A/32/PV.74 General Assembly

Malaysia's stand on apartheid is consistent and clear. We have repeatedly opposed and NEW YOlK condemned that institutionalized form of racial discrimi- nation and oppression practised by the South African regime. Its advocacy is an insult to humanity and we utterly reject that odious practice. The system of apartheid in South Africa is not only a threat to.intem2tional peace and security, but also a pointed violation of basic human rights. The negation and denial of individual and collective human rights based on white supremacy rule is a total infringement of international law. My delegation fmds the exploitation of man by man, and the imposition of the will of the minority on the majority, repugnant and evil. 3. Over the years, the United Nations has .adopted a multitude of resolutions relating to South Africa's apaFt- heid policies. Unfortunately, the Pretoria regime has turned a deaf ear to international censure and instead has become more obstinate and determined to perpetrate its repression and persecution of the African population. The continuing br:,:tality, the arrests and killings of black leaders and the innocent by the South African police clearly illustrate the determination of the racist regime to protect and maintain itG policies ofapartheid 4. The suspicious circumstances surrounding the sudden death in detention of the young and respected African leader, Steven 3iko, are disturbing. We are also concerned &bout the recent banning of the 18 organizations and the two principal black newspapers ~hich were all actively opposed to the apartheid policies of the racist regime. It is clearly another swift official move systematically to snuff out and silence any popular opposition. 5. This intolerable situation of human degradation and suffering must end. The Malaysian delegation is certain that the heavy oppression and savage retaliation of the racist white minority regime will not daunt or break the spirit or the will of the black majority to bring an end to the apartheid regime. 6. We fuUy support their aspirations and their struggle for emancipation and the restoration of human rights, dignity and justice. As an expression of our firm commitment to assist the oppressed people in South Africa wherever possible, tlie Malaysian Government has recently an- nounced that it will contribute to the United Nations Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid 7. Allow me to mention that the Government of Malaysia has no political, economic, social, sporting or cultural links with South Africa. We were among the earliest countries to take the lead in banning all imports from and exports to South Africa. Legislation -to that effect dates back as far as 1960 and 1965 respectively. 8. As a member of the Special Committee against Apar- theid, we have participated and will continue to participate 9. In regard to the recent unanimous decision taken by the Security Council in its resolution 418 (1977) to impose a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter, my de1egation welcomes that decision as a step forward in the universal fight against apartheid. Though we are riot optimistic that the ban will cause a Change of heart in the Pretoria regime, we nevertheless feel that the decision of the Council has far-reaching significance. It is certainly a warning to the racist minority regime of SOl!th Africa. Let us hope that this warning will be heeded, for otherwise there will be no turning back and it will be necessary to impose more stringent measures under the total provisions of Chapter VU of the Charter. 10. We also hope that in the meantime those countries that are collaborating with the apartheid regime, particu- larly in the economic, nuclear and military fields, will soon take appropriate steps to desist from doing so. Certainly, their collabomtion adds to the arrogance of that regime and encourages it to ignore and defy criticism as well as to reject the counsel of the world community. It only contributes to the strengthening of the apartheid regime and makes it more difficult for the United Nations to resolve the problem. We once again strongly urge those countries concerned to desist from all such collaboration. 11. In the wake of increased mobilization of internation~l opinion and action against apartheid the Pretoria regime must come to its right senses before it is too late. It must recognize the acute dangers and gravity of the situation. 12. There can be no peace or stability in South Africa so long as the white minority regime persists in imposing inequalities on the black majority and excluding them from their rightful place in the mainstream of national life. 13. The more apartheid becomes entrenched in South Africa, the more frightening and tragic will be- its conse- quences. 'Ihat would no doubt provoke a louder outcry from the international community, but, more important, the anguish of the black people in South Africa would continue unabated. My delegation is concerned that the swelling reservoir of anger, anguish, humiliation, frustration and misery of the black population will inevitably reach an eruption-point of no return. The South African regime now has both the time and the opportunity to prevent the disaster and tt:agedy of an open racial war. 14. Pretoria must be realistic. It must act urgently to end its abhorrent policies ofapartheid.

For 31 years now the General Assembly has 1 See Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2). chap. X. 16. As a result, South Africa has the deplorable distinction of being the first Member of the United Nations against which mandatory sanctions have been applied-and this with the unanimous approval on 4 November 1977 of Security Council resolution 418 (977), calling for a mandatory arms embargo. 17. An objective analysis of the situation in SOJ.l.th Africa leads one to believe that the white racist minority. will not make any serious attempt to change its stand on the elimination of the present system of racial segregation unless the resistance of the black population is intensified and concerted' international action brings about the eco- nomic collapse of that country. 18.; Response to the protests should at least have involved the beginning of a change in the apartheid. not its intensification, the suppression of the freedom of the press, the closing down of student and other organizations that might have contributed to a ~ess violent transition to a democratic -order. The few hopes we entertained in this matter have been totally dashed by the latest measures adopted by Vorster, and an atmosphere of terrorism has been created in which, according to press reports, the recalci!rant members of the white minority live with their weapons in their hands with the sole intention of post- , poning for a few more days the time when, through their own criminal obstinacy, they bring about their own downfall and the deaths of thousands of innocents. The bloody events of Soweto prove that the struggle of the South African black population is becoming a movement of national unity, so much so that the Pretoria regime has had to adopt Draconian measures of repression, torture and slaughter, as in the case of Steven Biko and others-Mapetla Mohapi of the Organization of South African Students, for 'example. 19. Regarding the economic aspects of the problem, the responsibility of the international community is extremely grave and, as far as Mexico is concerned, as the Secretary of State for External Relations of my country, Mr. Santiago Roel, put it in a statement he made in the general debate of 30 S~ptemberlast: "MexJco . .. has a history of struggle against colo- nialism and its vestiges. It will endeavour to see to it that the decisions adopted this year on the subject ... fully safeguard the responsibility of the United Nations and comprise prompt action for the elimination of colo- nialism, including the application of enforcement action, as mentioned in Chapter VU of the Charter of the United Nations." {14th meeting. para. 50.1 20. As Members of this Organization have been told in different meetings and on a number of occasions, Mexico has never had relations with the Pretoria regime and our policy has been one of condemnation of its acts of violation of the Charter and non-fulfJIment of resolutions of the General Assembly and Security Council in Qpen and complete defiance of the international community, not only because of its hateful system of racial segregation, but "It declares that South Africa belongs to all its people irrespective of race, colour or creed and that all have the right to live and work there in conditions offull equality. The system of racist domination must be replaced by majority rule and the participation of all the tJeople on the basis ofequality in all phases of national life, in freely detennining the political, economic and social character of their society and in freely disposing their natural resources." 22. As this Assembly is fully aware, my Government has taken measures opposing the presence of South Africans in competitive sporting events and has refused to allow Mexican sportsmen to participate in any meeting where South African sportsmen are represented~ 23. My delegation shares entirely the views expressed by Mr. Johan Kaufmann, the representative of the Nether- lands, in the statement he made in this debate on 15 November [70th meeting)• namely, that stronger economic measures are called for now. 24. Furthermore, we must intensify to the fullest extent possible the action of the international com"ntunity at all levels, so that in a short space of time we can bring about the restoration of the full dignity and fundamental free- dorns ofSouth Africans, and put an end to this exploitation of man by man, which has already been termed a crime against humanity.

This Assembly has been considering the problem of apartheid for decades, but every year the problem reappears on its agenda with growing seriousness and continues to represent a major concern to the whole international community. 26. Internally, ap!zrtheid, with its train of suffering and death for the South African people, is not only an unspeakable crime against the black majority of that country, but a grave affront to human dignity. How could one feel anything but abhorrence at the existence in the last quarter of the twentieth century of an archaic, criminal and racist apartheid regime which is oppressing and tyrannizing millions of South Africans by force of arms? 27. Externally, the policy of apartheid and colonialism of the racist Pretoria regime means the illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia, support for the racist minority regime in Southern Rhodesia, and the maintenance of military bases to serve as staging areas for repeated attacks of aggression against independent, sovereign countries of southern Africa, such as Angola, Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana and so forth. That is a grave threat to inter- national peace and security. 29. However, in order to avoid being condemned for their persistent collusions with a regime abominated by all progressive mankind, the protectors of Vorster's regime are resorting to the most cunning manoeuvres aimed at gulling world public opinion, at quieting the universal protests, and at spreading confusion and division, above all within the national liberation movements and among the African countries. Thus, of late we have frequently heard repre- sentatives of certaia Western countries declaring their disapproval of the policy nf apartheid-and the United States has gone as far as to recall its Ambassador for "consultations"-and showing that they are prepared to impose an embargo on arms shipments to South Africa. 30. Are these Western countries genuinely opposed to the policies of apartheid of the South African regime? The reality of what has gone on from 1948, the date when that regime took power, until today has demonstrated the contrary. Only recently the Western countries in the Security Council once again misused their veto right in order to protect the South African regime by opposing the . proposals of the African countries for the imposition of economic and commercial sanctions on the Pretoria regime under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, because such sanctions would jeopardize the interests of their own transnational companies. 31. As for the embargo on arms shipments, opinion is unanimous on the following point. Adopted at a time when the South African racist regime has already achieved self-sufficiency in the manufacture of conventional weapons, includjngthe most sophisticated arms, this measure has come too late to have any effect whatsoever on the capacity of Vorster's racist regime to carry on its acts of aggression against the other countries of Africa and the bloody repression of its own black population. 32. In conclusion, I should like to repeat a statement made by our Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Nguyen Duy Trinh, extraordinary meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs ofNon-A!igned Countries, held in New York on 30 September 1977: "The delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam ~xpresses its admiration and its deep affection for the heroic fIghters of southern Africa, who have shed their blood for national liberation. With the non-aligned "We hail the front-line countries, wfhch have made valuable contributions to the struggle for the jUtt cause of the peoples of southern Africa. We severely condemn the acts of aggression of the imperialists and of the racist regimes in southern Africa."

It is a sad commentary on our times that 32 years after the formation of our Organization, whose existence came about as a consequence of the defeat of nazism. we are still today discussing a problem whose manifestations and implications are no different from those of the very evil that saw the world in flames; for apartheid is no different from nazism. If anything, that system has tended to ~rfect some of the evils committed by nazism. But perhaps what is more ironic is the fact that for more than 30 years now the United Nations has been seized of the question ofapartheid. and in spite of the many decisions and resolutions adopted, despite an e~alation of expressions of moral outrage, the apartheid regime in South Africa continues to thrive and flOUrish. and the affront to the dignity and person of the African people has reached maximum proportions. 34. Therefore, as we address ourselves to this problem at our current session. it is imperative that we bear that fact in mind. Ind'Ced, the present debate would be meaningless if all we did was pin-poi.'1t and expose the many atrocities of, the South African regime. including its systematic and calculated repression, dehumanization and degradation of the African people. Nor would the debate be very helpful if all we did was to go through the statistics of the people kJlIed and those who are arbitrarily arrested and attained or even to elaborate on the conditions of absolute squalor and misery in which the African people are living. All these are known facts. and the Special Committe~ against Apartheid. whose outstanding work in the struggle against apartheid. under its energetic and capable Chairman, Mr. Harriman of Nigeria. is well known in our Organization, has already elaborated on and lucidly exposed in its report IA/32/22 endAdd.1-3/ these evils of the system of apartheid. 35. The purpose of this debate, therefore, should really be to focus on action-oriented measures which can effectively and decisively confront the challenge posed by the apartheid regime to the international community; and it is in this regard that my delegation would like to make a few observations. 36. It is a truism that the apartheid regime has cor.tinued to sustain itself because, verbal expressions of outrage notwithstanding. there are some of us in this Organization whose countries, by their actions, have helped to bolster that regime. It reqUires no special talent to understand that. if the concerted will and determination of the Allied Powtrs could defeat the menace posed by fascism in the Second World War, a similar determination displayed by the international community as a whole could and should d:arJy overcome the threat posed by the authorities in Pretoria. Regrettably, h~wever, that determination and (~tmentto action have been lacking on the part of that 37. The failure of the United Nations to bring to an end the system of apartheid. therefore, is not due to a shortage of resolutions by this Assembly. The ineffectiveness of the Organization has been caused by the non-implementation of those resolutions; and it is those Western countries that have important links with South Africa which bear the primary responsibility for our Organization's ineffec- tiveness. The time has, therefore, come for those countries to reassess their positions; for the unfolding events in South Africa have clearly demonstrated the fallacy of their policies and have in fact made them no less responsible for the misery and suffering of the oppressed and exploited in South Africa. 38. In making these observations, I am conscious of the somewhat 'changed circumstances now prevailing in the attitude of the public and even Governments in some of the Western countries. However. if disaster is to be averted. then there is an urgent need to come to grips with the real cause of the problem and to take such actions as befit the requirements of the situation. 39. Since the Government of India first raised the ques- tion of the policies of apartheid in the United Nations, there have been persistent call:; on the part of the overwhelming majority of the international community for concrete measures to be taken against the South African regime. Invariably, however, those measures have escaped implementation because the Western world has so far refused to view the South African situation in it~ proper perspective. 40. Indeed, it is ironical that even today in the aftermath of Soweto, in the aftermath of South Africa's naked aggression against Angola and in its persistent acts of aggression against Zambia, some of the Western countries, particularly those which are permanent members of the Security Council, refuse to characterize the situation in South Africa as a threat to international peace and security. I do not have to labour the point, since members of this Assembly are only too painfully aware of the series of arguments, both public and behind the scenes, that per- meated the recent debate in the Security Council on the question of South Africa. And yet one would have thought that at this point in time there could not and should not be any doubt in anybody's mind about the danger to peace and security posed by the apartheid regime of South Africa. 41. Failure to see the South African situation in its proper perspective can only lead to further suffering and blood- shed. It is indeed one of the particular tragedies of the plight of the South African people that their struggle becomes a celebrated cause only after dramatic events. Thus the world was astounded by the massacre in Sharpe- 42. But the truth is that the reactions to such events, important and perdnent as they are, without a proper comprehension of the underlying causes, can only lead to further expressions of outrage in the future when further brutal measures are taken. For despicable as the murders of the opponents of the apartheid regime may be and outrageous as is the massive repression that is going on there, the fact remains that these are only manifestations of the system. In fact, the South African authorities must be surprised that the world appears to be surprised as to what they have been considering as the obvious. It is therefore the system which we must address ourselves to. It is to the demolition of the structures of domination of the oppressor that the world must J,e concerned with. For as long as those structures remain there will be hundreds, nay thousands more Steven Bikos and more Sowetos and more Sharpe- villes. . 43. As the international community considers ways and means to eliminate apartheid, one thing should be upper- most in our minds. This is that the apartheid regime will not change of its own volition. Only a combination of the resistance currently being mounted by the African people and their national liberation movement and the collective efforts of the world community can put an end to the system of institutionalized racism and white domination in South Africa. 44. To this end, we must aim at strengthening and consolidating the international campaign for the total isolation of the Pretoria regime. And with equal dedication and commitment the world community must support the resistance movement. The Declaration adopted by the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos in August this year and that adopted by the Maputo International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, as well as the Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia,2 provide an appropriate framework for action. We must all strive to ensure the implementation of the decisions and rec.ommendations of those two historic international con- ferences. 45. But above all, it is extremely important to cast away some of the illusions that still seem to permeate some of the Western countries. Thus for example, it is time to bury, once and for all, the myth that continued economic collaboration with the apartheid regime will somehow bring changes to the system. Equally incongruous and untenable are the arguments and actions aimed at frustrating inter- national efforts to ostracize the South African regime in the vain hope that only extensive linkages with that regime will help in the achievement of our collective objectives. 47. But we all know that the arms embargo can only have lasting significance if it is followed up by more meaningful action against South Africa. And it is in those follow-up measures where the real test ofthe sincerity of all of us will be put to the test. For symbolic gestures of support, however important they may be in political and psycho- logical terms, will not arrest the deteriorating situation in South Africa. South Africa must be totally isolated. Total economic sanctions cry out for immediate implementation. 48. The Western countries have a clear responsibility to disengage themselves from their present economic ties with the apartheid regime. In this respect, it is heartening to note that it is not just this Assembly ~hich is calling for economic sanctions against the apartheid regime. At their recent meeting on 21 October, the Congressional Black Caucus of the United States recommended a series of measures to be adopted by the United States. Included in the 12-point plan urged by the black legislators is a call to the United States to deny tax credits to United States companies which invest in South Africa and pay taxes there, and develop strong tax disincentives to reduce United States inVEstment in South Africa; to support the elimi- nation of Export-Import Bank guarantees f::lf loans to United States companies trading and investing in South Africa; to end the United States-South Africa co-operative agreement on nuclear technology and research, and the granting of export. licences for the export of nuclear materials to South Africa; to support United Nations resolutions on ending nuclear, military and economic co-operation with South Africa~ to support immediate Congressional action to pass legislation applying economic and diplomatic sanctions against South Africa: to support a moratorium on all United States-South African exchange programmes: and strongly to affirm a United States policy calling for "one man, one vote" in South Africa. 49. Clearly those measures fall short of some of the demands made by this Assembly. But I have cited them only to demonstrate the growing awareness of people with responsibility in this COUl\try of the need to take effective action. Clearly what is demanded of the United States is no less demanded of the other Western countries, particularly the major trading partners of South Africa. 51. If we fall to do so, history wlll condemn us and, to be perfectly clear, will condemn the accomplices of iZptzrtheid for having contributed to the immense destruction of life and property that is inevitable in the unfolding confron- tation. 52. It is the fervent hope ofthe Tanzanian delegation that the experience of the past year in particular-namely, from the Soweto uprisings to the present situation-will make those countries that are still in one form or another collaborating with the iZpartheid r6gime reconsider their perllous course. 53. Mr. Hpr""NGAVOU (Renin) (interpretiZtion from French): The voluminous fue on iZpartheid that is each year placed before the General Assembly elicits a unanimous response from the world's peoples. Perhaps out of a sense of public decency, perhaps out of hypocrisy, the record of the cause of the peoples of southern Africa is always defended willingly or unwillingly, even if only with words. And it is with pleasure that the audience listens to the recriminatory hypocrisies of certain representatives ofgreat Powers speaking out against the crimes of iZPtzrtheid and uncovering the full panoply of the mad laws of the vile white minority regimes ofsouthern Africa. 54~ I shall. not take up the time of this General Assembly to pay useless tributes to those who are struggling, suffering and dying to ensure that their peopl: recover their most elementary human rights, for it is not tributes that they require. The policy of racial discrimination, of racial domination, of economic exploitation and of the political domination of one race by another, the social injustice raised to the level of a State dogma, of crime as an accepted modus operiZndi. is defended in the last analysis only by the white minorities that have been given this contemptible task by the imperialist Powers still their masters in the dally diabolical practice of pillaging and dehumanizing the black majority. 55. I shall not dwell on the record ofofficial crimes ofall kinds, of routine murders in police stations, of torture perpetrated for the entertaiiunent of bored police officers, of posthumous "suicides" that are 'the order of the day, since all these mad practices, born of the psychosis offear, are now well known, The national and international organizati9ns specia1izil1g in the macabre accounting ofthe crimes ofiZpiZ1'theid were called upon to bear witness before the Special Political Committee and they placed at ttJ1t Committee's disposal the as yet incomplete inventory of 56. I am much more concerned with those who, in all their power and glory, have begun singing the song of the defence of human rights, to the satisfaction of all mankind, but who at the same time cast.a collective veto against the only peaceful and effective measures that can put speedy end to the iZptzrtheid regimes and to spare peoples the sufferings of a future war. 57. That tripartite veto was not at all surprising, and the African States, whlle attempts were being made to deceive them, insisted on submitting their draft resolutions only to demonstrate that the imperialist Powers were once again locking themselves into the vicious circle of pious decla- rations against injustice, racial discrimination, the exploita- tion of man by man and the regime of Qptzrtheid. while continuing to sweep up the super-profits of the trade and investments that guarantee the economic strength of the murderers and their mastery of the technology for the manufacture of weapons to massacre the children and women of Soweto and the peoples of independent African States. Despite Sharpeville and the ensuing scandal, a certain information·blackout has wittingly been maintained by those whom it benefited. But times have changed. The patriotic organizations of Azania, Zimbabwe and Namibia, the peoples of southern Africa and all progressive forces .throughout the world could not allow the snence of the tomb to prevail over the peoples' desire for freedom. Hence the voluminous documentation before us today thanks to the United Nations resolutions that created the Special Committee against Aptzrtheid makes it possible to reveal the horror and the extent of the practice of genocide that is being carried out in southern Africa with the thinly veiled blessing of countries of show-case democracy and Christian civilization. 58. The world is now witnessing one of the tragic ironies of which recent history is replete, the irony of peoples that prize peace, justice and freedom being left with no recourse other than armed struggle to defend their most elementary human rights. There are many examples. When the Mau Mau took up arms, because of the lack of a peaceful solutiQn, to free themselves from British colonial domi- nation, Her Gracious Maje~ty's Government could not admit of rebellion. Everything had to be mustered so that the Empire should stand. Hence three years of torture and carnage were required to discover, as if by magic, that Jomo Kenyatta could be a Head of State and that blacks and whites could live in harmony and in peace in one country. And today it is said that a Kenyan solution is being sought to the Rhodesian problem. 59. When the white settlers rose in rebellion, the honour of the Crown was not at stake. There was therefore no need for Her Gracious Majesty's armed forces to be mobilized in order to cmsh the rebellion. The white minority could with London's connivance perpetuate its regime of pillage, exploitation, racial discrimination and Qptzrtheid. But busi- ness burgeoned, that was all that counted. As ifi South Africa, it was always possible to play the bemused innocent. 61. Today there is heavy betting, nuclear betting, on the losing horse of apartheid. These are heavy investments that bring in fabulou:: sums. Dealers in guns, in nuclear war technology, peace industries that can be switched over to war production, merchants of anti-communism, are all enjoying their day. 62. The barely disguised duplicity of denouncing apart- heid to the civilized world while by all available means strengthening the economic potential and the military arsenal intended to carry out the feverish preparations of the genocidal undertakings of the apartheid regime, deceive no one and leave no one indifferent, despite the servility of the clients. 63. As the Vietnamese people may thank the American people for having contributed, by their demonstrations, to having put an end to the satanic destruction of their country, so, too, the African peoples, particularly those of southern Africa, will doubtless pay a tribute to the American people for the influence that they may have exercised on their Government to induce it to put an end to the economic, commercial and technological assistance that it gIves, particularly through the American transnational corporations, to the dehumanizing regimes in southern Africa. 64. I am convinced that right·minded Americans do feel a revulsion at the idea that the ~dministration of 'j"t.;H country, with one hand on the Bibi(, :md the oath ofoffice on its lips, with its appeals for eXlf;;icise of human righ'~s, should be the accomplice and pr-::tcctor of so much horror and ignominy in the world. 65. The tripartite veto against economic sanctions-which we believe is the only peaceful means ofeffectively putting an end to the apartheid regime and of avoiding war- constitutes one of the most shameful betrayals of the peoples of Africa by the United States, France anJ t~e United Kingdom, solely to defend their own s.:lfish interests. 66. We had thought that American businessmen would see the obvious truth of what their economists tell us: that a -narket of 25 million persons is potentially more interesting thall one of only 4 million, just as a market of 800 million inhabitants in an area of 8 million square kilometres is more interesting economically than a market of 10 million inhabitants in an area of 32,000 square kilometres. 67. The brute force of their over-equipped armies will lead them to underestimate the internal dynamics of the aspiration of peoples to freedom, and we believe that a 69. The memories of Watts, Newark, Detroit and Milwaukee are still fresh. Businessmen, and particularly the insurance co~panies, felt that speedy concessions must be made before the arsonists found more. expensive targets. If it was thus possible for a minority to endanger the riches of a cf)untry, we feel it is time that the American transnational corporations, whose business is so good and which are protected by the American Govemmi;nt, should become the preferred target of the black majority in southern Africa. 70. The short-sightedness of the vetoes cast against anti- apartheid economic sanctions in the Security Council proves that it is not really human rights that concern those who are constantly harping on the subject, because ~at was a golden chance to establish their good faith and credibility. 71. 1f a small country of the Caribbean which takes liberties can be repaid with so many years ofeconomic and military blockade, which has now become laughable, we are distressed to see the double standards applied when the American veto is used against economic sanctions. 72. Despite all this, victory will lie with those who fight for freedom, and my delegation can state that Benin will not fail in its modest duty of brotherhood. 73. My delegation wishes to reaff"Irm that the regime of apartheid is a colonial regime, where colonialist practices degrading to man are given the status of government policy. 74. The protection given by monetary power to apartheid plays an essential role in its existence. Benin cannot forget the hysterical reaction of the Western Powers when the Security Council was asked to accept mandatory economic sanctions to force Vorster and his murderers to see reason. The responsibility of the Western Powers for the genocide daily being perpetrated by their white brothers in South Africa is undeniable. Crocodile tears do not wash out their responsibility. 75. We all know the significance of the policy of bantu- stanization within the framework of the Vorster clique's practices. May I recall that last year the United N2tions unanimously condemned that policy and, more j?articu- larly, condemned the creation of Transkei, that so-called independent State, in October 1976. All States in this Hall assumed the commitment to refuse to recognize that so-called State and not to establish diplomatic or any other relations with it. 76. My delegation is in a very good position to denounce the act of characteristic treachery committed by the Chilean regime, another by-product of international impe- rialism, whose Fascist practices of mass repression and 77. According to the information at our disposal, the Chifean Government has riot only strengthened its relations at all levels with the racist minority reg;me in South Africa, but also intends to establish diplomatic and economic relations with the Transkei, that so-called independent State. FUlthermore, persistent rumours speak of a periodic exchange of visits between the representatives of the Transkei, that entity cast out by the international com- munity, and the representatives-ofPinochet. 78. The Benib'people, united with the oppressed people of South Africa, vigorously condemns that treacherous act committed by the Chilean regime. The international com- munity must take note of that betrayal and with us condemn the Chilean regime, to discourage possible future acts in betrayal ofthe just cause which we all defend. 79. My delegation considers that any link established with the Transkei is a hostlle.if not -aggressive, act not only against the struggling people of South Africa, but against the whole ofAfrica. 80. It is the solemn duty of all peoples that prize peace and justice to campaign for the elimination ofapartheid. # 81. Security Council resolution 418 (1977) c~ling for a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa does not impose a total embargo and, furthermore, comes too late. Africa and all the third-world countries call for mandatory economic sanctions (0 bring about a radical and peaceful change in South Africa. Any hestitation or delay on the part of the supporters of Vorster wnI result in a violent reaction of justified self-defence on the part of the :>copies of southern Africa. 82. Before concluding, on behalf of Algeria, Angola, the Congo, Cuba, Djibouti, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Guinea, Indi.i, Jamaica, Kenya, the Ubyan Arab Jamahiriya, Madagascar, Mali, Nigeria, Senegal, the Seychelles, Somalia, the Sudan, Togo, the United Republic· of Tanzania, Upper Volta, Yugoslavia, Zaire, Zambia and my own country, Benin, I should like to present to the Assembly draft resolution AI32/L.29 of 17 November 1977. 83. This draft resolution relates to assistance to the national liberation movement of South Africa. My delega- tion is extremely glad to submit this draft resolution and feels confidence in doing so, since my country has mways been convinced that, of the most effective ways of eradicating apartheid, pride of place should be given to the · struggle in the field, a desperate all-out contest that encoupasses the armed struggle of the oppre~~dpeoples of South Africa. But, in following the example of other com:ageous people who have liberated themselves, the oppressed people of South Africa will be their own liberators. Oar sole duty, as the international community, is to help that people in their legitimate struggle for liberation and self-determination. 84. The blind violence dally committed by the white police in South Africa understandal: J gives rise to legiti- 8S. The Vast liberation movement that is developing in South Africa ~ for my delegation and fOI all peoples that prize peace and justice a reaspn for hope and a cause for satisfaction. - : r .. 86. That is why the sponsors of this dr,aft resol'liion are aware that the international community attaches crucial importance to the wide movement under way iI'\ Soqth Africa against apartheid. . ' ~ . . , 87. The draft resolution is couched in very simple terms. The fust paragraph of the preamble very briefly reflects the comvlaints of the international comm!Jl1ity. against the inhuman regime of apartheid. In the second' paragraph of the preamble again we have reflected the fact that' the policies and action of the apartheid regime will doubtless aggravate the threat to peace in southern Africa, and that their continuation will lead to a wider conflict. In the third paragraph of .the preamble we recall the fact that for the restoration of peace in southern Africa th~ apartheid ~egime must inevitably be eliminated. 88. In operative paragraph 1 we reaffirm the inalienable right-recognized by our Organization-of the people of . South Africa, to self-determination, in other words, to deter- mine their 'future on the basis of a non-racial majority government. 89. In operative paragraph 2, we reaffum the legitimacy of the struggle of the South African people. 90. That is the main thrust of our draft resolution. My delegation and those others whose countries I have men- tioned are convinced that the General Assembly wlll consider this draft resolution favourably and w.ilI agree that its adoption wm give support ~o the oppressed people of South Africa.

In returning to this rostrum one year after a debate on apartheid took place for th9 first time directly in the plenary meetings of the General Assembly, one cannot fall to acknowledge with the utmost apprehension that that policy has been aggra- vated in a way that seems to reflect complete insensitivity to the growing opposition of its own victims and to the practically unanimous r:.mdemnation of the international community. 92. In fact, not only do the philosophy and practice of apartheid continue to rule the lives of more than 20 million people, im90sing on them a system of extreme and inhuman racial discrimination, but also new acts of repres- sion and intimidation have been taking place against some of its most courageous oppoqents or even indiscriminately against innocent people as a ferm of threat aimed at preventing further acts of opposition. 93. With shock and dismay we re~ent1y witnessed the closure of newspapers and civic associations, the arrest or 94. To the growing international indignation and anxiety concerning tht1 mstitutionaJized form of racism that apart- heid represents, the South African Government responded by adopting measures that, on the one hand, appear to represent real defiance of the international co~munity and, on the other, pave the way to the elimination of the remaining :Vestiges of freeC:om and democratic opposition rights in the country. By turning its back on world opinion, by ignoring reality and the unbearable tensions building up there, Jt seems the Republic ofSouth Africa has chosen the path of refusing to face the vital problems confronting it, of preveritiri~. the -establishment' of the necessary dialogue among its'ihhabitants, and of giving up the search for ways and means of achleving the peaceful transformation of its society, thereby deliberately drawing near the abyss of violence and racial confrontation which thus seem inevit- able.. 95. It is in this light that one should consider the stubborn insistence of the Government of South Africa on pursuing the condemn~d policy of bantustanization by announcing the so-called independence of Bophuthatswana to be proclaimed at the end of this ye?r. One should recall that the Transkei has not been recognized by a single country of the world and that the same fate undoubtedly awaits the aforesaid bantustan. 96. Institutionalized racism cannot be considered' to per- tain to the internal affairs of any State. A large number of the most important international instruments-to start with, the Charter of the United Nations-subscribed to by the Republic of South Africa itself, recognize and protect fundamental human rights. Therefore in our opinion it is fully legitimate for the international community to show utmost concern over racism and racial discrimination and its opposition to what is one of the most seriOllS violations of those rights. 97, Governments, non-governmental organizations, churches, trade unions, political parties and different civic associations have contin"ded their efforts throughout the world to bring aboGt the eradication of apartheid and to make public opinion fully aware of the inhumanity, humiliation and exploitation involved in H. 98. I should like to recall here in particular the World Conferen~e for Action against Apartheid held i~ Lagos, Nigeria, in which 2 Portuguese delegation participated. I am happy to pay a tribute to the hospitality of the Govern- ment and the people of Nigeria and to their contribution to the success and importance of that Conference at the present stage of the struggle against apartheid, Special reference should also be made to the Second International Trade Union Conference for Action against Apartheid, convened by the Special Committee. against Apartheid under the provis~ons of General Assembly resolution 31/6 G and held in June 1977. 100. We still hope that, in spite of all its affected indifference to such action, the Government of South Africa will not fail to meditate on the very serious significance of that emb2lgo and to draw from it all the ne.cessary conclusions. 101. Portugal is st~ongly opposed to the principles and practites of apartheid, which are totally unacceptable to the character and feelings of the Portuguese people and are in full contradiction to the fundamental democratic princi- ples enshrined in the Portuguese Constitution. 102. In this respect I should like to repeat what was said by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Portugal in the General Assembly on 28 September 1977. He stated: "At the same time we expressly condemn the doctrine as well as the practice of apartheid. We take this position all the more firmly since, whatever the errors Portugal was accused of during its colonial period-errors which the Portuguese democrats never failed to condemn-all forms of racial discrimination have always been abhorrent to us. The· end of racism should in no way signify the separation of races by continents.. 'Jut should instead mean their coexistence and inter-penetration in the areas where history has brought them together." [11th meet- ing, para. 206./ 10-3. Just a last remark. I should like to express here Qur hope that the white population of South ;Africa-a signifi- cant part of which, dUring their already long history in the African continent, had in the past also to fight against domination and even, ironically enough, against segrega- tion-will stiD have some sense of justice and realism, will not blindly turn their backs on the outside world and will still decisively contribute to averting a situation-of confron- tation and violence that would have unpredictable conse- quences for Africa'as well as for the international com- munity as a whole.

The fact that the item concerning the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, which has been on the General Assembly's agenda constarttly for over a quarter of a cantury, has since last year been considered directly in the plenary meetings of the Assembly amply demonstrates that the international community is more deeply conc~rned than ever by the continuation of this hateful policy, which'is a calamity of the twentieth century and a real threat to international peace and security, Because of the actions taken under this shameful policy-each ofwhi«:h is more monstrous than the other-and because of the alanninj tu~ that the policy has 105. Aware ofthis very real danger, our General Assembly adopted last year, among other resolutions, an anti· apartheid programme Iresolution 31/6J] which, had it been put into effect by all the States Members of the international Organization would already have helped con- siderably to reduce the suffering of the South African people and spared the lives of many of that people's valiant sons, including Steven Biko-the most recent victim, who was tortured to death in the South African tvrant's gaol. The delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, which has repeatedly denounced the odious crimes corn· mitted by the proponents of apartheid, once again associa· tes itself with others in the international community in vigorously condemning the murder of Steven Biko, whose name is an honourable addition to the long list of South African martyrs who have fallen in the fight to defend the most noble ideal of mankind: the freedom and equality of men and among all men. 106. In recent months, which have been marked by world-wide demonstrations against apartheid and for the liberation of the peoples of southern Africa, the South African racist regime, displaying as always a criminal arrogance, has busied itself with lengthening the list of its odious crimes committed against the oppressed people of South Africa, in flagrant defiance of the just decisions taken by the General Assembly at its thirty-first session and ofother relevant resolutions of our Organization. 107. In this regard the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid[A/32/22] offers an exhaustive catalogue of instructive information concerning the criminal acts of which the minority racist regime of South Africa is guilty. My delegation expresses its appreciation to the Special Committee and to its Chairman, Mr. Harriman of Nigeria, for the work they have done and the efforts they have made to give the world a clear picture of the tragic consequences of the policies of apartheid ferociously pursued, with impunity, by Vorster and his partners in the Pretoria Government, thanks to the complicity and the collaboration of certain imperialist circles and the transna- tional corporations. 108. From the report my delegation has learned with horror and indignation that in these past few months Vorster and his partners have even further improved their trade mark of "criminal and warmonger" by committing an even greater number of atrocities of all kinds and taking all sorts of oppressive measures against the South African people. 109. Thus, they have adopted still more legislative, administrative and other measures based on racial discrimi- nation. They have engaged also in repressive measures against the opponents ofapartheid; in efforts to extend the criminal policy of apartheid beyond South Africa's fron- tiers, and particularly to Namibia; in overt and repeated acts of aggression against neighbouring independent African States, and in frantic efforts to strengthen South Africa's military potential, including the supply of nuclear weapons. 11 L This latest abuse of the right of veto by the Western permanent members of the Council is further eloquent proof of their thinly veiled attempt to prolong the survival of the shameful apartheid regime and to maintain in the very heart of the African continent a solid bastion enabling imperialism to perpetuate its rule over the South African people and to perpetrate criminal acts of aggression against the neighbouring independent African peoples and coun· tries. This attempt is doomed to failure. Not only will it run up against the fierce resistance of the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe and the other independent African peoples; it will also call forth the most stringent condemnation of the entire international community. 112. As our world s~rides along the road to the emancipa- tion of all peoples and all territories, at a time when the era of backward colonialism and chauvinistic neo-colonialism in all its forms is rapidly fading into history and giving way to the era of social progress which began with the Great October Revolution-the sixtieth anniversary of which is being celebrated this year by the progressive peoples of the whole world who cherish freedom, independence and democracy-it is truly anachronistic that those circles which trumpet their dedication to the principles of freedom and equality are continuously having recourse to all kinds of manoeuvres to defend their sordid economic, strategic, military and other interests, to the detriment of those very principles. 113. Must it therefore be concluded that the professed commitments of those same circles to the liberation of the oppressed peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe are no more than empty and meaningless formulas? On the basis of facts and irrefutable evidence adduced by the Special Committee against Apartheid in the chapter of its report on foreign collaboration with the racist regime of South Africa, one would have great difficulty in replying anything but "Yes". 114. In the same context, my delegation has learned with deep concern of a reported attempt made recently at contact between the military junta in Chile and the puppet outlaw government of the Transkei, which the General Assembly, in a resolution adopted at its thirty-first session energetically condemned [resolution 31/6 A]. rejecting, at the same time, the so-called independence of the Transkei. 115. My delegation would like to denounce in advance any form of collusion between the military junta in power in Chile and the apartheid regime of South Africa. 116. The United Nations cannot and must not, unless it wishes to lose all credibility, go on indefinitely debating the criminal policies of apartheid of the South African Govern- ment and adopting resolutions which are never imple- mented or which are immediately made a laughulg-stock of 117. It '!;ould be futile to go on waiting for Vorster voluntarily to renounce his inhuman policies, or expecting that carefuUy measured doses of pressure will suffice to change his mind. 011ly the totality ofmeasures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter can bring that about. 118. In this r~gard, th:; rtorr-J.1jgned :md :iiocialist cmmtries, aware of the grave threat that the policies ofapartheid ~use tD southern Africa and to the world, have bng and tirelessly urged those measures. It is up to the othe.r memLers of the international co.nmul1ity, particul:uly the Western Powers and the other Powers that still have some syrnpat..y for Vorder or that are bounci to that regime by their L'lh:rests, f 0 join their efforts morru·Jr to eradicate wnat is now re'J8I'ded by the wcrld as the great~st shame of I ,)U!' (:;~:1tury--3!?artheid. 1~9. After clntQst 30 years of rhetorical speeches which pJoduced nothing real but the existence of permanent terasion in South Africa, where the blood of the black South African population is shed ever more frequently, our Organization must make up its mind to take decisions commensurate with its responsibilities. It is only by taking that road that we can ensure the liberation of all the peoples of southern Africa and free the whole African continent. My delegation in no way upderestimates the complexity of the task, but if everyone has a sincere determination to eliminate apartheid, all the obstacles will be overcome and the international community will prevail. This task is of historic importance and was recognized as such by the World Conference for Action against Apart- heid, held from 22 to 26 August last in Lagos. In confIrmation of this, my delegation would like to quote from the Lagos Declaration contained in the report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, which clearly states the following: "The liberation of southern Africa as a whole from colonial and racist rule will be the fmal step in the emancipation of the continent of Africa from centuries of domination and humiliation. It will be a major contribu- tion to the elimination of racism and racial discrimination in the world, and to the strengthening of international peace and security."3 120. To carry this historic task to a successful conclusion, the international community has no other means than those 3 See Repprt of the World Conf~~ence for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2), chap. X, para. 33.. "1ents have taken place. The Programme for Action against Apartheid, the International Conference in Support of the Peoples ofZimbabwe and Namibia, in Maputo, and rec~ntly the Lago,; World Conference for Action against Apartheid, are just a few examples of such developments. My dele~atiQ!! believes that the resoluticns and declarations resulting from these Conferences contmn-the basic ek,ments of the action that should be taken in order to eramcate the evil system of apartheid Nobody can tell the internaticnal community that he or she does not know what effective measures should be taken in order to bring down the apartheid regime of South Africa. The overwhelming majority ofmankind is agreed on what must be done. 122. However, in spite of the fac: that apartheid is a crime against h1Mllanity, some Western c,)untries, eSJreciaIly those who are members of th~ North Atlantic Treaty Organiza- tion, have so far made it very difficult for the United Nations to t2ke effective measures against apartheid. Those countries have :dways opposed a"q meaningful steps against apartheid through the abuse of their notorious veto in the Security Council. Even the recent resolution adopted by the Security Council imposing a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, which was adopted by all 15 members of the Security Council, was only agreed on after very stiff resistance from those same countries. We believe that that resolution is more in the nature of a symbolic gesture and represents only a Imt step. In any event, it should have been adopted by the Secrity Coun~il 17 years ago. Unfortunately that was not poSSible, because those impe- rialist Western countries wanted ftrst of all to make sure that racist South Africa was armed to the teeth before they could vote for such a resolution. But even after the resolution was passed, those very countries made it cle~ that they were not prepared to discontinue their nuclear co·operation with the racist regime of South Africa. What is even more cynical, some of those countries went so far as to pay homage to the intellectual capacity of the racist Vorster. 123. Uganda has always insisted that, given the nature of the racist regime of South Africa and given t~e support it has received and contmues to receive from those countries, there was no alternative but to intensify the armed struggle in South Africa. That, of course, does not exclude other means of struggle, but we b~~~vf that those other means should only be complementary to the armed struggle. It was from that point of view that my delegation appealed, during the early days of the genelal debate this year[29th meetingj, to the liberation movements not to listen to the sweet words of the imperialists. All the figures are there to show to what extent those imperialist countries which come here and tell us of their abhoflence of apartheid are involved in tte exploitation of the black people of South Africa through their military assistance and technical and nuclear co-operation and, above all, through their massive investments in that country. It was, therefore, not surpris- ing at all to us, only a few days after the resolution on the arms embargo was passed by the Security Council, to hear 124. The llbt:lcstion struggle9 whether in Asia, Latin Amer.[ca or Afr.l.ca, has had to be waged at a time c.yhen the imperialists are still 1.'1 ..control of much of the. means of information. Such cotttroi ha~ given them the chance to distort news and misinform the rest ofthe world about the liberation struggle. The' mercenarY press media can print any lies about the liberat.i9n· struggle provided they are paid. It is such press medmwhich have been engased in telling lies -about the liberation struggle,calling freedom fighters "teriorists U 9 and it is such press media which have always insisted that men like Vorster or lan Smith were not terrorists but~ leaders' of South Africa and Zimbabwe respectively.' The mercenary press has blacked out any achievements or victories scored by the freedom fighters in Asia and"Africa. Let me here refer to a statement made by President-for-Life Amin when he was opening the Organiza- tion of African Unity Ministers of Information Conference two weeks ago in Arua, Uganda: "The whole African continent has been exposed to the unscrupulous machinations of imperialist and Zionist press media whose interests have, hitherto, been to ~find fault with independent African countries. Oftentimes they expo.sethe weaknesses of Africa9 causmg confusion and conflict~ among States through twisting of news , items from Africa. Even where obvious achievements have been more proniinent than the negative side, Western news media have slanted the news to look like no progress has been made. They have gone as far, in some cases, as selling news accruing from false reports, merely to make big sales oftheirpapers.!9 125. It is with this in mind that my delegation will render its fhJt support to all the draft resolutions soon to be adopted by the General Assembly, including the one on dissemination of information on apartheid. 126. Uganda for its part has given and will continue to give all possible assistance to the liberation movements by making use of its radio transmissions as well as other means of information, so that they can reach South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia, with a view to giving gUidance and education to the stmggling masses in those countries. Uganda pays homage to all other countries that have been doing the same and urges all States Members of the United Nations to intensify their efforts and their assistance in disseminating correct information on apartheiiJ and on the progress ofthe liberation struggle. 127. Finally, my delegaticn supports the Declarations adopted' at Maput04 and Lagos and will support all the draft resolutions to be adopted by the General Assembly this year with a view to strengthening, the liberation struggle of the people of South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia. We are confident that the final victory belongs to the heroic people of those countries. 129. The Government of South Africa persists with its abominable polici~s of apar'theid, despite world-wide con- demnation in the strongest terms. The United Nations has been concerned with apartheid and the policy or' racial discrimination pursued by the South A(rfcan regime 'since 1946. Pa!dstan, soon after its independence, partidpated in the debates of the second session of the General A$seiJtbly in 19479 when it joined the majority of the Members of the United Nations in denouncing apartheid as a "crime against humanityu. We are thus among the firSt States Members of this Organization to have focused attention ort the problem of ~apartheid. which regrettably persists to this day and which has permeated every facet of South African life. Far from abating, the rigours ofapartheid have been intensified so much that it is flOW incorporated in the Constitution of South Africa and its pernicious influence is reflected in every law, r~gulation and act of its Government. 130. My delegation also wishes to place on record its appreciation of the compl:hensive and valuable report prepared by the Special Committee against Apartheid IA/32/22 and Add.1-3/. We have studied the report with interest and attention. We fully endorse the recommenda- tions contained in this report and call upon the General Assembly to take urgent and concrete action. We similarly commend the Declaration and Programme for Action adopted by the recently concluded World Conference for Action against Apartheid held at Lagos. 131. My delegation shares the concern of the Special Committee expressed in its special report regarding increas- ing collaboration between the apartheid regime of South Africa and Israel in the military, nuclear, political, eco- nomic and other fields, especially since April 1976 f A/32/ 22/Add.3}. Israel's attempt to break the growing isolation of South Africa only highlights the continued defiance by both of these States of the will of the world community, expressed in numerous resolutions of the United Nations. 132: The Palctstan delegation is also opposed to the policy of bantustanization. under 'which the South African regime intends to crowd 70 per cent of its population into 13 per cent of its territory and to create the myth of local independence.. Actually, this is a device based on racial discrimination for the purpose of denying economic and political justice to an overwhelming majority of South African people and an instrument of pressure and coercion vis-a-vis the otb.er African States. This policy cannot be ~llowed to succeed. 133. The international community must reiterate its pledge to do everything in its power to hasten the eradication of the evil of apartheid. For its part, Pakistan has consistently supported the efforts of the United Nations, calli,ng upon South Africa to desist. from its inhuman and indefensible policies, which not only are contrary to the United Nations Charter and the Universal 135. Pakistan, being an Islamic State, could not very well have acted otherwise. Islam repeatedly reaffirms the equality and brotherhood of all human beings, and categor- ically rejects any distinction or discrimination between man and man on grounds of colour, race or origin of birth. No follower of Islam can tolerate the policies of apartheid, which are a total antithesis and negation of the values of brotherhood and equality among all human beings-a fundamental tenet of our faith. 136. The Islamic Copference of Foreign Ministers has adopted several resolutions denouncing the despicable doctrine of apartheid and appealing to peace-loving coun- tries all over the world to apply sanctions and to break off all relations with the South African regime. Last year, at Istanbul and this year at Tripoli, the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers reiterated the commitment of the Islamic countries to continue the struggle against racism in South Africa. It also reaffIrmed its resolve for the complete and unconditional elimination of racism, racial discrimiftation and apartheid and condemned these practices. 137. The Soweto massacre of 1976 and recent actions of the Pretoria regime, which include large-scale arrests of local leaders, the shutting down of black newspapers, and the banning of political organizations, reveal that that regime is not prepared to change its morally bankrupt and internationally discredited policies. On the contrary, by intensifying its regime of terror and repression, that regime has once again defied the exhortations of the world community to change its ways before it is too late. Repression has stiffened the resolve of the freedom fIghters of Azania that only through bloodshed, suffering and sacrifice can they achieve their inalienable birthright to live in freedom and dignity in their homeland. 138. The Secretary-General of the United Nations in his annual report to the General Assembly has summariz·ed the situation in South Africa as follows: "In South Africa the policy of apartheid continues and so does the tragic violence and loss of life which inevitably attends it. There can be no solution to this 'crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind', as the General Assembly and the Security Council have called it, as long as South Africa adheres to policies which exclude the majority of the population fro:rl the political life of the country and which result in the imprisonment 139. My delegation agrees with this assessment and believes that the situation in South Africa will continue to deteriorate, unless the evils of apartheid are fmally eradi- cated. In view of the increasing suppression and brutal policies of the Government of South Africa, the situation there is fraught with dangerous possibilities, and must be a matter of concern to the world community. Suppression and discrimination breed hatred, violence, conflict, national upheavals and international insecurity. The General Assem- bly has already recognized that apartheid is a threat to international peace and security. This threat has been further compounded by South Africa's efforts towards the acquisition (lf nuclear capability. The world community, therefore, has a special responsibility to isolate the Pretoria regime. 140. The Security Council's action to adopt resolution 418 (I977) on 4 November 1977, imposing a mandatory arms embargo on South Africa, was a salutary, if largely symbolic, warning to South Africa to change its policies, which can only lead to disaster. We welcome this resolution as a step in the right direction. My delegation feels that the application of further sanctions envisaged in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter would be necessary, to bring home to the racist regime in Pretoria the full impact of the world community's disapproval ef its policies. As long as South Africa can carry on commerce' and trade with other nations and is able to enrich itself through the ruthless exploitation of its black rnajurity, it is unlikely to pay any -heed to the advice of the world community or to take any notice of resolutiom of the world body. 141. Resolu ~')ns have been passed year after year, but have been consistently defied and flouted by the Govern- ment of South Africa. Decades of denunciation have not deterred the illegal regime of South Africa from its disastrous course. The time has now come for resolute action. We should use all means at our disposal to mobilize the full force of the common conscience of mankind to highlight the fact that the humanity of man transcends the barriers ofrace and colour. 142. My delegation fully supports the proposal fo observe 1978 as the International Anti-Apartheid Year [A/32/ L.21]. In the past we have observed the International Day of Solidarity with the Struggling People of South Africa, the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Pris- oners, the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. Now let us observe the International Anti-Apartheid Year. Let this be the determined effort by . all 'peace-Ioving nations of the world to bring to an end the evil of apartheid. Let all humanity say With one voice that apartheid has failed, that the attempt to separate various racial groups in South Africa has in fact united different races-the white, the black, the brown and the yellow-in . . 144. My delegation has no doubt that the courageous struggle waged by the freedom fighters of South Africa is bound to succeed, The edifice of apartheid is destined to crumble before the determined onslaughts of the indigenous people of South Africa. If the Pretoria regime does not voluntarily end its iniquitous system ofapartheid, the black people will gain their just rights through armed struggle. Once the people rise, no amount of cruelty and repression can deter them from attainiIig their goal of freedom from the bonds of exploitation, humiliation and deprivation. 145. Pakistan has always supported the just struggle of the African people against the abhorrent practices of racism, racial discrimination and apartheid. We reiterate our pledge that we shall do everything within our means to continue to make our contribution to support the legitimate aspirations of the oppressed people of South Africa, We shall, therefore, support any action proposed by the United Nations for the furtherance of these aims, as we have always done in the past. 146. May I say that, notwithstanding the criticism and doubts of sceptics, the United Nations has a commendable record of success in its struggle against colonialism, racism, racial discrimination, exploitation, inequality and injustice of every kind. For more than three decades now it has waged a relentless crusade to promote the cause of peace, freedom and human welfare. 147. The fact G"£at the membership of the United Nations has increased from 51 to 149 is a tribute to the vitality and strength of this Organization. The near universality of membership also confirms that all nations, big and small, have faith in this world body, which is the only hope, particularly for the small nations of the world and nations still seeking freedom. 148. More than 70 nations have gained freedom from colonial bondage since the founding of the United Nations in 1945. The United Nations has played a vital role in hastening the end of the colonial era, especially since the adoption of the famous resolution on decolonization /resolution 1314 (XV)J early in the 1960s, and, with the 149. The United Nations also has a worthy record in promoting the cause of human rights and individual freedoms. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966 and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, also of 1966, are some of the landmarks of which the United Nations and its Members can be justly proud. 150. The anachronistic system of colonialism has already crumbled. Its last vestiges are in the process of liquidation. The cause of human rights has been celebrated and enshrined in binding covenants. The forces of freedom and liberty are now on the march. How can the despicable system of apartheid survive the determined opposition of the world community? The United Nations must all the same not be complacent but continue to act in a resolute manner, and the cause of freedom and human equality will, I have no doubt, triumph in South Africa, as it has triumphed in other 'parts of the world.

For over two decades now the international commt::nity has persisted in its uncom- promising stand against the doctrine and practice of apartheid bOoth inside the United Nations system and outside it. Progress in the struggle has been painfully slow but our determination to eradicate apartheid and the unbending will of the subjugated people of South Africa continue to give hope that the international effort has not been and will not be in vain. 152. Since the adoption of General Assembly resolution 31/6 a year ago, reports from South Africa indicate anything but a relaxation of the hold that the apartheid system has on the non-white population of the Republic. In fact, the last 12 months have witnessed the enforcement of some of the most brutal policies of the Vorster regime against defenceless opponents of apartheid in gross disre- gard of the provisions of General Assembly resolutions and the basic principles of the United Nations Charter. More and more persons have been imprisoned without trial in the last year and their families terrorized and Soweto school- children and others have been gunned down or severely beaten up, while legal measures have been introduced to ensure the superiority of tlie white race. 153. As representatives will recall, yet another atrocious act of the South African regime was added to the catalogue of Vorster's sordid acts perpetrated against the non-white population as weil as white opponents of apartheid when national newspapers and organizations that had been vocal in their non-acceptance of the practice of apartheid were xecently banned in the Republic and when a number of nationalists, both black and white, were thrown into detention. 154. Even though the Vorster regime continues to disre- gard our call for social and political refornl in the Republic, the Ghana delegation is of the view that our qisappoint- ment with the progress. made so far in the matter should 155. Since the adoption of General Assembly resolution 31/6 last year, the international effort against the crimes of apartheid has made considerable progress by the adoption of a Declaration against apartheid as well as the preparation of a programme of action in the form of recommendations, at the Lagos Conference for Action against Apartheid held in August this year. That historic World Conference reflected the indignation of the international community of Vorster's apartheid policies. We hope that the provisions of the Declaration as well as the various :ecommendations made will now constitute our common strategy against apartheid. 156. We believe that the time has now come when this Organization should by all means at its disposal bring the necessary pressure to bear on South African whites and their supporters to dismantle the apartheid system and proceed to live in peace and harmony with the black majority. It is therefore my delegation's hope that this debate wiII accordingly end with a recommendation that the Security Council take all appropriate measures, under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, to implement total and complete sanctions against South Africa. For, until total and complete sanction~ are imposed on South Africa and faithfully observed, particularly by its ethnic trading partners and friends, our hopes for avoiding a conflagration in southern Africa wiII remain mere Wishes. 157. In this regard we welcomed the adoption of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) on 4 November 1977 on South Africa. We have noted with pleasure that the Council has finally conceded the necessity and appropriateness of strong and decisive action against a recalcitrant regime that threatens to endanger international peace and security. Even though the Security Council decision has come rather later, considering the number of lives that have been lost in the interim, we nevertheless congratulate the Council for this historic decision, limited though its scope may be for it has brought our common effort one giant step nearer our goaL 158. The delegation of Ghana sees in Security Council resolution 418 (1977) an encouraging sign that the world is now waking up, even if slowly, to the seriousness and urgency of the problems which the continued existence of apartheid in South Africa has always posed. We cannot, however, fail to point out a built-in weakness of that resolution, because, while the Secretary-General is re- quested to report to the Council on the progress of the implementation of the resolution not later than 1 May next year, the question of the enforcement of the resolution by Member States is left undetermined. It is the fervent hope of Ghana, +herefore, that the Security Council wiII, as soon as possible, consider that question and institute ,neasures to make the sanctions as foolproof as possible. "MI. Botha said South Africa was already 75 per cent self-sufficient in arms, including AIr Force planes, explo- sives and propellants.... "According to the White Paper on Defence, the manufacture in South Africa of small arms and heavy ordinance artillery had increased by between 300 and 500 per cent. Important progress had -also been made with shipbuilding facilities and the building of light and medium assault vessels. Moreover, the successful develop- ment of a locally designed missile was being followed by serial manufacture." 160. Subsections D and E of section V of annex I of the said report are even more revealing in the details of the collaboration in the manufacture of military and nuclear equipment and the extent to which the South African Bureau of State Security has been assisted in its deter- mination to carry out its programmes of intrigues of the type complained of by Sir Harold Wilson, the former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, as well as its wanton destruction of human lives. 161. We do not dispute the fact that South Africa is, at this point in time, self-reliant in the manufacture of arms and military equipment, including supersonic fighters and nuclear devices. However, if the history of the arms industry is anything to go by, then that self-sufficiency is only temporary and will indeed be lost within a matter of a few years as a result of obsolescence if the regime does not enjoy collaboration with the industrialized and technically more sophisticated countries of Europe and North America. The decision of the Security Council, imperfect as it IS, is therefore bound to have a telling effect on the military . might of the Republic soon if the international community will abide by the provisions of Security Council resol~tion 418 (1977). 162. The recent Security Council decision is notable also because it recognizes teat the military situation of South Africa ~vith which the racist regime maintains its apartheid policies, poses a threat to international peace and security. The incidents in Soweto and other black townsrJps or bantustans are a manifestation of the growing frustration of the black majority against intolerable policies ofapartheid. The Republic is bound to face turbulent times ahead unless we are able to effect a peaceful change in the Republic in the near future. IfVorster and the international community ignore the writitlg on the wall, they will be opening the gates to violence of incalculable proportions which could engulf not only the Republic but also other cmmtries in the region in a blood-bath. 163. The Permanent Representative of the United Staws of America, Mr. Andrew Young, was quoted in a recent issue of TIze New York Times in an article entitled "Africa in Perspective", as having said that: "Large-scale fighting [ill South Africa] is not in the cards for at least 10 years. It is important for us to use this coming decade to promote peaceful c~anges there. 165. The South African Government is also the major stumbling;..block to our progress towards majority rule in Zimbabwe and Namibia. Under its influence and at its instigati~n the illegal regime of Southern Rhodesia has continued to be stubborn in recognizing the inevitable. My delegation's views on the questions of both Zimbabwe and Namibia have too often been expressed in this Assembly and elsewhere to require repetition. Namibia is a United Nations Territory which has been illegally occupied by South Africa. That the people of the Territory continlle to suffer from apartheid and other brutal policies introduced from South Africa is all too well known to the international community. It should therefore suffice for Ghana to remind the international community, ofits commitment to . the support of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia in their armed struggle against the racist minority regimes there. The apartheid regime of South Africa and its ward the illegal regime of Southern Rhodesia are a blot on our civilization. Their claim to being representatives of Western civilization is an affront and an unforgivable insult. We all share, therefore, in a bounden duty to repudiate those regimes and thus ensure that they will not be responsible for any possible major disturbance of international peace which the apartheid policies of South Africa threaten. 166. Some have tried, in our discus_~on of the problems of southern Africa, to distinguish the problems of the Repub- lic from those of neighboaring countries. in the opinion of my delegation that is an artificial dichotomy that can only retard progress in fmding a solution to the difficult situation in that geographical region. South Africa is the key to the problems of southern Africa. If we are able to effect a change there, the other problems of Namib~a and Zimbabwe will not be so difficult to solve as we find them now. 167. The delegation of Ghana whole-heartedly supports all the draft resolutions which have been placed before this Assembly on the question under discussion. We wish to refer in particular to the draft resolution on the programme of work of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/32/L.28] as it relates to secti.on J of the "Conclusions and recommendations" of the Special Committee's report. That section indicates quite clearly the increasing respon- sibility which the United Nations Centre Against Apartheid has to undertake in our fight against apartheid, and we tmst that the Centre will enjoy the support of the international community. "... investigate the possibility of setting up machinery to co-ordinate and assist all information activities of the United Nations, Governments, the liberation movements and non-governmental or~anizations".5 Similarly, the Second Int~rnational Trade Union Con- ference for Action Against Apartheid, held in Geneva in June 1977 asked for the co-operation of the Special Committee against Apartheid [see A/32/22/Add.1]. The Economic and Social Council by its resolution 2082 B (LXII) of 13 May 1977 also recommended that the year 1978 should be designated as "International Anti-Apartheid Year". 169. Those are only a few examples of the responsibilities which are increasingly being placed on the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid and therefore on the Centre which provides services for it. As a member of the Special Committee, Ghana has become aware of the difficulties and the pressures under which the Centre has to work. I wish therefore to place on record my Government's appreciation of the invaluable services that the Centre has rendered so far to the struggle against apartheid. 170. At the recent Lagos Conference, Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, President of Zambia, stated: "Apartheid is a negation of the commOTl humanity of all races not only in South Africa but in the world as a whole. The distorted'and expedient Calvinistic interpreta- tion, of history is a theoretical edifice which, like all theoii~s of domination that the world has known and which, like nazism and fascism, have ended in tr~gic wars, should not be permitted by the international commu- nity ...".6 To fight apartheid, the United Nations has deemed it necessary to create the Special Committee and the Centre Against Apartheid. Both bodies have performed their duties under difficult circumstances and we must now review them with a view to their improvement. If the struggle against apartheid is to be brought to a successful conclu- sion, we must assist the Centre Against Apartheid to obtain the staff and other resources necessary for its work. The Ghana delegation hopes therefore that the recommenda- tions of the Special Committee against Apartheid in this connexion will be given favourable consideration by the Secretary-General and indeed by the General Assembly. The meP-ting rose at 1.45 p.m. 5 See Report of the J'Orld Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.3). p.57. . 6 Ibid., p. 15. <.~