A/32/PV.93 General Assembly

May I invite members to turn their attention first to paragraph 1 of the report of the General Committee [A/32/250/Add.3J? In paragraph 1 (a) of its report, the General Corunittee recommends that an addi- tional item entitled "Place of meeting of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly" should be included in the agenda of the current session. In the General Committee, the recommendation to include that item in the agenda was adopted without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do the same?

The General Committee, in para- graph 1 (bj, recommends that the item should be con- sidered directly in plenary meeting. May I consider that the General Assembly adopts that recommendation?

We now turn to paragraph 2. The General Committee, in paragraph 2 (aj, recommends that an additional item entitled "Draft code of offences against the peace and security of mankind" should be included in the agenda of the current session. May I take it that the * Resumed from the 45th meeting. 1 For decision 32/402 A, see 5th meeting, paragraph 2; for decision 32/402 B, 15th meeting, paragraph 2; and for decision 32/402 C, 41th meeting, paragraphs 1 and 2. NEW YORK Assembly approves the recommendation of the General Committee regarding the inclusion of the item?

In paragraph 2 (b) of'its report, the General Committee recommends that the item should be allocated to the Sixth Committee. May I take it that the General Assembly adopts that recommendation?

The Chairman of the Sixth Com- mittee will be informed promptly of the action just taken by the Assembly. 6. The General Committee, in paragraph 3 of its report, recommemis that a subitem entitled "Election of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees" should be added to agenda item 87 as subitem (c), and that it be considered directly in plenary meeting. May I consider that the General Assembly adopts those recommendations? AGENDA ITEM.24 Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (con- tinued): (a) Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples; (b) Report of the United Nations Council for Namibia; (c) Report of the Secretary-General

The fIrst speaker in the debate this morning is the representative of the United Republic of Cameroon, who will speak in his capacity as Chairman of the African group of States for the month of December. 8. Mr. OYONO (United Republic of Cameroon) (inter- pretation from Frenehj: The problem of the universality of the Organization, which is one of its major concerns-or was, at least, until a recent date-is ceasing to be a matter of great importance or even of great interest. 9. The nucleus of some 50 States which presided over the birth of this Organization in San Francisco in 1945 has expanded to a degree which no observer at the time could possibly have foreseen, making this Assembly of 149 delegations today a truly world-wide forum. A/32/PV.93 11. The irresistible spirit of freedom, born from the collapse of Hitler's dictatorship, unquestionably inspired those who drafted our Charter and caused them to include in it the generous principles which for 30 years have been guiding all those fighting to protect human dignity. 12. In adopting resolution 1514 (XV) on 14 December 1960, the General Assembly gave an irreversible orientation to the progress of all peoples towards emancipation and independence. 13. The peoples of Africa, for their part, following the creation in May 1963 of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], set as their priority target the total emancipation of their continent from the colonial yoke. 14. The recent arrival in this Assembly of the young Republic of Djibouti eloquently proves that we are march- ing inexorably towards the attainment of that objective. 15. Nevertheless, the report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Indepe'1.dence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [A/32/23/Rev.l] reminds us that there is a considerable distance yet to go, since some 20 territories are still under the colonial regime and ardently aspire to enjoy the right to which they are entitled under resolution 1514 (XV), the right to determine their destiny in full and sovereign independence. 16. The situation in most of those Territories appears to be undergoing a progressive and harmonious development, thanks to the struggle being waged by their peoples and to the tenacious and effective work of the Special Committee, to which we should like to pay a much-deserved tribute. 17. For their part, certain administering Powers are becoming aware of the importance of co-operating with the Special Committee with a view to eliminating from our world the fmal remnants of colonial rule. We can only congratulate them on this. 18. We cannot but recognize, however, that Africa still faces colonial problems of a scope and gravity such that the Security Council has already recognized the situation as being p1"ejudicial to international peace and security, and we have no reason to look forward to any short-term or medium-term solution. 19. The reason is the very essence of the minority regimes maintained in power by force of arms, which have made scorn and oppression of the majority of their populations the condition for their own development and existence. Thus it is in Zimbabwe, where, for 12 years now, power has been usurped by a group of white adventurers, under the indifferent gaze of the administering Power. The same is true in Namibia, an international Territory, which other groups ofwhite racists from Pretoria have subjected to their 20. It is hardly surprising that, at the very moment when the blows of the liberation movements are pushing the invaders back into defensive positions in those two Terri- tories, the Vorster regime should feel the need to step up its system of repression in Azania itself, and should be endeavouring to take shelter behind a wall of lies and dissimulation, of which the policy of bantustanization is the most perverse form. Need I recall that this policy consists in the fragmentation of territorial unity or that it is aimed at ensuring and perpetuating rule by the white minority, which represents only a fifth of the population but which has arrogated to itself 87 per cent of the richest, most fertile lands, to the detriment of the black majority, which represents 80 per cent of the population and is confined to poor and arid lands which represent only 13 per cent of Azanian territory? 21. Thus relegated to these poverty-striken bantustans, which, moreover, have been declared to be foreign lands in relation to the remainder of their national territory, 20 million Azanians have been declared undesirable aliens in their own country and have been condemned to vagrancy and subjected to innumerable humiliating acts of police and administrative harassment. 22. Apart from constituting for that white, Aryan minor- ity an inexhaustible reservoir of cheap labour, these bantustans are also important bases in the articulation of South Africa's strategy against the neighbouring countries and against the liberation movements. It will be recalled that Lesotho's refusal to recognize the so-called indepen- dence of the Transkei gave the Pretoria regime the pretext for open aggression against that country. One need hardly be a prophet to foresee what is going to happen tomorrow in regard to Botswana with the proclamation of the fictitious independence of Bophuthatswana. 23. It is obvious that the central objective of this entire diabolical policy is the creation of buffer zones and of bases for aggression against neighbouring African countries which support the legitimate struggle of the Azanian liberation movements. Tha\ is why today, when Vorster has just addressed another of his usual cynical challenges to the international community, Africa addresses a solemn appeal to the General Assembly unambiguously and energetically to reaffrrm its condemnation of the policy of bantu- stanization and the so-called independence of Bophuthat- swana, as it did in the case of the allegedly independent Transkei in its resolution 31/6 of26 October 1976. 24. We appeal to all States Members of our Organization, and even non-members, to refuse to recognize the so-called independence of, and to refrain from opening or maintain- ing any relations whatsoever with. that bantustan. No economic or financial exigency is so great that it can justify, in the view of those States claiming African friendship, even the smallest deviation from the body of measures freely agreed to that our Organization is imple- menting to bring South Africa to abandon its criminal policy ofapartheid. 26. Accordingly, we invite the Powers which are engaged in the colonial adventure and which have not yet com- pletely freed themselves of it, to do everything possible to ensure that peoples still under their control should accede to freedom and recover their complete human dignity. 27. Mr.YANKOV (Bulgaria): Seventeen years ago, on the initiative of the Soviet Union, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was adopted by the General Assembly. In terms of history itself, 17 years is not a long period of time at all. However, from the viewpoint of the significance of the events which have occurred in less than two decades, the adoption of the Declaration was indeed a remarkable point in mankind's history. 28. The world has experienced the transition from the cold war and the imminent danger of confrontation to peaceful coexistence and the relaxation of tension in international relations. The colonial system fell apart under the impact of the world-wide process of revolutionary transformation. On the ruins of the imperialist system of colonial domination, dozens of new CGuntries have emerged and have set off along the road to their independence and prosperous development as full-fledged Members of the United Nations. However, remnants of colonialism and attempts to perpetuate neo-colonialism are still among the most pressing challenges posed to the international com- munity. Therefore, the struggle against overt or covert colonial oppression and apartheid ought to be placed at the forefront ofthe United Nations activities. 29. The discussion at the current session of the General Assembly on the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is taking place at a time when the international community stands more resolutely than ever before for t!-~ acceleration of the process of decolonization. In this respect, the activities of the Special Committee on decolo- nization, and the participation in the anti-colonial struggle of the other organs within the United Nations system, as well as of other international institutions, represent a major ~ntribution in the drive to mobilize world public opinion m support ofthe colonial peoples. 30. The International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, which was held last May in Maputo, thus became a telling example of inter- national solidarity with the colonial countries and peoples. The Conference proved uneqUivocally that mankind can no longer tolerate a situation where nearly 14 million people are forced to endure the oppressive colonial yoke. The Bulgarian delegation is convinced that the Declaration and Programme of Action2 adopted at Maputo will impart a strong impetus to the struggle for the complete and fmal 31. The deciSive and total elimination of the last vestiges of colonialism will undoubtedly lead to strengthening the national independence of the newly liberated countries al1d peoples and to removing one of the primary sources of tension and conflict, for while colonialism and racism still exist, the threat ofwar will continue to poison the destinies of many nations. The ongoing acts of aggression by the colonial and racist regimes against neighbouring African States present irrefutable proof to that effect. Particularly striking is the case of the massive onslaught by Rhodesian troops, reinforced by jet fighters, helicopters and other heavy weaponry, against Mozambique-an attack which occurred just a few days ago. 32. The ruling regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury, bolstered by the direct assistance of some Western Powers and their monopolies, continue the abhorrent practice of racial discrimination and oppression. The Vorster regime con- tinues to ignore United Nations decisions on the granting of independence to Namibia. What is more, the latter's territory is being used by South Africa as a spring-board for aggressive acts against the neighbouring independent States. The gangs of the Unilfo Nacional para a Independencia Total de Angola, armed and trained by the racist regime of Vorster, are staging barbarous raids from Namibian terri- tory against the peaceful population of Angola. 33. The question is, Why, in spite of all decisions of the United Nations and the imperative demands of progressive world public opinion, does the Pretoria regime maintain its illegal occupation of Namibia? It does so because a number of Western Powers are oIlly paying lip service when, in the General Assembly and the Security Council, they condemn the Vorster regime, while in practice they continue to render it financial and material support. Especially zealous in this respect are the transnational corporations, which ravenously plunder the natural resources of Namibia and cruelly exploit its manpower. The Western States members of the Security Council voted against the adoption of effective ecor..omic sanctions against the South African regime precisely because they were defending the interests of those corporations. 34. That assertion is substantiated by irrefutable facts and data about the vested interests of a number of capitalist countries and their corporations in South Africa. According to The New York Times of two days ago:-4 December 1977: ..About 350 American companies, composing a virtual Who's Who of American bUsiness, operate in South Africa, with an aggregate direct investment ofnearly S1.7 billion-an estimated 17 per cent of the total foreign investment there. United States banks, including the nation's three largest, have outstanding loans and credits of at least $2.2 billion in South Africa, much of it with government entities. By some estimates, the American banks have supplied, either directly or indirectly, as much as one third of the money borrowed from any source by government b-,1dies and corporations in South Africa." 35. Howevert those are not the only instances of economic and fmancial support to the racist regime of South Africa; !he lis! is quite long. Thereforet the adoption of restrictive measurES and ecoLomic sanctions would have lindoubtedly weakened the colonialist forces and thus accelerated the process of the granting of independence and self-deter- mination to the people of Namibia. 36. The adoption of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) on the arms embargo against South Africat a resolution which the Western States were literally com- pelled to accept, is only a beginnmg. The Security Council should make a much more efficient use of its powers under the United Nations Charter to coerce South Africa into withdrawing its troops from the illegally occupied inter- national Territory of Namibia and allliwing the Namibian people the possibility of exercising freely and to the fullest degree its right to self-determination and independence in conformity with resolution 1514 (XV). 37. I should like here to state once agab. that my delegation stands determined in its full support of the implementation WIthout any furtht:r delay of United Nations decisions on the granting of independence to Namibia. We insist on the immediate and total withdrawal of the South l\frican Administration and its armed and police forces from Namibia. We pledge our full support to the l~gitimate righ~ of the people of Namibia to be the masters of their own destiny. 38. The discussion on apartheid at the current session of the General Assembly [age"nda item 27J has reaffirmen most explicitly thl!t the ceaseless economic, financial, political, military and diplomatic assistance of the Western countries is at the very root of the preservation of the rotten colonialist and racist institutions in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia. 39. The delegaticn of the People's Republic of Bulgaria is fIrmly cOllvinced that, were all States Members of the United Nations, without any exception whatsoevert strictly and consistently to put into effect the numerous decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council related to the condemnation and the general boycott of the racist regim.es and the enf0rcement of the military embargot as well as of the economic and other sanctions, colonialism and racism in South Africa would have been wiped out long ago. The reason those decisions are still not implemented is because certain forces are still aiming <it retaining that part of Africa as a preserve for raw materials and as a sourc~ of high profits for the multinational corporations. ,40. The so-l,.111ed constitutional talks in Namibia fit perfectly along those lines. The outcome of the talks is well known. The true representative of the people of Namibia- the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] t a national liberation movement recognized by the United Nations and the DAU-has rejected openly and frrmly the 'ichemes of the racist regimes to partition Namibia through th:: establishment of so-called homelands. 42. However, there can be no doubt that, in spite of the illegal racist regime's resistance, its political and economic position has been seriously undermined. There can be no doubt also that the actual aim of the Western Statest initiatives for a peaceful settlement of the issue was to buy time so that the regime could afford to consolidate itself. The pitiful outcome of these initiatives is the most glaring confirmation of their real designs, for ran Smithts initiative to fmd an internal, Southern Rhodesian solution, on the basis of the principle "one man, one votet>, is easily seen through as another attempt to resoive the problem to the advantage of.the white minority and the foreign economict political and strategic interests which back them. 43. At the same time the Salisbury regime takes urgent measures to further modernize and strengthen its armYt and to upgrade the militarization of the country. The recruiting of mercenaries in the Western countries to fight against the national liberatipn forces has hardly abated. And all this is being done in total disregard of the United Nations decisions. 44. The Special Committee has decisively condemned, this year too, the military and other activities of the colonialist Powers in the Territories under their administrationt as well as the recruitment of mercenaries for the Rhodesian army. The Committee has also condemned the assistance which the foreign economic, fmancial and other circles have been rendering to the racist regime in the pursuit of their attempts to continue the rapacious plunder of the natural and human resources of Zimbabwe. 45. We fully support these demands of the Special Committee. 46. Turning now to the so-called small Territoriest I should like to point out that there are a score of examples which show that the legitimate rights of the peoples of those countries to self-determination and independent national existence are either denied outright or are ques- tioned under various pretexts. In this connexion, the Bulgarian delegation would like to recall that the Pro- gramme of action for the full implementation of the Dedaration, as approved in 1970 by resolution 2621 (XXV), states, inter alia, in paragraph 3 (9): "The question of territorial size, geographical isolation and limited resources should in no way delay the implemen- tation of the Dec1arationt>. 47. Currently, the question of the decolonization of small Territories and especially the insular '"ferritories assumes a particular importance in the light of their frequent use as 48. Another important aspect of the Special Committee's work which calls for well-deserved recognition is the mobilizing of world public opinion in support of the national liberation struggle and in defence of the inalienable right of colonial peoples to self-determination and indepen- dence. The SpecialCommitteehas scored good results also in its efforts to further expand its relations of co-operation with the influential intergovernmental and non-govern- mental organizations and to involve them in rendering more effective and ccmC'Iete help to the national liberation struggle of the colonial countries and peopies. 49. In the view of my delegation, the Special Committee has, this year, too, proposed su.i.table and effective measures for the implementation of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). With this understanding in mind, my delegation will be happy to see the General Assembly endorsing the Committee's report, as well as its recommendations. 50. In bringing into relief the fruitful activities of the Special Committee, the Bulgarian delegation would like to give full credit to the competent and able leadership provided by its Chairman, the representative of the United Republic of Tanzania. Mr. Salim, whose contribution to the efforts of the United Nations in the field of decolonization, for the triumph of the cause of self-determination and the independence of colonial peoples is well known to all of us and deserves our sincere appreciation. 5i. In conclusion, I should like once more to emphasize that my delegation, as a member of the Special Committee, will continue its endeavours in that Committee. This position of my delegation stems from the consistent and principled policy of the Bulgarian Government to render, within the scope of its power and possibilities, full support to the struggle of the peoples of South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe and of all other colonial Territories, for the total and final elimination of colonialism, racism, racial discrimi- nation and apartheid.

Solidarity with the peoples fighting for freedom and independence against any forms of foreign domination and oppression, including those of the colonialist and neo-colonialist type, has always been one of the guidelines of the foreign policy of socialist Romania. 54. We deem that this policy is consonant with the great revolutionary processes now in progress on a world-wide scale, whose salient feature is the ever more vigorous assertion of the nation's determination to live freely, develop according to their own aspirations and participate on an equal footing in international co-operation. 55. The complete and definitive liquidation of the last remnants of colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism and apart- heid is part and parcel of this process, in which the United . Nations is duly involved. 56. My delegation deems it to be the duty of the whole international community to assist the national liberation struggle in every way possible and to help the colonial peoples to exercise without delay their right to self-deter- mination and independence. The same unreserved and effective support should be given to the newly born States in order to consolidate their independence and to ensure their free economic and social development. 57. In full accordance with these imperatives, Romania grants manifold support to the colonial peoples and to their national liberation movements fighting against colonial oppression, as well as to the young independent States. This position was eloquently reaffmned by President Nicolae Ceau§escu in his message to the fourteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU in Libreville. The message emphasized that the Socialist Republic of Romania and the Romanian people have actively supported and will continue to support the struggle of the African countries and peoples to do away with all imperialist, colonialist and neo-colonialist policies and regimes based on racial discrimination and apartheid. We have always backed up the efforts made by t1:ie African peoples to consolidate their national inde~~ldence and sovereignty, to liquidate the results of the long colonial oppression and to develop in keeping with the requirements of contemporary economic a,d social progress. 58. The viewpoints and concerns of Romania relating to decolonization have recently been reflected in a document presented at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly whi.::h sets forth the position and some proposals of the Romanian Government designed to speed up the defmitive liquidation of cl)lonialism, neo-colonialism, racism and apartheid and the establishm~nt of truly democratic rela- tions among States.3 59. The United Nations has contributed significaptly to the elimination of colonial domination and to the assertion of the colonial peoples' right to live a dignified and civilized life. As a result of the liberation struggle and of inter- national pressure, most of the colonial countries and 3 See document A/C'.6/437. 60. These developments have demonstrated the invinci- bility of the national liberation struggle when the colonial peoples are determined to take their own destiny into theIr hands, and have brought the colonial and racist rule closer to its final stage. 61. However, in spite of the shrinking area of colonialist domination, and notwithstanding the increased inter- national support for the right of each people to self-deter- mination and independence, a number of Territories are still in a state of colonial dependence. In southern Africa the inalienable right of the Namibian and Zimbabwian peoples to independence continues to be brutally dis- regarded. Racist repression has become the daily mode of life. 62. The perpetuation of colonial rule in a number of Territories runs counter to one of the basic principles of international relations and co-operation-namely, the people's sacred right freely to decide their destiny. 63. Moreover, the latest developments in the international arena have shown that forcibly depriving the peoples of their right to freedom and independence and continuing colonialist and neo-colonialist policies and practices seriously endanger international peace, security and co- operation. Suffice it to mention in' this respect the grave situation in southern Africa, where ~he aggressive policies pursued by the racist regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury against tre people of that area and against independent African States jeopardize peace and security in the African continent and in the world as a whole, creating a situation which has rightly retained the particular attention of the Security Council this year. 64. My delegation considers that such a state of affairs requires deeper involvement by the United Nations, which is expected to take effective measures to give adequate support to the struggle of the people still under colonial rule, to ensure implementation of its pertinent resolutions and to stimulate efforts towards the speedy and definitive liquidation of the colonialist and racist rules. In this respect we should like to emphasize the decisive role that the oppressed peoples and their national liberation movements must play in choosing the appropriate ways and means to fulfIl their aspirations and to settle their problems, as well as the paramount importance of the unity of all national patriotic forces for the successful outcome of the fight. We believe that, in view of the legitimate character of the national liberation strugglr. in the colonies, each people is fully entitled to resort to all available means, including arms, to put an end to the colonial and racist domination and to fulfil their national aspirations. 65. My delegation firmly considers that, in conjuction with measures meant to support the struggle of the colonial peoples for their national independence, resolute action should be taken to reject any attempts to perpetuate colonialist and racist rule by various means, such as the manoeuvres presently being attempted in Rhodesia and Namibia by the illegal regime of Salisbury and by the 66. The problem of the liquidation of colonial rule and of the state of domination and dependency concerns not only the Territories for which the United Nations has assumed special responsibility-as in the case of Namibia, which has international status, and even Rhodesia-but also the non-autonomous Territories which have a specific status due to the size of their territories or populations or to specific geographical conditions. Basically, all colonial peoples have the right to self-determination, to choose freely the path of their economic and social development. The concept according to which some peoples are allegedly unable to '3olve their own problems and therefore need the trusteeship ofother nations has proved to be groundless and contrary to the realities of these Territories and the contemporary world. 67. In my Government's opinion, which has already been expressed at previous sessions of the General Assembly, the United Nations should undertake resolute action to speed up the complete liberation of all peoples from any form of foreign domination and to stamp out an forms of exploi- tation, discrimination, racism and apartheid. It is also necessaiY to take more vigorous action against the neo- colonialists in order to abolish this disguised method of depriving the peoples of their natural resources. 68. For its part,' Romania stands for the initiation of practical action, including the elaboration of multilateral assistance programmes under the aegis of the United Nations, in support of the colonial peoples and their national liberation movements. 69. With this end in vie}\', my delegation reiterated at the previous session the Romanian proposal concerning the convening of a special session to discuss and adopt effective measures to speed up the granting of independence to peoples still under colonial domination and to establish the earliest possible deadlines for the exercise by those peoples of their right to self-determination and independence.4 70. In this spirit, the Romanian delegation is ready to examine jointly with other delegations the suggestions and proposals set forth in plenary meetings and contained in the report of the Special Committee, and to co-operate in finding out the best means of serving the supreme goal of the complete and definitive elimination of colonialism, neo-colonialism, and the policies of racial discrimination and apartheid, so that equitable and democratic relations conducive to a better and fairer world would be established among all nations. 71. Mr. N'DONG (Gabon) (interpretation from French): The inclusion on the agenda of the General Assembly for several years in succession of the item concerning the report of the Special Committee proves, if this were necessary, not only the importance which the international community attaches to the solution of problems of decolonization but 72. Indeed, at each one of its sessions the General Assembly continues to insistJn the urgent nature of the comprehensive application of the Declaration. 73. In that connexion, the concerns of the General Assembly coincide on every point with those of the OAU, which also has never failed at its meetings to condemn vigorously all colonial and racist regimes that exist in the world. The recent meetings at Libreville of the OAU have maintained that tradition. 74. It will be recalled that the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted by the General Assembly on 14 December 1960, proclaims "the necessity of bring!ng to a speedy and unconditional end colonialism in all its: forms". Further- more, the Declaration states that the subjection of peoples to alien domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and endangers the cause of world peace and co-operation. It also states: "Immediate steps shall be taken, in Trust and Non-Self- Governing Territories or all other territories which have not yet attained independence, to transfer all powers to the peoples of those territories without any conditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed will and desire, withoilt any distinction as to race, creed or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete independence and freedom". 75. This resolution was adopted 17 years ago. Each session certainly offers us an opportunity to take stock of the problem of decolonization. In other words, what have been the practical applications of the Declaration? 76. Although the international community has attained, for the most part, the objectives set forth in the Declaration with the accession to independence of many territories that were formerly colonized, we must nevertheless regret, here, today, that in almost all parts of our planet there are several minions of human beings for whom the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is still an unfulfIlled promise. 77. This is the case, for example, with the small Terri- tories, whose situation has been examined by the Special Committee and which have been the object of discussions in the Fourth Committee. Such was also the case with the peoples of Zimbabwe and of Namibia, despite the mass of resolutions adopted both by the General Assembly and by the Security Council. 78. We, the nationals of countries that love peace and justice, are most hopeful as to the future of those countries because our world is involved in an irreversible and irresistible march towards the liberation of oppressed peoples, which may thus attain self-determination and accede to national independence and sovereignty. 80. The situation in the small Territories still under colonialism is of deep concern to my country. Nevertheless, I should like here to reaffirm the militant support of my country for the cause of those small Territories and the desire of my Government to see their peoples enjoying, in the very near future, their sacred right to self-determination and independence. 81. However, I should like to refer in more detail to the cases of Zimbabwe and ofNamibia. 82. The unfortunate situation of those two Territories in southern Africa under the yoke of racist and retrograde regimes derives from their enormous wealth and their strategic position. 83. The entire world knows that the essential motivation of colonialism has always been the search for new sources of wealth, for new outlets and for greater profits. That motivation still applies to the exte]1t that it still nowadays constitutes the essential reason that colonialism remains in southern Africa, a subcontinent that is extremely rich in raw materials of all kinds. 84. For Zimbabwe, the process of decolonization has been blocked because of the determin3t~·')n of an incorrigible minority of white racists, consisting of approximately 270,000 persons, who, in order to -preserve their sordid and selfish interests have usurped power and imposed their law on a majority of 6.5 million blacks. Because of the discriminatory political and socio-economic system which has been established, these latter cannot take part in the administration of their country owing to the blind deter- minatron of the white racist settlers, who are firmly resolved to remain at odds with contemporary history. 85. That clique of white racist settlers, unable to haltthe revolutionary thrust of the peoples of Zimbabwe mobilized around their national liberation movements, unable to parry the deadly blows of the freedom fighters, has adopted the practice of resorting to acts of aggression, invasion and banditry against the independent African States of Botswana, Zambia and Mozambique, since they are assured of the support of the Western camp, which only condemns them rhetorically. 86. Why should the international community continue to tolerate, to endure, the arrogance of the illegal minority regime of lan Smith, a regime which has been described and condemned but which continues to defy our Organization and all the goodwill which has been shown so far? The most recent initiative, that is, the Anglo-American plan, has not yielded the expected results. 87. My delegation vigorously condemns the elections organized in August by lan Smith, which were no more than a simple delaying action aimed at postponing the 89. My country, Gabon, reaffirms the rebellious and illegal nature of the Ian Smith regime and strongly condemns its acts of banditry. It appeals to countries which love peace and justice, to the international mass media, to United Nations bodies and to the specialized agencies not only to condemn but also to do everything possible to inform international opinion about the problems of decolonization and to act in accordance with the terms of the resolution adopted by the Council of Ministers of the OAU at Libreville by rejecting violations and armed invasions of member countries of our OAU by mercenary forces of the Salisbury rebel regime. {see A/32/310, annex I, CM/Res.550 (XXIX)]. 90. In Namibia, on which we have already made a statement in the course of this session when that question was considered in plenary meetings {69th meetingj, the situation is hardly better despite the current initiatives by the Western members of the Security Council and despite all the statements which have been made in an attempt to make us believe the contrary. It should be recalled that apartheid was imported into that Territory, with all its train of imprisonment, arbitrary arrest, expulsion and flagrant violation of human rights, 91. Tile regime of the ignoble Vorster is occupying the international Territory of Namibia illegally and militarily. It has more than 50,000 armed men there and has established a belt of military bases which serve as points of departure for vile acts of aggression against independent African countries, such as Angola. 92. Despite the unanimous condemnation by the General Assembly and the Security Council the Vorster regime continues to colonize Namibia, a Territory which is the direct responsibility of the United Nations. 93. That is yet another challenge to the international community by a Member of our Organization. 94. We believe that the continuous violation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples by the regimes in Salisbury and Pretoria is made possible by the complete collusion of Western imperialism with the two racist minority regimes, The flow of Western investment into the two TerritOIies and the co-operation in the strategic field encourages them and supports them in their rigid stand and gives them the illusion of invincibility. 96. The time has passed for condemning verbally the colonialist and racist regimes in southern Africa and the world; the time has come for action, and that action requires that all States and international bodies, all inter- national and trade union organizations, give fum and effective moral and material support to national liberation movements tlYoughout the world and implement strictly and effectively the Declaration on the Granting of Indepen- dence to CoTIonial Countries and Peoples. 97. In conclusion, J should like to congratulate the members of the Special Committee and its Chairman, Mr. Salim, on the comprehensive and objective report which has been submitted for our consideration, the conclusions of which are supported by my delegation.

Each discussion in the General Assembly of the question of the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Pe'oples marks an important moment in the efforts of the United Nations to contribute to the earliest possible complete elimination of colonialism. But the present discussion of the question in the General Assembly is particularly symbolic and significant, since it is taking place in this jubilee year which is the sixtieth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, which opened up a new era in the hhtory of mankind, an era of social and national emancipation of peoples from the imperialist and colonial- ist yoke. In the first socialist State in the world, the Soviet Union, and thereafter in the commonwealth of socialist States, the national liberation movement of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America found a reliable friend and ally. 5 See Organization of African Unity, Assembly of Heads ofState and Government: Resolutions and Declarations of Ordinary and- Extra-Ordinary Sessions (Addis Ababa. 1963), pp. 7-9. 100. The recent process of international detente is creat- ing more auspicious conditions for successful struggle to eliminate the last remnants of colonialism, for it is in the conditions of a turn towards detente in international relations that such important successes have been won as the victory of the peoples of Indo-China over the forces of imperialism and reaction, the collapse of Portuguese colo- nialism in Africa and the formation in its stead of a number of progressive States. 101. However, the struggle with colonialism and racism is not yet over. Imperialist circles and their transnational monopolies, in alliance with racists and reactionaries of every stripe, are making desperate efforts in Africa to preserve their positions in that continent. In the south of Africa the struggle is increasing in intensity against the racist regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury which are the tool of oppression of the indigenous inhabitants of Africa. The acts of those regimes, aimed at preserving colonialist and racist regimes, and their acts of aggression against neigh- bouring African States represent a direct threat to inter- national peace and security. 102. The racists of South Africa have not only institu- tionalized racial discrimination as State policy, but are now extending it to the international Territory of Namibia; and they are preparing by all means possible to defend the odious system of apartheid It is for that purpose that they are now endeavouring to acquire nuclear weapons. 103. As regards the racists of Southern Rhodesia, they are doing everything possible to adapt themselves to the new situation, playing tricks designed to hoodwink world opinion. They are stepping up punitive operations against the patriotic forces. This has been proved by Ian Smith's recent venture with the so-called "elections" in which the principal national liberation movements of Zimbabwe, especially the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe, may not take part. 104. At the same time, t~e racist regimes, through acts of armed aggression, are endeavouring to pressure the African States to give up their support of the national liberation movements. From May to October this year alone, the racists of Southern Rhodesia committed 105 acts of aggression against Mozambique. The Mongolian delegation expresses its solidarity with the people of Mozambique and considers it necessary for the United Nations, through the Security Council, to take decisive steps to curb and put an end to such acts by the racists. 105. It is indeed no accident that the racist regimes of the Republic of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, in their acts, are counting on the support of the Western Powers and their multinational corporations. As we k!low, it is precisely the racist regimes of Smith and Vorster that 106. One cannot but see that the imperialist Powers and the colonial raCist forces are trying desperately to halt the spread of the progressive trends now taking place in Africa. This, we believe, is the real meaning of the diplomatic activity of some Western countries. The plans for a so-called "peaceful solution" of the problem of Southern Rhodesia and Namibia through negotiations with Vorster and Ian Smith are also aimed at rescuing the racists from complete collapse and defending the economic and strategic interests of the imperialists and their transnational monopolies in Africa. 107. Together with these various manoeuvres of the recent period, there has been a sharp increase in subversive activity on the part of imperialist reactionaries against those countries of Africa that have elected to follow a progressive orientation in their social and economic development. This is shown by such criminalacts of imperialism and reaction as the act of aggression undertaken in January of this year against Benin, the heinous murder.of the President of the Congo, Marien Ngouabi, and the constant intrigues against Angola, and so on. 108. However, neither the patronage of the Western Powers nor the feverish build-up of the racist military potential, neither the most cruel reign of terror nor diplomatic manoeuvres will suffice to save the racist regimes that are doomed by history. It is perfectly obvious that their days are numbered. 109. In Rhodesia, the national liberation movement is gaining strength from day to day, and particularly the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe, which is recognized by the OAU as the only lawful representative of the people of Zimbabwe. 110. As can be seen from reports reaching us from Namibia, the freedom fighters of the national liberation army of Namibia are carrying on successful military actions in various parts of the country. 111. In this connexion, the delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic again reaffirms international solidarity with the fighting peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and with their national liberation movements, SWAPO and the Patriotic Front of Zimtabwe. The Mongolian delegation considers it important to step up assistance and support to those national liberation movements on the part of the international community. My delegation supports the appeal of the Special Committee to all States, that they should increase their moral and material suppert to the oppressed peoples of the region and their national libera- tion movements. 112. We should like to see a further intensification of international action to eliminate the last bulwarks of colonialism and racism. 114. As regards the decolonization of so-called small Territories as in the past, we consider it essential that all colonial peoples, irrespective of their size or population, should be afforded an opportunity to exercise their inalienable rights to self-determination and independence. The Mongolian delegation is pleased to hear the news that next year more independent States will be appearing on the map of the world. 115. In conclusion, my delegation would like to pay a tribute to the Special Committee, which, under the wise leadership of Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, has done a great deal of useful work in 1977 and has made a valuable contribution to the cause of eradicating colonial- ism, racism and apartheid 116. We express our support for the draft resolutions contained in documents A/32/L.35, A/32/L.36 and A/32/ L.37.

The Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples has been successful in its efforts at accelerating the process of the liquidation of colonialism. 118. However, colonialism, racism and apartheid still persist in the world. Millions of people in southern Africa are still enslaved and are exposed to the brutalities of the historically outdated system of colonialism and the criminal regime of apartheid. In numerous so-called specific colonial Territories peoples are still under the colonial yoke and still suffer exploitation. We are speaking of the vestiges of colonialism, because the largest part of the world has achieved freedom and independence. However, the rem- nants of colonialism, particularly in southern Africa, but also in some other parts of the world, have become the sources of· dangerous international crises. The former colonial Powers and some of the developed Western countries are not yet contributing sufficiently to the liquidation of the remaining colonies and to the eradication of racist regimes in Southern Rhodesia and Namibia, and of apartheid in South Africa. 119. We are convinced that colonialism and apartheid are bound to be elimina-rzd; it is only a q:Jestion of time and of how--whether by armed struggle or through peaceful and political methods. 120. The General Assembly at its present session has given the mos·~ resolute support to the struggle of the people of 121. The situation in Southern Rhodesia has confirmed our doubts regarding the readiness of racist regimes to accept a political solution, which would amount to a liquidation of their positions. Negotiations are taking place; time is passing; foreign factors are interfering; the patriotic forces are not yet united; and the agony of colonialism is continuing in Zimbabwe. The Smith regime has once again committed aggression against Mozambique, brutally killing hundreds of innocent people, including women and children. Ian Sm1th continues to enjoy the financial, economic and military support of South Africa which, for its part, obtains financial, economic,' technological and military assistance from some Western countries. These Western partners are not exerting decisive pressure for the liquidation of Smith's regime: their role is exhausted in endless negotiations; attempts. are being made to find "solutions" with the aid of puppets. Such conditions prolong the life of colonialism and racism in southern Africa and aggravate the international crisis in that part of the continent. 122. We are not opposed to negotiations, but we are not .n favour of attaching absolute significance to them; we are against negotiations becoming an aim in themselves, or, even worse, a means for gaining time with a view to slowing down the process of decolonization in a given territory. 123. South Africa is obviously firmly resolved to defend apartheid at any price. It threatens the independent African countries. It is armed to the teeth. It is on the verge of becoming, or has already become, a nuclear military Power. Vast amounts of foreign capital have been invested in the economy of the country, and investments are growing. Apartheid, which has acquired a nuclear dimension, poses a serious international threat. 124. International pressure on South Africa has grown, while certain important preliminary measures, however limited, concerning the arms embargo and the prevention of np.w investments have recently been adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly. However, these measures are evidently in disproportion to the strengthen- 125. We are convinced that, regardless of this, the system of apartheid in South Africa has to come to an end. It is imperative that the international community should exert pressure and isolate South Africa in all spheres, particularly in the economic sphere. But the regime ofapartheid can be overthrown only by the people of South Africa. By its Draconian measures of assassination, massacre, arrest, muti- lation and torture in a country where 20 million people live in a ghetto, the South African apartheid regime will itself accelerate its own downfall. 126. Every colonial people-regardless of where it is situated, the size of its territory, its strategic importance or its natural wealth, or whether its land is an island or an enclave-should decide its own fate. At present, we have open crises in places where the principle of self-deter- mination has not been respected. We shall have open crises tomorrow in places where manoeuvres are being made at the expense of colonial peoples for the purpose of denying, flouting or limiting the right of Non-Self-Governing Terri- tories to self-determination, unless this right is realized. 127. Today no people, regardless of its size, is prepared to allow anyone to determine its fate and way of life. It has been constantly proved that no military occupa~ion nor any policy of forcible integration into larger or neighbouring entities can be successful if the people concerned is against it. Colonialism has united the vast majority of the inter- national community for the liquidation of colonialism as an unacceptable system. Today, when the battle is drawing to its close, the newly liberated countries, which have them- selves won their independence and freedom from colonial- ism, should muster strength and resist jointly the attempts that the colonial forces-making use of the consequences of age-long colonial rule-are making with a view to sowing dissension or even conflicts among them and creating dangerous situations in various parts of the world. Con- ditions are being created for the establishment of neo- colonial relations, which greatly impede the economic and social development of newly liberated countries and limit their independence. Disputes between States should be solved by peaceful means. Every colonial Territory should be enabled fully to realize its right to self-determination and to participate-as a subject, not as an object of foreign interests-in international life and in the solving of out- standing problems. 128. The decolonization of all the remammg colonial Territories is today in the genuine interest of world peace. It is impossible to find a way of establishing equitable international political and, in particular, economic relations if millions of people continue to live under the colonial yoke and to suffer exploitation. Colonialism generates dangerous international crises, and only the elimination of its vestiges will make it possible to wage a successful struggle for a better and more equitable world and the creation of better conditions for international peace and security. That is the aim of the United Nations and, therefore, the international community should do every- thing to achieve that goal.

As stated at the Fif- teenth Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republc has provided and continues to provide all-round assistance to the national liberation movements of the peoples of those Territories that are fighting for their liberation from the colonial yoke. The socialist countries stand frrmly on the side of the nations striving for the complete liquidation of all remnants of colonial oppression, racism and neo-colonialism. 131. That attitude on the part of the socialist countries is not a matter of coincidence; it follows from the basic' principles of their internal and foreign policies. Suffice it to recall that 60 years ago the Government of the USSR embodied the right of peoples to self-determination in one of its first foreign policy documents. The Soviet Union also exerted maximum efforts to have that right included in the United Nations Charter. It is logical that the USSR should also have been the initiator of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and of other decolonization measures. 132. The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted notwithstanding the bitter resistance by racist, colonial and imperialist forces, has for almost two decades now been playing a very important role in the just struggle of the peoples of colonial and dependent Territories for their liberation and indepen- dence. That historic document reaffrrmed the equal right of all peoples of the world to determine their political status, on the basis of their own free will and choice, and to pursue the economic, social and cultural development of their countries. It has thus become an important political and moral stimulus of the national liberation struggle. 133. In the course of this historically short period the struggle of peoples for the liquidation of colonial oppres- sion has achieveG. very convincing and significant successes. The national liberation struggle led to the disintegration of entire colonial empires and from their ruins 100 new States have arisen and embarked on the road of independent development and have become full-fledged Members of our Organization. 134. Despite those great successes, colonialism and its various manifestations have not yet been completely liquidated. The final stage of the struggle against colonial- ism, racism and apartheid, though centering around only a small number of Territories, is complicated and difficult. 135. It is necessary to reiterate emphatically also in this forum that the main obstacle to the full implementation of the Declaration and to complete decolonization are forces of international imperialism and neo-colonialism. In the pursuit of their predatory interests the imperialist Powers, 136. The region of southern Africa continues to present the greatest task ill the field of decolonization. The Government of the Republic of South Africa not only persists in its inhuman policy of apartheid and in the unlawful occupation of Namibia, but is launching aggressive attacks against neighbouring independent African States, such as we witnessed, for example, during the establishment of the' People's Republic of Angola. Similarly, the unlawful regime of Ian Smith is trying to prolong white minority rule through repressive measures, disregarding the inexorable logic of development and infringing, without hesitation, upon the sovereignty of the neighbouring States. 137. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic takes a resolute stand in favour of a settlement of the problems in southern Mrica on the basis of the relevant United Nations resolu- tions and their consistent implementation by all States Members of the United Nations. It consistently advocates the unconditional ceding of power in Zimbabwe and Namibia to the legitimate representatives of the peoples of those Territories-that is, the patriotic forces ofZimbabwe and SWAPO-and calls for the immediate liquidation of the infamous policy ofapartheid in South Africa. 138. Although, as I said, priority must be given to the liberation of the Territories in southern Africa, it is also necessary to insist on the full application of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples to the so-called small Territories. It is necessary to prevent unlawful annexations of certain small Territories and to repel attempts at obstructing, under various pre- texts, the decolonization of these Territories; of parti- cularly great danger to the implementation of the rights of peoples in dependent and Trust Territories is the establish- ment and maintenance in such Territories of military facilities and bases. 139. The United Nations must in this respect exert resolute efforts in support of the implementation of the right to self-determination and independence of all small Territories, regardless of their size or of the number of people living in them, as well as resolute efforts to ensure the rejection of any neo-colonialist tendencies towards the grantmg of only formal independence to some of these small Territories. 141. The Czechoslovak Government places a high value on the great contribution made by the United Nations and its respective bodies-particularly the Special Committee-to the efforts to ensure the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. It appreciates the arduous work they have been doing for many years in the struggle to free peoples from colonial oppression. However, the results of the struggle against colonialism could be decidedly better if the efforts were not hindered by the overt or covert resistance of certain States. Attempts to whitewash the policy of the racist regim~s must be resolutely condemned as insincere and selfish, because in their fmal result they serve the interest of maintaining the current state of affairs. From whatever side these attempts come, under whatever names the initiatives are hidden, their substance remains the same. The independent African States, which themselves went through a hard §truggle for their independence, and the national liberation movements will not be deceived or swayed from their basic attitudes and their determination. Given the current.relationship of class forces in the world, the liberated countries are fully able to withstand the imperialist dictate. Czechoslovakia, as a member of the socialist community of Stat~st stands and will continue to stand firmly on the side of the peoples striving for the complete liquidation of the vestiges of colonial oppression and the elimination of racism and any neo-colonialist tendencies. 142. We are optimistic about further developments in the struggle for complete decolonization. The obstinate struggle of the racist regimes to stay alive is no more than a desperate gesture. The time is approaching for the complete and general elimination of colonialism, as envisaged by the Declaration.

I should like to propose that the time-limit for the submission of draft resolutions or draft amendments be set at 6 p.m. today. If there is no objection, I shall t2~:e it that the General Assembly adopts that proposal. The meetingrose at 1 p.m.