomlation on th~ injustices of apartheid, my Government has this year doubled ifs contribution to the Fund fo'" Publicity. 78. My delegation wants to take this opportunity to commend once again the Special Committee against Apartheid for its untiring efforts, under the very energetic chairmanship of Mr. Hamman, for the elimination of apartheid. 79. Another matter of particular importance, in the view of my delegation, is the international efforts for the elimination of apartheid. We have therefore followed with keen interest the work of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports. We fully understand the difficulties in the delicate task of the Committee and hope that it would be patient enough to work for a consensus convention. 80. In my country, sports organizations are private bodies, but they have been requested by the Government to take into account the provisions of the General Assembly resolutions concerning apartheid in sports. Accordingly, sports contacts between Finnish and racially-selected South African teams have tiecreased to the point where they no longer exist. 81. The intransigence of the South African Government in pursuing its policies of apartheid has day by day increased human suffering and the likelihood of further bloodshed. The apartheid policy fonns the hard core of all· the problems in southern Africa. 82. Therefore, pe~ce and justice can be restored to southern Africa only through the elimination ofapartheid. The international community must resort to a policy of strong and unrelenting pressure on the Government of South Africa to make it give up its misguided policies. The mandatory anns embargo is a step in the right direction, but the situation still poses a serious challenge to the United Nations and its own capacity to live up to its own Charter. It is our common obligation to demonstrate clearly to the South African Government that there is only one peaceful alternative: total change.

It is our profound conviction that tl'i~ question ofapartheid is one of the most important issues with which we are confronted in this session. This question is important because at stake are the moral values of the contemporary international community as enshrined in the Charter, and because an urgent response from our Organization can no longer be delayed. 84. The Turkish Government has always viewed with concern the inhuman policy of apartheid followed by the Government of South Africa. Last year we joined other delegations in voicing our fears that unless this abominable 86. The past year has been a momentous period in the long struggle of the South African people against 1."'dcist domination. The nationwide resistance against apartheid in the wake of the Soweto massacre of 16 June 1976 embraced larger segments of the people than ever before and symbolized the total solidarity of all the black people in the struggle for liberation. Demonstrations of black students against flagrant discrimination in education de- veloped against all aspects of apartheid, with thousands of men and women from all walks of life joining the protestors. The post-Soweto developments reveal a new determination on the part of the long-oppressed people to liberate themselves from abject and degrading conditions. 87. On the international front, the entire international community expressed revulsion and anger at intensified repression. The international campaign against apartheid was stepped up through the dedicated efforts of thousands of people all over the world. A number of important decisions taken by international organizations during 1977 testify to the growth of world opposition to apartheid. The World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos in August 1977, provided the opportunity fer Governments and organizations to demonstrate the over- whelming support of the international community to the freedom struggle in S(\uth Africa and to the solemn commitment to support the national movement. 88. Only a few weeks ago the Security Council adopted resolution 418 (1977) imposing a mandatory arms embargo against ~outh Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. This decision should be welcomed as an important turning-point in the attitude of the United Nations and as proof of its readiness to combine action with political pressure against the racist regime of Pretoria. There is no doubt in the mind of my Government that the situation in South Africa has deteriorated to the point where it constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security. 89. The question arises, however, whether an anns em- bargo will b~ sufficient to influence South Africa's policies. The prospects in this respect do not seem to be promising in view of South Africa.~s intransigence. Some further measures, such as economic sanctions-whether taken indi- vidually or collectively-are urgently needed. "In South Africa there can be no solution to the problem of apartheid as long as the Government of that country maintains its policy of excluding the majority of the population from the political life of the country and as long as it imprisons or exiles the acknowledged and respected leaders of that majority. Such a policy can only create increasing internal strife, provoke international outrage and diminish the chances. of a peaceful evolution towards majority rule." {17th meeting. para. 162./ 91. The Turkish delegation will continue to lend its full support to all measures designed to bring to an end the abhorrent policy of apartheid and to promote the right to self-determination of the people of South Africa.

The United Nations has for many yea..rs been compelled to deal with the question of the policy of apartheid pursued by the Government Ol South Africa, which is universally acknowledged to be a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind, not only because it is one of the most abhorrent forms of racial discrimination wrJch has survived the collapse of the world system of colonialism, but primarily because it has been institutionalized by South Africa as its official policy,.and practice. On the political front the picture is quite clear. On balance, there is the case of the United Nations and the overwhelming majority of Member States-the African States, the socialist States and the non-aligned countries- firmly believing in the principles and purpo~s of the Charter versus the regime of South Africa intransigently sticking to the universally condemned systemofapartheid. that same· regi:ne that enjoys the assistance and collabo- ration of the imperialist and reactionary circles as well as of the transnational corporations. The verdict has been the only possible one: total rejection of apartheid as a flagrant violation of the Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the relevant decisions of the United Nations. This verdict includes the unqualified -condem- nation of the South African regime. 93. What is the balance-sheet of South Africa itself? On the home front, there is rampant racist discrimination and exploitation under the system ofapartheid that Pretoria has forced on the people of South Africa. There is plunder, social deprivation, the forcible transfer of millions of Africans under special laws restricting their freedom of movement, the so-called bantustanization, the denial of elementary human rights and the massive repressive meas- ures, such as shootings, killings, assassinations and torture, extending even to persons detained in prison. And then there is the violation of the inalienable right to 'ielf-deter- mination of the African people. 94. Apartheid in South Africa is all that and more. It is a system of capitalist exploitation in its most acute form. This conciusion is corroborated by the fact that, whereas the whites in South Africa constitute only 16.7 per cent of the population, their share of the gross national product totals 76.5 per cent, as well as by the fact that the average income ofa black South African constitutes one fourteenth ofthe average income ofa white South African. 96. Take, for instance, the case of Namibia. South Africa, in violation of the explicit decisions of the world Organi- zation, continues its illegal occupation of the Territory. The illegal nature of South Africa's action has been proved and sustained not only by the Security Council and the General Assembly but also by the International Court of Justice. Here again the system of apartheid is the instrument whereby not only fundamental constitutional rights are suppressed but inherent rights as well, such as the right to self-determination and independence of the people of Namibia. 97. Namibia's case only reveals the true substance of Soath Africa's policies with regard to the process of decolonization. 98. ~ From the very beginning South Africa has feverishly opposed the self-determination and indeperldence of Afri- can peoples. South Africa has not shied away from any opportunity to conduct actual military operations and wage colonial wars in order to suppress the national liberation struggle in the former Portuguese colonial territories as well as in Namibia and in Southern Rhodesia. So~:th Africa has assumed the notorious role of defending the positions of imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism in Africa and trying to check the avalanche towards complete politIcal and economic decolonization. 99. South Africa has gone even further. In its desperate efforts to preserve the system of apartheid and to ward off the imminent blows of the rising tide of the national liberation struggle, South Africa Lunched armed aggre..- sions against sovereign and independent African States. I have in mind South Africa's acts of aggression against the People's Republic of Angola and the Republic of Zambia. Those acts of aggression have been condemned by the Security Council. Yet, South Africa continues to connive with the illegal racist minority regime in Southern Rhodesia and to threaten the sovereignty of Mozambique and other neighbouring States. 100.. The growing militarization of South Africa in recent years has been the subject of comprehensive studies by various United Nations bodies and particularly the Special Committee against Apartheid and the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Indpendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. South Africa already has a record- breaking military budget which is more than three times that of 1974. The military build-up of troops and installa- tions aims at establishing the Pretoria regime as a gigantic war Power in Africa which wastes no timp. before threaten- ing African States. The ability of South Africa to possess and produce nuclear weapons must be seen also in conjunction with its efforts to perpetuate its r~;:ist and color.ialist domination in Africa and to boss the African nations around and to blackmail them. 101. The policy ofapartheid as pursued by Soutn Africa is also a gross violation of human rights. That is clear to the 103. The overwhelming view in the United Nations is that South Africa's policies and practices of apartheid pose a serious threat to peace and security not only in Africa but also in the world. The international community has long been aware of this danger and has insisted on the United Nations taking appropriate action. The World Confer~nce for Action against Apartheid held in Lagos last August, recognized in its Declaration that: "... the continuation of the prevailing situation in South Africa, and in southern Africa as a whole, will inevitably lead to greater conflict in Africa with enor- mous repercus..nons to international peace and security. to6 104. Those were also the conclusions of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namihia, held in Maputo last May, of the World Assembly of Bullo.us of Peace, held in Warsaw from 6 to 1I May, of the 64th Inter-Parliamentary Conference of the Inter-Parlia- mentary Union, held in Sofia from 21 to 30 September, and of many other international forums. 105. Regrettably, however, Pretoria is completely ignoring all the decisions of the United Nations and the response by the world community. Yet, however strange it may be, we still hear voices which rely on the good sense of the racist regime, pinning their hopes on its "liberalizationto, and on a change in the situation through a solution without conflict. We are convinced that under today's conditions these are but illusory expectations. 106. On 4 November the Security Co~ncil unanimously adopted resolution 418 (1977) in which, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, the Council took the first defmite step forward in applying a mandatory arms embargo to South Africa. 107. One thing is obvious: the Security Council resolution is the first, action, though a limited one, taken since the creation of the United Nations against a Member State under Chapter VII of the Charter. My delegation holds the view that firm action against South Africa is not only timely but long overdue. As well as limited action, the introduction of the full measure of mandatory and effective sanctions as envisaged under Chapter VII is needed. It is high time that measures to impose economic sanctions against South Africa were adopted by the United Nations. 108. Concerted efforts by all States are needed, in particular by South Africa's allies, to effect a complete isolation and boycott of South Africa. That should have 6 See Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2). chap. X. para. 18. 109. That was not done, but the fault certainly does not rest with the United Nations nor with those States which from the very beginning took a firm stand against apartheid; the fault rests with those well-known Western States which have been and remain South Africa's allies. Here one should include also the transnational corpora- tions, which have all developed the fuIIest possible collabo- ration with South Africa, condoning and actively sup- porting South Africa's colonial and racist policies. No other external factor can account for South Africa's military strength, just as no other external factor can account for South Africa's role as the bastion of imperialism and colonialism in Africa. That is also the reason why South Africa enjoys the protection ofits allies. Member States will remember the vetoes of the three permanent members of the Security Council on draft resolutions demanding economic sanctions against South Africa. 110. There is another fact that deserves serious attention. As is clear from the special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid on relations between Israel and South Africa [A/32/22/Add.3/ Israel has continued to intensify its links with South Africa in all fields. This reflects their common disregard of the United Nations and of the \liill of the international community. Ill. The growth of detente creates favourable conditions for bringing the struggle against apartheid to a triumphant conclusion, for doing away oompletely with racism and racial discrimination and for advancing further the process of decolonization. 112. On the other hand, there is hardly anyone who doubts that the elimination of apartheid, racism and colonialism will constitute a major contribution to the improvement of the entire international situation, the deepening of detente and the restructuring ofthe system·of international relations on an equitable and long-term basis. Consequently it will put an end to the flagrant mass violations of human rights in southern Africa. 113. The United Nations, aware of its responsibilities to the South African people. has solemnly recognized the legitimacy of their struggle for freedom and human equality. That is wh}t the people's movement, rising against the system of apartheid, must be supported in every way and by all means. That is the duty ofevery nation and State in the world. My Government does not ;naintain any kind of relations whatsoever with the illegal regime of South Africa. 114. The Bulgarian Government and people. from the very outset, have been firmly committed to full and active participation in the efforts aimed at putting an end to the policy of apartheid decisively and irreversibly. in all its forms and manifestations. Our policy will also be the same on this question in the future. 115. In his message to the World Conference for Action against Apgrtheid. held in Lagos last August. the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian 116. Lord BOSTON (United Kingdom): The importance of this debate has been underlined by recent events-by the wave of bannings and detentions unleashed last month by the South African Government, by the death of Steven Biko and the squalid story now being made public at his inquest, and by the recent Security Council meeting. 117. The representative of Belgium, speaking in the name of the nine member States of the European Community, has already stated [70th meetingj clearly and at some length the fundamental opposition of our Governments and peoples to the policies of apartheid. On behalf of the United Kingdom Government I wish now to add to that statement with some further thoughts on the subject before us. 118. So much has been said on this matter in recent months that it is absolutely impossible not to be aware of the overwhelming condemnation by the world community of the racial policies of the Government of South Africa. I wish there to be no conceivable doubt about where my Government stands on this subject. We view apartheid as an unacceptable system, which affronts human dignity and the most basic human rights, and which denies and even mocks democracy. Britain is totally committed to the proposition that apartheid must be abandoned and that every man and woman, whatever the colour ofhis or her skin, should have basic human rights.. In his speech to the Security Council on 28 October,S Ambassador Richard made clear that Britain wished to see a society in South Africa in which all the inhabitants could freely participate in the country's insti- tutions and in the creation of a non-racial society. That remains our objective. 119. There is sometimes a tendency for certain people to assume that, because of historical association and tradi- tional ties, the ideas adopted by South Africa are somehow supported by many of the nations of Western Europe. That is a totally false conclusion. The philosophy ofapartheid is completely alien to the British and to the other peoples of Western Europe. It is the opposite of the values we cherish, and we reject it uttcrly. 120. We still believe in the' possibility of peaceful change. The South African Prime Minister himself categorized the alternative as "too ghastly to cont~mplate". It is easy for some of us, sitting comfortably in this building far from the scene, to call for a violent solution. The increasing 121. Our critics have complained that Britain is hypo- critical on this matter, contenting itself with the public ~ --_.- rhetoric of condemnation while secretly collaborating with South Africa across the board. We do not disguise that we continue to have commercial and diplomatic links with South Africa. There is nothing surreptitious about them. We remain of the view that it is useful for us to continue to be able to speak and listen to the South African Govern- ment and to all South Africans, since only by so doing can we hope to impress upon that Government and its electorate thc necessity for urgent change. We do not provide nuclear technology or equipment to the South . Africans and it is many years since we last supplied arms and related material to South Africa. We note that some speakers continue to assert falsely that we are arming South Africa, or even that we are supplying Pretoria with nuclear weapons. Such assertions are utter nonsense, and indeed many of those who make them know that they are utter nonsense. 122. The British Government has tried in a number of ways to take practical measures to help to secure an end to apartheid. We have contributed through the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa to thc campaign to ensure that some at least of the black population of South Africa could have access to the educational opportunities denied them in their own coun- try. For one of the tragedies ofapartheid-apart from all its more horrifi~ aspects-is that it denies to all South Africans the benefit of the great contributions giat the black and Coloured population of that nation ~ould bring to the general prosperity there, given the opportunity which is rightfully theirs. We have tried through the European Economic Community'scode of conductIsee A{32{267j to ensure that, at least in the industrial and commercial enterprises in which nationals or companies of the United Kingdom and the other countries of the European Com- munity have an interest, there should be greater equality, less discrimination and fuller workers' rights than has hithcrto been the case in practice in South Africa. And, without trying to ostracize South Africa, we have used every forum to argue that apartheid is mvrally indefensible, dangerous and a short-sighted policy which simply will not work and cannot survive. 123. The unanimity with which this Assembly has made clear its views on this subject ought to be a mattcr of

The profound changes that have taken place lately in international life and the intensification of the struggle of peoples for national and social liberation have placed on the agenda the imperative necessity to wipe out the last vestiges of colonialism and racism without a moments hesitation. It is as part of this far-reaching process that we must view the struggle being waged by the South African people to exercise their inalienable right to decide upon their own future and to eliminate the policies ofapartheid practised by the racist Pretoria regime. 125. The events that have recently taken place in southern Africa once again confirm the fact that the minority regime of South Africa does not intend voluntarily to give up its policies of apartheid and racial repression and, since it is desperate in the face of the struggle for freedom and justice, it is becoming more brutal and inhuman. To maintain and perpetuate the hateful system of apartheid, the Vorster regime has not hesitated to apply on a grand scale a policy of terror, crime, repression, mass arrests among the non-white population and imprisonment of all those opposing apartheid. 126. In defiance of the protests of world public opinion, which rejected from the outset the idea of the so-called independence of Transkei, the racist regime of South Africa continues its campaign of bantustanization, disregarding the objections of the non-white population and contravening to the resolutions of the United Nations. The abolition of the racist policies of apartheid practised by the South African regime, which are in flagrant contradiction of present-day realities has become highly urgent and is attracting the attention of the progressive democratic and anti-imperialist forces throughout the world and is increasing their soli- darity. 127. True to the militant position we consistently seek to translate into practice, Romania has spoken out forcefully against apartheid. It has always actively supported the struggle being waged by the African National Congress of South Africa and by those fighting in South Africa for freedom and the exercise of the inalienable right of the people of South Africa to a free and worthy life and independent development. Within the United Nations, in the Security Council and in other international forums, Romania has vigorously condemned the racist policy of apartheid, which is an insult to the international com- munity as a whole, a flagrant violation of the principles and norms of the Charter of the United Nations and a brutal denial of the most elementary human rights of an entire population and which has at the same time created grave dangers to international peace and security. 128. In a spirit of militant solidarity Romania also supports the struggle being waged by the peoples of Namibia and Zimb~bwe to free their nations, to enjoy independence and to exercise theik' inalienable right to 130. Romania greeted and supported the initiatives and proposals of the African countries on measures to be adopted to eliminate apartheid and racial discrimination from South Africa. We participated actively in the inter- national conferences against apartheid held this year. 131. In consistency with its position, Romania also participated in the preparation and adoption of resolutions of the Security Co.uncil and other United Nations organs providing for firm measures capable of putting an end to the policies of apartheid and racial discrimination in South Africa. 132. This position was stressed by President Nicolae Ceau,escu in the message which on 23 August last he addressed to the World Conference for Action against Apartheid in Lagos. It was then that he expressed the determination of Romania to continue "... fighting against the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination in all its forms of manifestation, to support multilaterally the people·of South Africa in their efforts to achieve national independence, and to ensure their free and independent development on the way to economic and social progress."9 133. This year the support which the intemationaJ com- munity gives to the struggle against apartheid was also evinced in the many international meetings held on this particularly pressing problem, to the preparation and conduct of which Romania also made its r"Jntribution. 134 We would like to express our satisfaction at the results of these meetings, and more particularly to the results of the Lagos World Conference on Action against Apartheid, which was a historic meeting both because of the number of participants and the high level of the representatives from all parts of the world. We support the provisions of the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid drawn up at that Conference. 135. The Romanian delegation welcomes the dedsion adopted unanimously on 4 November of this year in the Security Council which places a mandatory embargo on the transfer of arms to South Africa. We consider that we must set up appropriat~ machinery to ensure compliance with that decision. 9 See R!?port of the World Conference for Acrion against Apartheid (United Nations pubfication. Sales No. E.77.XIV.3), p.42. 137. The Romanian delegation supports the proposal contained in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid whereby 1978 would be declared International Anti-Apartheid Year. We are convinced that the implemen- tation of the programme of action proposed for that year will be a valuable contribution to the people of South Africa. 138_ We feel that at the.present stage the United Nations and the international community as a whole must take more resolute and effective action against the racist Government of Pretoria. It is evident that the success of the actions undertaken under the aegis of the United Nations to a large extent depends upon how the countries of the world intend to co-operate in abolishing racist practices and apartheid by refusing all economic and military assistance to the racist regime ofSouth Africa. 139. Thus, special responsibilities are, obviously, incum- bent fust of all on those States which, because of the policies they have so far practised towards South Africa, have in one way or another contributed to the survival of the racist regimes and of apartheid on the Africaq con- tinent. 140. In conclusion, I should like to expresS the desire of the delegation of Romania to co-operate with other. delegations and with representatives of the nationallibera- , tion movements with a view to the drafting and adoption by the General Assembly of further measures aimed at the speedy eradication of the policy of apartheid and at assuring the people of South Africa that they shall enjoy the right to lead a life offreedom and dignity and to be the sole masters oftheir destinies.

By taking up the question of apartheid in its plenary meetings, the General Assembly has once again indicated its deep concern at the explosive situation in southern Afric~ and its determination to rid the world of apartheid, thflt hateful philosophy of government that is fundamentally opposed to the purposes and principles of the Charter and represents a permanent threat to the harmonious develop- ment of relations between States, and to the maintenance and s?feguarding ofinternational peace and security. 142. Resolved at last to take up the grave challenge flung in the face of the rest of mankind by a minority of racists, our Organization will be obliged, in the days to come, not so much to dwell on the essence and the dreadful manifestations of the system of apartheid as to set about deciding on forceful steps to put an end to the greatest scourge ofau.' time. ' 143. For we must remember that for over 30 years now the consideration of the ignoble system of apartheid has absorbed a large part of the creative energy of our Organization. Yet, the only results have been the accumu- lation of speeches and the piling up of resolutions that are quickly forgotten as soon as tbey are adopted. 144. In thus violating with impunity the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, never has any regime, with the exception of Hitler's nazism, so brazenly defied all mankind. After the liquidation, at the cost of unforgettable sufferings, of nazism, which wished to subjugate the world in the. name of the "theory" of racial superiority, the world was entitled to expect a new international crusade to nip in the bud the system of apartheid, which is nothing but a pernicious form of nazism. That crusade, unfortunately, never materialized, and that is why the blacks of South Africa are the victims of a racism which has been institutionalized for several decades. 145. Yet, the illegal racist regime of Pretoria is still a Member of our Organization, in flagrant contradiction to the provisions of Article 6 of the Charter. This anomaly is a result of the fact that certain Members of the international Organization are the privileged allies of that Fascist regime-those same countries on which the Charter has conferred special responsibilities and which present them- selves elsewhere as the champions of human rights. That is why our Organization has been thwarted in its action against the partisans ofapartheid. I would like to recall here the vetoes that were exercised against the pertinent draft resolutions introduced in the Security Council on this question. 146. Strengthened by the political, economic and military support of its Western partners, the Vorstei regime is accelerating its policy ofoppression and exploitation of the indigenous populations. South Africa, which is generously presented as one of the wealthiest countries of the world and by certain tourist agencies as one of the most beautiful, is in fact nothing but a living hell for the black majority of its people. Notwithstanding the insistent and ill-intentioned publicity, the black population, which yet represents the active force of the country, lives as a prisoner in the land of its ancestors in conditions of unimaginable poverty. 147. Mention is continuously made, with legitimate ab- horrence, of the concentration camps and the death camps of the Second World War. Yet in our own day more than 20 miljion Irsn, women and children are living in South Africa in the greatest concentr~tion camp that histmy has ever known,' and with every day that passes the Calvary of that people worsens, a people continuously persecuted, tor- mented in its very flesh and frustrated in its national rights. The arbitrary arrests and the physical elimination of patriots are daily events in South Africa. To say that the South African police are surpassing themselves in brutality would be to put forward a truth far short of the factual reality, so ineffable is the ignominy. 148. Do we not in fact read in the special report on southern Africa of the Ad Hoc Working Group of Experts of the Commission on Human Rights: "To disperse bleck demonstrators the police no longer used batons, rubber bullets or tear-gas but instead fired That is what is said in the report-"used against children". who in all the world's countries dream only of glorious tomorrows. The sinister spectacle of thousands of children barely 10 years old savagely massacred at Soweto is still fresh in our memories, as is that of the late lamented Steven Biko, the leader of the Black Consciousness movement, ignominiously murdered in prison by Vorster's thugs. ,;I" 149. Recent developments in South Africa over the past few months call for shock treatment against apartheid. Did not our Secretary-General reach the same conclusion when he stated before the Security Council on 4 November last: "... it is abundantly clear that the policy of apartheid as well as the measures taken by the South African Government to implement this policy are such a gross violation of human rights and so fraught with danger to international peace and security that a response commen- surate with the gravity of the situation wns required."Io 150. Bantustanization, the destruction of the African family unit, the gagging of the white opposition in the country, the banning of all political organizations opposed to apartheid, the arrest and arbitrary detention of thou- sands of patriots, the ban on the black press and the imprisonment of the black leaders constitute nothing less than a deliberate declaration of war by the racist regime of Vorster against democracy and civilization. 151. The knell is toIling today for the blacks of South Africa. It will be our turn tomorrow if, to the criminal obstinacy of the partisans of apartheid, we reply with indifference, passivity or complicity. for the racists of Pretoria will be quick to interpret such an attitude as impotence. Therefore we have no alternative b'ut to join our efforts to put an end to apartheid, which is both a negation of human dignity and a grave threat to international peace and security. This is indeed what the Security Council has just recognized by unanimously adopting resolution 418 (1977) of 4 November 1977, in which, for the first time in its history, our Organization has decreed sanctions against a Member State under Chapter VII of the Charter. 152. This victory won by the people of South Africa and the international community against the criminal regime of Pretoria would have been commensurate with the mar- tyrdom of the South African people if once again certain permanent members of the Security Council had not continued through their procrastination to protect un- avowed interests. 153. We are bound to recognize that the unanimous adoption by the Security Council of an obligatory embargo on arms shipments to South Africa will have only a very limited impact. For it is no secret that Pretoria has constructed, with the co-operation of and the technology 154. Therefore our Organization must go beyond the arms shipment embargo and decree economic sanctions, the only thing that can strike a death blow at the South African regime. Here, too, timidity does not pay. Pretoria has made this perfectly clear on more than one occasion through the voice ofits officials. . 155. The economic embargo that we advocate against the racist regime of Pretoria will attain its objectives only to the extent that all Member States scrupulously apply it, that is to say, put an end to all their economic, commercial and fmancial relations with South Africa and take measures against the transnational corporations-banks, oil com- panies and other companies-that are continuing their activities in the country ofapartheid. 156. This is in fact what was stated by Mr. Charles Samba Cissokho, the Foreign Minister of Mali, in the General Assembiy on 13 October 1977 when he said: "Furthermore, experience has proved sufficiently to us that limited measures are ineffective against the racist regime of Pretoria because of the very fact that they are easily circumvented. They can only encourage that country in its obstinacy and braggadocio." [33rd meet- ing, para. 107./ 157. The head of my country's diplomatic service went on to say: "My delegation considers that to deal a blow at the very foundations of apartheid, the Governments of Western Europe which are the principal partners of that country should be resolute in extending their means of pressure to include an economic, commercial, political and military embargo." [Ibid., para. 109./ 158. On another level, there is need to step up assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa. This assistance, to be effective, must take many forms: political, fmancial and material. It will then enable the national liberation move- ments of that country, which have no alternative but armed struggle, to complete their liberation. 159. The racists of Pretoria have never made any secret of their intention to disturb the international order and to plunge us into a generalized conflagration. To each of our timid injunctions they have responded by adopting even more Draconian laws. Thus it was that quite recently Vorster proclaimed the new South African Constitution. which virtually ignores the existence of the black majority, which is to say, the 18 million indigenous inhabitants, who represent three quarters of the population. 160. The sham elections soon to be held, which are reserved for whites alone, will, according to Vorster's own words, be one more "slap in the face from Pretoria to the rest of mankind". 162. Today, a certain Vorster, in the name of the same political philosophy, has enslaved over 20 million of our brothers and sisters in South Africa and Namibia. And it is Namibia, an international Territory under United Nations trusteeship, which he is using" to perpetrate acts of aggression against Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana and Angola. I· 163. As I said earlier, we cannot remain passive in the face of this threat to the African continent. In its efforts to eliminate the scourge of apartheid, the international com- munity has prepared a valid and effective strategy, as may ~ seen from the declarations and programmes of action of the Map~to International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and from the World Conference for Action against Apartheid held at Lagos. 164. It is for our General Assembly, which has those documents before it, to take, at the conclusion of its debate, the energetic and firm decisions required to implement the pertinent recommendations of MaputolJ and Lagos. ~ 165. It is at that price, and at that price alone, that the international community can extirpate from the world the loathsome system ofapartheid. that shame of mankind.

The delegation of Burundi wishes to hail the long, heroic struggle of the South African people against the subjection and exploitation it has suffered since 1652. Indeed the system of repression and pillag~ practised in South Africa is the most abject, inhuman" form of colo- nization in history_ The regime of apartheid is the product of colonial conquest. To convince oneself of this, suffice it to recall the policies of certain colonial Powers that deprived the indigenous inhabitants of their civil and political rights and oftheir fundamental freedoms. 167. Apart from those States which opted for a system of assimilation or integration with their colonies, the other metropolitan countries have behaved in many ways like the current advocates of apartheid. One need merely recall the inequality before the law, the unjust police repression on the part of the colonial authorities, and the different status of the whites and the indigenous inhabitants in the daily life of the colonies. Just as in South Africa, certain public places were reserved for whites, while access to certain restaurants, cinemas, beaches, hospitals, etc. was prohibited to the indige~ous population.. . 168. Many school-teachers used to declare that the brain of the indigenous South African was congenitally inferior to their own. Consequently, the indigenous inhabitants were -deprived of the right to study certain subjects and to enroll in certain schools. It/bid.• Thirty-second Year. Supplement for July. August and September /978. document S/12344/Rev.1. 170. However, the philosophy of apartheid and of the colonial conquest is someY{hat different: while the advo- cates of apartheid consider that the supremacy of the white man over all other men lies in race, the colonizer doubtless believes in the superiority ofhis civilization over that of the societies he has subjected. But he explains the delay in the development of the colonized peoples by the vicissitudes of history, by geography, climate and the lack of cultural and trade exchanges. That concept has given way to the theory of equality among men, because inequality must come to an end. 171. But apartheid, although it is a form of colonialism, goes even further: this supremacy of the white man is limited neither by time nor by history; it is eternal. Hence, according to the logic of its apologists, that policy must be protected by repressive laws and perpetuated by the creation ofpantustans. 172. Politically, this philosophy takes the form of the denial of basic rights and freedoms and the bloody repression of all those who are hostile to or oppose that concept. Economically and socially, the system is imposed by exploitation, confiscation and discrimination in all social, cultural, technical and scientific activities. 173. The South African. people is enduring the tragic experience that once befell Western Europe and much of our globe. 174. Apartheid is a concept identical to the Nazi and Fascist philosophy espoused by Hitler and Mussolini, following in the footsteps ofGobineau aI.d Nietzsche. 175. Apartheid is based not only on race but also on religion. Wild theories have been advanced in this field, too. It must be left to the churches to prove to the advocates of apartheid the absurdity of those theories and to adopt the decisions necessary to guide them back to the true path. 176: In essence, therefore, apartheid is a colonial pheno- menon, a survival of liberal capitalism in its most degrading form with all its misdeeds; it is the survival also of a neo-Nazi regime which, in the fmal analysis, was designed to exterminate non-whites in general and blacks in particu- lar. Apartheid means not only separate development or a simple violation of human rights: apartheid is the negation of the development and blossoming of the non-white. It is the negation of the fundamental freedoms and basic rights of the black man and of the non-white. 177. Seen in its very essence, aparth'(dd gives rise to sympathies in those countries from which the colonial conquerers set out. and in those who feel nostalgia for the Nazi and Fascist theories. Therefore, it is not surprising that South Africa and Israel should ernb~rk on the adventure of an unholy alliance directed against African and Arab 178. It is indispensable to clarify for the peoples of Europe the true meaning of the pelVecse nature of apartheid in order to forestall the organizations of the extreme right which want to perpetuate the heritage ,)f Hitler and Mussolini and which therefore support lte criminal policies of Vorster. It also is important that .."'e inform world public opinion of the decisive stages of the struggle of the people of South Africa to wipe out nlis twentieth century scourge. 179. The struggle for freedom and dignity has taken essentially peaceful forms and, without speaking ofthe long period of resignation and the bitterness of the South African people, we can consider as important milestones in that struggle the campaign of resistance to the unjust laws of 1952, the peaceful demonstrations in Sharpeville in 1960, and fmally the latest demonstrations in Soweto in 1976. 180. At all these stages, the apartheid regime has always responded to appeals for equality and fraternity by the promulgation of repressive laws, brutal repression and mass executions ofinnocents. 188. The international community, therefore, has no other choice now than to give political and material support to the armed struggle waged by the South Mrican people under the banner ofits liberation movement. The victory of the South African people against the tyranny of apartheid . will be the victory ofall mankind and will strengthen peace and security in that region of the world. The United Nations will then have achieved a great success in the realization of its objecti~es as set forth in the Charter and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 181. This insensate policy of the advocates of apartheid has led them to intensify bantustanization. In a desperate effort to stop the resistance of the oppressed population, the South African regime for~es Africans to live in concentration camps, in bare and arid lanas, under the administration of the tribal authorities and under a reign of terror. At the same time the apartheid master plan allocates to the whites 87 per cent of the fertile lands, including all the industrial regions, the towns, the mines and the richest lands of the country. 182. The policy of bantustanization is the corner-stone of apartheid. It is intended to perpetuate the expropriation of land conquered by force. The concentration of Africans in arid reserves is a source of fratricidal conflict deliberately provoked in order to strengthen white supremacy. The programme of bantustanization has been condemned by my Government because it is part and parcel of the military strategy set up by the South African regime to destabilize the African continent. 183. The creation of so-called independent bantustan States is part of the establishment of zones of security directed against the national liberation movements and bridge-heads against the front-line countries such as Bot- swana, Lesotho, Swaziland and Mozambique. 184. At the same time as theaparrheid regime stubbornly continues its policy of bantustanization, ever more mur- 185. In view of this unprecedented violence, the South African people were forced to organize for a struggle to ensure its elimination. The South African people became the victims of the peaceful means they had chosen when the South African regime responded with brutal and murderous repression. 186. In view of the constant sp!Jrning of their appeals by the South African regime, the people ofSouth Africa were forced to prepare themselves for an armed struggle, the only means of obtaining their liberation. 187. According to resolution 31/6 I, the General As- sembly recognized: . H ••• that the consistent defiance by the racist regime of South Africa of the United Nations resolutions on apartheid and the continued brutal repression, including indiscriminate mass killings, by that regime leave no alternative to the oppressed people ofSouth Africa but to resort to armed struggle to achieve their legitimate rights". 189. The situation in South Africa is, in the eyes of my delegation, a grave threat to international peace and security as defmed in Chapter VII of the Charter. Inter- nally, there is a very serious crisis. In the light of the increased resistance, and the victories achieved by Mozam- bique, Angola and the courageous pecples of Namibia and Zimbabwe under the direction of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and the Patriotic Front, the South Africa regime has set up a veritable war arsenal. It has increased its armed forces and its military installa- tions. With the support of its partners, the South Africa regime has started a vast programme of arms production. The nuclear system that South Africa is completing with the assistance of its Western friends is intended to intimi- date and, if necessary, wipe out t.~e neighbouring countries hostile to apartheid that are within their operational range. 190. That grave threat to international peace and security has already been proved by the growing repression within the borders of the country, by the military and economic 191. In this situation the international community must fully shoulder its responsibilities. The OAU, at the As- sembly of Heads of State and Government, held in Ubreville, in Gabon, in July 1977, the Fifth Conference 'lf Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned C<"untries, held in Colombo, in Sri Lanka, in 1976, and the First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the OAU and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo, in Egypt in 1977, all u~ed the United Nations to adopt the most effective means and measures to eliminate the regime of apartheid. The World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held at Lagos ir.. August 1977, clearly gave the blue print for the battle to be waged against ,apartheid by the international community. 192. At its last session the General Assembly pronounced ~tself clearly on the measures to be adopted and the actions to be carried out to put an end to this grave warlike situation. It recommended the measures that are dictated by Chapter VII of the Charter. In its resolution 418 (1977), the Security Council has just vigorously condemned the Government of South Africa for its acts of oppression; its defiant continuance of the system of apartheid and its attacks against neighbouring independent States. But for the frrst time, that organ in charge of the maintenance of international peace and security has recognized that the policies and acts of the Government of South Africa are in fact fraught with danger to international peace and security as defmed in Chapter VII ofthe Charter. 193. Therefore, the Security Council has just decreed a mandatory arms embargo and an embargo on the granting of licences for the manufacture ana maintenance of such weapons. The resolution calls on all States to review their existing contractual arrangements with and licences granted to South Africa in this field. That same resolution decides that all States should refrain from any co-operation with South Africa in the manufacture and development of nuclear weapons. 194. My delegation believes that that resolution is a major step towards a policy of isolation of South Africa. Based on our information on the ability of South Africa to produce weapons, we feel that the most important provisions in the resoluHon relate to the cancelling of existing licenses and patents, as well as the cessation of all co-operation with South Africa in the nuclear field. 195_ My delegation sincerely hopes that that resolution will be fully respected because the States concerned have unanimously· accepted its provisions. Since we also know that they are assuming specific responsibilities in the Security Council, my delegation places its confidence in them. However, it would be desirable to set up a control body to ensure the implementation of that resolution, which must ~e respected by all States whether or not they are Members of the United Nations. 196. Some have welcomed the decision of the Security Council, but the international community is waiting for the 197. I should like to congratulate the Special Committee against Apartheid and the intergovernmental and non- governmental organizations which have contributed to strengthening 'the action against this twentieth century monster. We ask the trade unions to boycott the multi- national corporations that profit from the shameful exploi- tati6n of cheap African labour. The code of conduct of the European Economic CommunityIsee A/32/267] can never be applied because all companies working in South Africa are subject to the laws of apartheid. Half-measures are therefore doomed to failure. Great ills require drastic remedies. " 198. That is why the international solidarity that was brought to bear in stamping out the Hitler and Mussolini regimes should be able to overthrow the Vorster regime. Thus will be created the conditions of true peace and ,dignity in, a continent that has been terrorized and humiliated for so long.

About five months ago, on Sunday, 5 June 1977, to be precise, it became known to the whole world that there had been a coup on a tiny group of newly-independent islands in the Indian Ocean-the Republic of Seychelles. The reasons why the people of Seychelles decided to take it into their own hands to topple the Government were numerous, but at the root of all these reasons were the fact that the Seychellois believe in human dignity; the Seychellois believe that all men are equal; the Seychellois believe that all men should be given equal chances and opportunities in everY field of life p.espite the colour of their skin or their religion. The Seychelloi~ believe fmnly in the fact that the will of one person or of a minority cannot be imposed upon the whole group. The safekeeping of a democracy within a structure where all discrimination is absent, the creation ofequal opportunities for all, and a constant fight against all attempts to impose the will of a minority upon the rest-these are our beliefs and our principles. 200. It is because of these same fundamental beliefs that the Seychellois people, through their new Government, publicly condemn the horrible regime which exists in South Africa, namely the regime ofapartheid. 201. All the atrocities of this monstrous policy of apartheid have been listed not only in this Assembly but throughout the world. There is nothing to say which hllS not been said before. Apartheid is inhuman because the merits of a person are based on the colour of his skin, on the shape of his nose and on the straightness of his hair. No 202. This evil and satanic system of apartheid manifests itself in all fields of life-whether political, social, cultural, economic, scientific or technological. 203. When someone does something wrong and admit:; that he is doing something wrong and continues doing it, this is bad enough; but when someone does something wrong and proffers excuses to cover up his action, this is worse. It then becomes evil in its lowest form. This is exactly what Pretoria is doing. Excuses are made all the way. To try to cover up their selfish attitude, they bring up the point that there exists a law in South Africa prohibiting the incitement of racial hatred. They remind the world that a double standard is applied when discussing South Africa: their crimes are unforgivable while injustices elsewhere are passed over in silence. They also remind the world that several black newspapers are still regularly distributed in South Africa. They also talk about prevailing circumstances calling for measures which, although unpopular, are serving to ensure that law and order are safeguarded and upheld. Finally, they remind us that the bantustan homelands are being given independent status. In a way, it is as if they are using the famous saying of Tolstoi: "I sit on a man's back, choking him and making him carry me, and yet I assure myself and others that I am very sorry for him and wish to ease his lot by any means possible except getting off his back." In actual fact, all these are diabolical excuses and reflect the inhumanity and evilness ofapartheid. 204. The late President Kennedy is reported to have said: "Some men dream of things that are and ask why; but I dream of things that never were and ask why not'? " The - world should not dream ofthe atrocities of Pretoria and ask why, but the world should dream of a liberated South Africa. 205. I did say "dream", but that dream must become reality. For many years the oppressed black people of South Africa have been dreaming of better things to come. They have waited too long. They have dreamt too long. A man who is faced with arrangements that insult his self-respect and impcir his freedom is a desperate man. The oppressed black people of South. Africa have become desperate people. They have now woken up. They have fought and are still fighting for their principles, for their freedom, for their human dignity. Every day brave men, women and even young children are risking or giving their lives, risking imprisonment and detention for the simple reason that they are resolved and determined to ·break the apartheid system in South Africa. There is even hope in their despair. They have witnessed the victories of so many freedom fighters-in Angola, in Mozambique. They have been encouraged by the arms embargo resolution adopted by the Security Council on 4 November. They have been encouraged by the decision of the French Government not to deliver to Pretoria the four warships that are in the 206. The Bible tells us: "Much will be expected of the man to whom much has been given." More will be asked of that man because he has been entrusted with more. It is, one might say, a basic matter of justice. Much has been given to the developed countries, to the Western Powers. They have it in their hands to break Vorster's r6gime, namely, economic sanctions and a stop to the flow of investments. To be realistic, it would mean some sacrifices. But my Government appeals to the developed countries and the Western Powers to think again: indeed to think of the sacrifices that the oppressed people of South Africa are making in their struggle for freedom. Yes, we do appeal to you, you to whom so much has benn given. 207. I should like at this point t/) quote two excerpts from the recent statement in Lag~ of Kenneth Kaunda, the President of Zambia. The fmt is: uIf [the "7~st] cannot respond to this call from a moral point ofview, let them do so from fear of the impending explosion."1 2 And the second is: "The situation within and around South Africa is today very grave. It is a time bomb which is ready to explode with the smallest spark. And when it does, th~re will be a bonfIre of the huge investments the West continues heedlessly to pour into the apartheid system."13 208. My Government feels that it would be unf8ir. and in some ways even dishonest, if I did n!)t take this oppor- tunity to make it known to ~his AssembLy that the Republic of Seychelles does trade with South Africa, as we do import food from there. This is not by choice, but for geographical and historical reasons. It is something our young nation has inherited. However, our new Government is not accepting the status quo. Since our liberation last June, immediate steps have been taken to make the Seychelles self-sufficient as soon as possible. With the generous assistance of the United Kingdom and France, we are developing our agriculture and fisheries with a view to becoming less dependent for food on other countries, including South Africa. Soon after our change of Govern- ment, our new President publicly declared that, although we cannot afford immediately to stop importing food from South Africa without incurring severe hardships. arrange- ments are already being made to find other sources of supply and gradually decrease our rate of trade with that country. 209. I also wish to take this opportunity to make two public declarations on behalf of my Government. First of all, if my Government had known beforehand that our making this public condemnation ofapartheid would result in South Africa's immediate withdrawal ofits food exports 12 Sce Repor! of the World Confere1lce for Action tl&Qinst Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XlV.3), p.19. 13 Ibid.• p. 17. Chinese~and quite a variety of colours ranging from black to white. 210. We pride ourselves on the fact that racial hatred and racial prejudice do not exist in our·islands. The tourists that visit our shores ponder with arnazemen: on the harmony which exists among our people despite the difference in colour from one person to another. 211. Despite our smallne'ss, ~~ Seychellois wish to add our voice to th~ voices of many others to condemn apartheid, this cancer, this growth, this contagious disease. If not removed, it wHl bring catastrophic consequences to hu- manity. '~ELtmy has already shown us that the myth and tlleory of racial sureriority or the domination, of one race by another, as exemplifi~d by fascism and nazism, can only lead mankind to bitter and tragic wars, with all tL f: atrocities. 212. Let me conclude with a further quotation from President Kaunda. In the previous quotation he compared the situation in South Africa to a time bomb. He develops this idea a bit more in warning the world; "... the explosion that will destroy South Africa wiJ) come from within that unhappy country. It will not be an imposition from outside. Oppression, alienation and exploitation are forces potent enough to tear asunder the w:ills ofapartheid. "1 4

There can be no doubt that the questiun we are discussing this year for the second time in this Assembly-the question of the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa-is one ofimmense and indeed fundamentai concern for our Organization as well as for aIL o!.&( countries. Thus, from its very inception 30 years ago, tJur Organization has had to contend with this so-called system of Government based on the colour ofa man's skin, with all its evil consequences. The confrontation with apartheid, which is now at a crucial stage, was indeed illevit~ble. For the system of apartheid runs counter te the basic principles of" the Charter, and the Universal Decla- rntion of Human Rights. Apartheid. in fact. denies the c:ommon humanity of man and thus remains a major stumbling·block to man's progress towards the achievement of the objectins of the better life peace and freedom throughout all the world. 21Lt Like the callous murders at Sharpeville 17 years ago. 2nd the massacre at Soweto last ye2r, the latest acts of ..o>pression pe!1~etrated by the racist regim\~ of Pretoria have shocked the conscience of all m~kind. ificluding some of the die-hard defenders of the [ gime. Yet at this time it is the view of my delegation that it is important for us to rerJember that Sharpeville and Scweto, and what has per~nsIity and the daily injustice imposed for so many long and dismal years on the people of Azania by the racist regime of Pretoria. The fact of the matter is that, in a real sense, Sharpevilles and Sowetos ~re perpetrated every single day in that bastion of imperialism, colonialism and racism that is called South Africa. . 215. The facts are clear. The situation in South Africa is an unhappy one, to say the least. To put it briefly, it is a situation in which masses of people are being uprooted from their homes and from their land and herded into_the so-called "bantustans", which are really reservoirs of cheap labour for the aggrandizement of those who invoke the ancient and outworn claim of a divine right to be masters while others, the vast majority, are condemned to the bare existence of slaves. The intention is to make a people strangers in its own land. 216. It is, therefore, with some satisfaction that my delegation has noted that the Security Council has unani- mously adopted a resolution imposing a mandatory arms embargo on South Africa. Perhaps, in view of South Africa's claim to military self-sufficiency, including its reported nuclear capability,. the arms embargo represents too little which has come too late. However, in the opinion of my delegation the recent Security Council resolution has significant implications which augur well for further mean· ingful contributions by the international community to the cause of the liberation struggle against the racist regime of Pretoria. 217. For one thing, the unanimous decision of the Security Council indicates quite clearly what has been apparent for some time, that in this second half of the twentieth century the existence ofapartheid as a system of Government is without any merit and is in fact utterly indefensible. The recent Conferences in Maputo and Lagos have contributed considerably to the heightening awareness of the true nature of the system of apartheid-a system which has extended its evil sway even beyond the borders of South Africa, for the Vorster regime oaintains its illegal grip on Namibia. and the regime also continues to prop up the rebel Smith. 218. No longer can the Vorster regIme pose as. the guardian of Western ideals and civilization in South Africa. Time has caught up with the racists. The system of apartheid has now been universally recognized as being cpmpletely contrary to even the barest pretence of demo- cracy. All the manipulations of the high priests ofapartheid are in vain. Such manoeuvres as the setting up of independent so-called "homelands" and the extension of the semblance of political participation in the apartheid sys~~m to the Coloured people and the Indians, stand exposed for what such moves really are: attempts to execute a classical colonialist technique in order to con- tinue to divide and rule. 220. Conscious of the indivisibility of human freedom as well as the particular bonds of history and common experience of struggle for social, political and economic co-operation which link us with our brethren in Africa, the Government and people of Guyana have always followed closely the unfolding pattern of events in southern Africa. In our capital city of Georgetown stands a sacred monu- ment in honour of those who have given their Jives in the liberation struggle. Such important days in the calendar of the liberation struggle as the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners are fit- tingly observed by the Government and the people of Guyana. And this year, on 30 September, Guyana acceded to the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime ofApartheid. 221. We remain completely and uncompromisingly op- posed to the evil system of apartheid. We support all further measures, including an embargo on loans to and investments in South Africa, which may become necessary to force the Vorster regime to recognize the authority of the United Nations and to bow to the collective will of the international community. 222. The rmal triumph cannot be too long delayed. The resistance of the courageous freedom fighters in South Africa, supported by the ever growing solidarity of the international C''lmmunity, assures us that ultimately the remnants of colonialism, racism and apartheid will be swept from the continent of Africa.

I now call on the representative of Kuwait, who has asked to be allowed to speak in exercise of his right ofreply.

The representative of Israel, in the course of his statement this morning [72nd meet- ing/, mad~ his usual remarks about Kuwait. He cast a slur on our integrity. He invited me to respond to him, and I do so willingly. 225. in all fairness, I had thought that the research department of the Zionist organizations in the United States would have been more helpful to the representative of Israel. It is to our credit that he used the same old 226. The other day in my statement on the repC'rt of the Special Committee against Aparrheid {70th meeting!, I quoted 'Jerbatim from that report. I did not invent, I did not manufacture; I reported. But those facts hurt; they hit on a sensitive nerve. Definitely, the representative of Israel took exception to that quotation which I read from the document which is before everybody in this hall. The report speaks about relations between Israel and South Africa. To whitewash that relationship is a mark of absurdity, an attempt to conceal it with a SMoke-screen; in fact, it falls within the confines of bad taste. It does not change the truth. It does not undermine the facts which state that certain countries are hand-in-glove in consoli- dating the apartheid regime. I did not say that; the report said it. 227. In the course of his lengthy statement, the Ambas- sador of Israel displayed a relish for Arabic proverbs. I noticed that with interest, and I am now going to contribute to his treasury of Arabic proverbs. We have one which I have translated into English. That was very difficult to do, and I will explain the meaning of the proverb. It says, "The mountain was in labour and gave birth to a mouse", which means that tile result was not worth the trouble. I "hope that he has enriched his store of Arabic proverbs with this new one. In fact, what the proverb says is what the Israeli representative did: he gave birth in his statement to a mouse-to worthiess material. I thought that he had made a discovery, that he had startling news, or mind-capturiJ'lg information, but he merely repeated the old, absurd, unfoultded, baseless and unacceptable lies. I am happy to note that the Zionist research centres in which New York abounds are unable to find anything :against Kuwait and, faced with that unpleasant fact, he could do nothing but refer to an old argument which he used last year and which I had the pleasure of refuting at that time. 228. I do not like banal, baneful, ugly, awkward argu- ments. It is not my nature to resort to rights of reply. This is polemics, which I do not like. But when facts are distorted for the sake of diluting the issue, such facts should be the focus of every attempt on our part. But lies do not always make the best defence. Sometimes lies are pitfalls. Lies sometimes provide an excuse, but never safety. 229. I shall now return to the special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/32/22/Add.3/. Para- graph 4 of that report says that Israel defied the General Assembly resolution and the condemnations by numerous Governments and organizations all over the world, as well as the South African liberation movements, and further expanded its collaboration with the apartheid regime. 230. Paragraph 6 of the report-which I did not produce, to which I did not contribute and of which I was not aware unt31 it was distributed-states: "Israel's increasing collaboration, especially in the military field, has been one of deliberate choice and a hostile act against the oppressed people of South Africa." Those are the words of the report of the Special Com- mittee, the Committee that was the victim of the diatribe, venemous attack and criticism .by the representative of Israel this morning. 232. In 'Paragraph "10 of the same report, the Special Committee states: ..[The Special Committee1 considers that the General Assembly should once again condemn the Government of Israel and demand that it forthwith cease collaboration with South Africa." Those are not my words. They are embodied in the report of the Special Committee. And what could be more of an indictment than this request from the report of the most competent body on apartheid in the United Nations? 233. I could go on, but it is obvious that the twin sisters, Pretoria and Tel Aviv, are playing the same sinister role. One claims to be defending the southern part of Africa against international communism; the other, as was men- tioned by the founder of zionism, Theodor Herzl, the' landmark philosopher in the history of zionism, exists to create "an outpost of civilization as opposed to [Asian or Arab1 barbari~m".1 5 This is what I have c~lled hand-in- glove collaboration. 234. I have here a book called Israel and South Africa by Richard P. Stevens.1 6 I am not going to use it. I can leave it for anyone, including the representative of Israel, who may be interested in reading it. But that would be a waste of time. " 235. The Wall Street Jounuzl of 23 April 1976-and The Wall Street JOlU1Ull is not an Arabic periodical or news- paper-stated that Mr. Vorster had held a press conference during his famous visit to Israel. According to The Wall Street Journal Mr. Vorster emphasized one point: that-and these are th~ words of Mr. Vorster-UIsrael and 30uth p.J'rica enjoy similarities in many, many instances, from climatic conditions upwards." Those are the words of Mr. Vorster. 236. On 18 April 1976, The New York Times wrote as follows: . . ..According to diplomatic .iOurces, the Dutch Govern- ment advised I~r2d i.hat the visit of Mr. Vorster could 15 See Theodor HerzI. The Jewish State (New York, American Zionist Emergency Council, 1946). p. 96. 16 Rkhard P. Stevens and Abdclwahab M. Elmessiri, Israel and South Afrir:a: the Progression of a Relationship (New Brunswick N.J., North American Inc., 1977). 237. It is obvious that this special relationship embarrasses not only Israel but also its friends abroad, and I understand the discomfort, the pique, the anxiety and no doubt the rather annoyed posture of the representative of Israel when he was facing unchallenge.able evidence from the Special Committee against Apartheid about the marriage of love and convenience between Pretoria and Tel Aviv. 238. The Lusaka Star on 1 May 1976 reported that,. when they met the Presidents of Zambia and Mozambique, President Kaunda and President Samora Machel, had jointly condemned the new ties between South Africa and Israel and, in the 'words of the communique, "a racist Fascist alliance directed at continued domination and oppression of the people of South Africa and Palestine". That is a qttotation from a communique that resulted from the visit of the President of Mozambique to Lusaka. Those are the words of two treat leaders of Africa, two loyal sons of Africa whose integrity, honesty and patriotism are impec- cable. 239. On 10 August 1976, the Jewish Telegraphic Agency- and now I am coming to the military co-operation between the twin sisters, that great marriage of love and con- venience-reported that: "A group of SO South African navy personnel are in Israel training to operate Israeli-built missile boats, Kol Israel"-that is, the Voice of IsraeI-"reported last night. The Israeli radio station said Israel is building for South Africa two of the boats which are of the Reshefclass, the same type that participated in New York's Operation Sail on July 4 The radio"-Israel'~ radio-"also reported that an Israeli-designed coastal boat will be built and licensed in South Africa." That is from the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. Thi~ is :10 embodiment of this unholy alliance designed, of course, not for the promotion of the black ~ajority in South Africa or Rhodesia. 240. Newsweek of 23 August 1976 wrote that, despite eff.orts by both sides to play it down, a major expansion Qf Israeli-South African relations is under way follOWing the recent visit to Jerusalem by Prime Minister Vorster'and the Minister for Labour and Mines, S. P. Batha. Nel··":'week added that South Africa has bought two of Israel's 41Suton Reshef inissile ships and will get four more. The two countries will also team up in Israel to builc a railroad, a steel-rolling mill and a hydroelectric plant that win use Mediterranean water diverted into the Dead Sea valley. Israel bar. placed a major order for South African coal, and the Vorster Government is showing keen interest in Israeli electronic arid centrol equipment. That information is from Newsweek. 241. In fact, this alliance has gone beyond the routine t)-pe of relations among States. It is immorcti. This unholy alliance is against the oppressed black •..ajority in Scuth 242. The Guardian 0 f 23 August 1976 reported that Mr. Nujoma, President of SWAPO. who honoured us very recently by making a statement when we were discussing Namibia [35th meeting;. gave an interview in Lusaka in which he said that SWAPO had proof of the presence of Israeli counter-insurgency experts and British mercenaries in the buffer zone. When asked what proof he had of Israeli involvement in Namibia, Mc. Nujoma replied: "Our guerilla forces ha ve evidence that there are Israelis there." Pressed further, he said that people living in villages along the border had seen Israelis wearing South African army uniforms. "Our people identified them by their facial features and by the fact that they spoke Hebrew amongst themselves and appeared to have 110 knowledge of Afri- kaans," Mr. Nujoma said. This is resounding evidence from the President of SWAPO about Israel's implication in a fight against the forces of the liberation movement of SWAPO. 243. The alliance between South Africa and Israel, as 1 said earlier, is not a normal relationship that usually obtains between States and among States. It is an alliance of retrogression, an alliance against freedom, an alliance forged for repression, for oppression and for the prevalence and supremacy of tyranny, That is what it is. It has satanic features, It is monstrous not only in appearance but in its goals. It should be denounced, condemned and exposed. Israel should be brought to task, We should not let this unholy alliance go scot·free, particularly in the light of General Dayan's statement in the wake of the adoption of that famous Security Council resolution 4 J8 (1977), When he was asked about his reaction, as it was reported in The Christian Science Monitor of 7 November 1977, Mr. Dayan said Israel would stand by South Africa and would not leave it alone. 244. Yet the representative of Israel has the audacity to come to this rostrum with his concocted pontification on the record of JsraeL Those who relish lecturing others must come with clean hands,

I now call on the representative of the Palestine Liberation Organization to make a statement in reply.

This morning the representative of the racist·Zionist junta in Tel 247. Tel Aviv cannot utilize a move by the President of Egypt to cover up for its crimes against the people of Palestine and other Arab peoples during the last three decades. Tel Aviv cannot be jubilan t that it will receive pontifical absolution and blessing for its crimes. 248. At this moment the Special Political Committee is considering a report on Israeli practices affecting human rights-brutal practices by a racist regime against the Palestinian people under occupation. Here in the plenary meetings of the Assembly we are considering the evil of another form of racism, apartheid, strongly identified with zionism and the racist-2ionistjunta in Tel Aviv. 249. The debate on the Middle East could be suspended, but that will be when Israel withdraws from all the territories it has oce upied at least since 1967 and the Peace Conference on the Middle East convenes under the allspices of the United Nations and the two Co-Chairmen, with the participation of all parties concerned, including the Pales- tine Liberation Organization, the representative of the Palestinian people. This will be in accordance with this Assembly's resolution 3375 (XXX). But what is more important is that the debate will be terminated and not merely suspended-when the core of the conl1ict, the question of Palestine is resolved, when the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are recognize d and respected. and when the Palestinian people is enabled to exercise its right to repatriation, its right to self-determination, induding the right to establish the sovereign Palestinian State on Pales- tinian soil. 250. Israel cannot perpetuate its disrespect for the inter· national community without paying the price for con- tempt. Israel cannot flout the United Nations and continue its aggressive, expa.nsionist, racist policy and go scot-rrce. T7w meeting rose at 7.1 () fl.m.