A/33/PV.103 General Assembly

I caU on the representative of Zambia to introduce the draft resolution [A/33/L.37}.

This session of the United Nations General Assembly takes place at a moment of critical developments in southern Africa. The racist minority regimes have, onceagain, frustrated the efforts for negotiated settlements in Namibia and Zimbabwe on the basis of United Nations resolutions. The writing on the wall for the entire region of southern Africa indicates more turmoil, more deaths and destruction as the current wars in Namibia and Southern Rhodesia must inevitably escalate. 3. The responsibility for this state of affairs and its grave consequences for international peace and security must be placed squarely on the shoulders of the Pretoria Fascists, personified by the Vorster-Botha clique. It is these die-har~ racists and believers in perpetual white minority rule and domination who have opted for continued and escalated confrontation with the oppressed people, with Africa as a whole, with the United Nations and indeed with all the peace-loving, democratic and progressive forces in the world. The Pretoria regime does not, any longer, make a secret of its decision to use Namibia and Southern Rhodesia as the battleground for its wars in defence of the vicious and abominable system of apartheid. To this end, South Africa has decided to forge a new military and economic alliance with its clients in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and the so-called bantustans. This so-called "Fortress Southern Africa" concept, intended to shield and perpetuate apartheu.: is responsible for the collapse of the efforts. at negotiated settlements in Zimbabwe and Namibia on the basis of United Nations resolutions. NEW Y 011( I 4. This session is called exclusively to consider the question of Namibia. Let there be no doubt that Namibia is going the same way as Southern Rhodesia. The facts are very clear. The architects are the same and their manoeuvres are the same. South Africa, which has always been the force behind the actions of lan Smith in Southern Rhodesia, .has demonstrated, in its typical defiant and arrogant manner, that it will not co-operate with the Secretary-General in the implementation of United Nations resolutions, in particular Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978), which, inter alia, provided for, free and fair elections in Namibia under United Nations supervision and control. 5. In accordance with its aggressive "Fortress Southern Africa" concept, South Africa needs Namibia in order to be able to continue fighting wars in defence of apartheid therefrom. For fear of a victory by the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO} against its puppets in a free and fair election under United Nations supervision and control, South Africa has opted for a so-called internal settlement in Namibia for which Southern Rhodesia served as a trial balloon. South Africa is now frantically pursuing efforts to this end. 6. In fact, the imposition of its puppets on the people of Namibia through the so-called internal settlement scheme has always 'been the aim of South Africa. The Pretoria regime was interested in the negotiations on the basis of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) only to the extent that it could use them as a cover for its real motive in Namibia. Thus, concurrently with the initiative to give effect to these resolutions, we witnessed a series of incompatible and inherently contradictory unilateral moves by South Africa in Namibia. The major ones included the unilateral appointment of the so-called Administrator-General, the so-called registration of voters, the holding of so-called elections in December 1978, the setting up of a so-called National Assembly with legislative and executive powers and thus the ushering in of a so-called interim government to pave the way for a unilateral declaration of independence. South Africa is in all proba.. bility about to complete the process of presenting the United Nations and the entire international community with a fait accompli situation in Namibia, which it hopes that some will, in time, accept. 7. South Africa has used the past two years of negotiations not only to disguise its internal settlement scheme but also to seek to weaken the position of SWAPO in Namibiu and internationally. To this end, South Africa has encouraged the emergence of puppet political parties solely committed to defending hs interests, dividing.the Namibian people and discrediting SWAPO. These puppet groups are now being paraded by South Africa and its Impedahst 8. No fair-minded and objective person can fail to give credit to SWMO for the political maturity and statesmanship it demonstrated throughout the period of negotiations. In order to facilitate the negotiations, SWAPO time and again made major -and far-reaching concessions. I must stress that these concessions were made by SWAPO in spite of the bad faith repeatedly demonstrated by South Africa through its actions on the ground, its procrastination and prevarication in the negotiations and its provocations such as the Kassinga and other massacres ofNamibian refugees in Angola and Zambia. Africa and the United Nations also fully co-operated and in fact rendered encouragement to the initiative to give effect to Security Council resolution 385 (1976) and subsequent resolutions. 9. The United Nations and the entire International community have once again been taken for a ride and deceived by South Africa. But perhaps the negotiations of the past two years have not altogether been in vain. They have, it is to be hoped, served as an important lesson to those Members of our Organization that hitherto entertained illusions about the intransigence of South Africa and believed that the Pretoria Fascists could be persuaded to see reason and agree to the settlement of the question of Namibia by peaceful means. 10. It is highly significant, in this regard, that the initiative South Africa has frustrated was championed by its traditional allies of the Western world. These are the countries that have always shouted loudest about the need for peaceful change in southern Africa. In not going along with their plan for the settlement of the question of Namibia, which was-supported by the United Nations, South Africa has, flrst and foremost, thrown a challenge at Canada, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States. Can these countries any longer profess support for the inalienable rights of the oppressed people of southern Africa to self-determination and independence and at the same time continue to protect South Africa from well deserved punitive measures? Can they, in good conscience, still argue that the freedom fighters are unreasonable in taking up arms to attain the liberatlon of their countries? 11. We certainly have reached the moment of truth in southern Africa. The carrot has been used to no avail.What is now required is for the major Western countries to stand and be counted on the side of freedom and justice by agreeing to use ~e ~~ck against South Africa. T~ey can .no longer argue, WIth a'sense of decency, that their massive economic, military and other special relations with South Africa could be used as a positive factor for change in southern Africa. They must now rise above economic greed 12. The foregoing brief comments represent the position of my delegation. I now have the honour to introduce formally draft resolution A/33/L.37. The very large number of sponsors, representing all but one of the regional groups, is indicative of the grave concern of the international community at South Africa's continued illegal occupation of ,Namibia and its persistent deceptive manoeuvres designed to perpetuate its stranglehold over the territory, The list of sponsors, moreover, reflects the strong collective will of the majority of States Members of the United Nations that effective measures should now be taken to put an immediate end to South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia and to bring about freedom and genuine independence for the Territory, whose people have suffered for a very long time indeed. 13. The draft resolution I have the honour to introduce on behalf of the sponsors is a well-considered and carefully drafted document. Due consideration was given to the need to have the widest possible support for it. The strength of their feelings notwithstanding, the sponsors made an earnest effort to accommodate the various viewpoints and positions of Member States without, of course, sacrificing basic principles. Seen against the background of the present critical situation in Namibia, the draft resolution is certainly mild and represents the very minimum possible. 14. In its preambular part, the draft resolution recalls various United Nations resolutions which reaffirm the right of the people of Namibia to self-determination and national independence. It also expresses the conviction that South Africa is seeking to establish a puppet regime in Namibia in contravention of United Nations resolutions and reiterates support for SWAPO in its struggle for the liberation of Namibia. 15. The draft resolution has 12 operative paragrap'.s, which constitute a clear analysis of the situation. These paragraphs address principles and are action-oriented. The speaker then read out the text of operative paragraphs 1 to 12 ofdraft resolutionA/33/L.37. 1 16. These are the minimum measures that need to be taken by the General Assembly in the light of the extremely serious situation in Namibia. International public opinion must .awaken to the harsh realities of South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia, which, undoubtedly constitutes a serious threat to international. peace and security. This session of the General Assembly must not only arouse international public opinion but also galvanize support for the struggle of the Namibian people for their national liberation, and the General Assembly, as the conscience of mankind, should bring pressure to bear on the Security Council to take enforcement measures against South Africa. The United Nations cannot avoid moving in that direction, having fostered peaceful negotiations and having been treated with arrogance and defiance by the Pretoria Fascist regime. - 18. On behalfof the sponsors, I commend draft resolution A/33/L.37 to the unanimous support of the General Assembly.

The Namibian question is one of the important issues about which the people of the world are most concerned. Recent developments in Namibia and in southern Africa as a whole show that it is fully necessary and timely to call this resumed thirty-third session, as decided by the General Assembly, for the exclusive consideration of the Namibian question. 20. Over a long period, the Narnibian people, advancing wave upon wave, have carried on a brave and tenacious struggle against illegal occupation and colonial rule by the racist regime in South Africa and for national independence and liberation. In recent years, the Namibian people have waged armed struggle under the leadership of SWAPO. Their armed forces have started from scratch and have continued to make progress and score gratifying victories. Their just struggle has won the vigorous support of the African States and people as well as extensive sympathy among the people of the world and international opinion. Their struggle and those of the people of Zimbabwe ana Azania have supported each_oJherahd combined to form a torrent of nattonal-liberation movement poriding at the remaining fortresses of colonialism and racism in southern Africa. 21. In this situation, the South African racist authorities are bogged down in increasing difficulties both at home and abroad. However, the handful of white racists are still putting up a desperate struggle and resorting to more cunning and insidious counter-revolutionary dual tactics to maintain their domination in Namibia. Armed force remains the major means by which they attempt to extinguish the flames of the Namibian people's struggle. Continuing with their warlike policy, they have recently sent reinforcements to, and built more military installations in, Namibia and intensified their armed suppression of the Namibian people. They have wilfully detained or arrested many nationalist leaders. Moreover, they have made armed incursions into neighbouring countries in southern Africa more frequently and unscrupulously than before. On the other hand, they have been engaged in political intrigues and have tried painstakingly to bring about an "internal settlement". Last year they were compelled to voice "acceptance" of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibla.s But in no time they went back on their 2 See OlficiJJI Records 01 the Security Counctl;Thirty-third Year, Supplement lor July, August and September 1978, document 8/12827. ~ople of Namibia and the whole of Africa. Such abhorrent actions will not save the South African racist authorities from their doom but will only further wake up the Namibian people and arouse them to a more determined fight, They will again teach people to see that the few thick-headed white racists will never step off the stage of history of their own accord and presentindependence to the oppressed and enslaved people on a silver platter. A resolute fight is the only means of breaking the fetters of colonialism and winning genuine independence and liberation. In the present circumstances, the people must strengthen their armed struggle besides continuing with the necessary political struggle. Historical experience shows that negotiations must be based on fighting and that armed struggle is the reliable guarantee for the people to win liberation. This is precisely the Namibian people's reply to the reactionary South African authorities. 22. At present, southern Africa is gammg increasing importance in the intense rivalry between the super-Powers. The outside hegemor.'st forces have long cast a covetous eye on Namibia and the rest of southern Africa with their rich resources and strategic importance. They are intensifying their infiltration and expansion into this area and attempting to bring the area under their own control so as to strengthen their own positions in the rivalry for world domination. Therefore, the Namibian and southern African people who are fighting for national independence and liberation have the serious task. of guarding against and prevenung super-Power meddling and sabotage. One African State leader rightly pointed out that "Africa does not wish to get rid of one kind of colonial fetter only to be chained by another." This is an expression of the just position of all the African States and people. 23. The Chinese Government and people have always strongly condemned the South African racist authorities for their illegal occupation of and colonial rule in Namibia and their political scheming for an "internal settlement". We firmly support the Namibian people in their just struggle for national independence and liberation. It is our consistent position that Namibia must attain genuine national independence on the basis of territorial integrity and unity free .from external interference. The South African racist regime must immediately stop its. illegal occupation of Namibia, and unconditionally withdraw all its military and police personnel and its administration from Namibia. The United Nations bears a special and unshirkable responsibility for the realization of the independence of the Namibian people. The South African racist authorities, by defying the relevant resolutions of the United Nations 24. Although the Namibian people will meet with many obstacles and difficulties on their way to national independence and liberation, we are convinced that, with the support of the people of Africa and the world, the valiant Namibian people will strengthen their unity and struggle, exclude super-Power meddling and sabotage, frustrate the intrigues of the South African authorities and win genuine independence.

The very fact that at this resumed session the General Assembly is dealing solely with the question of Namibia shows that the issue is becoming still more grave. As is known, this issue has been and remains today a subject of discussion in the United Nations and in many other international forums. The 1977 Maputo Conference on Namibia and Zimbabwe,s the ninth special session of the General Assembly ill 1978 and the present resumed session as well as other major meetings and wide-ranging measures adopted at national, regional and international levels clearly testify to the urgency of solving this problem. 26. Despite unstinting efforts, by the international community and the United Nations, the situation in Namibia remains extremely tense and very critical at this juncture. The indigenous people of that country are still suffering under the colonial domination and racial oppression of the South African racists, who continue to refuse to withdraw from that Territory. The Pretoria regime not only clings to the illegal occupation of Namibia but also tries to extend to that country its obnoxious policy of apartheid, which has been repeatedly condemned by the United Nations as a crime against humanity. Moreover, the South African regime is pursuing a policy aimed at the annexation of Walvis Bay, the only deep-water port of Namibia, and thus the racists are attempting to destroy. the unity and territorial integrity of the country. 27. Confronted with the determined resistance of the Namibian people under the leadership of their national liberation movement, and faced with strong pressure from the world's public, the racist regime of South Africa, along with the intensiftcation of its repression against the Namibian people and their patriots, has come to resort to deception and other means in order to mislead world public opinion. 29. The so-called elections held in Namibia last December were nothing but a treacherous act, undertaken by the racists in order to install a puppet regime there, designed to serve as a tool for the implementation of the colonial and annexationist policy of South Africa. Furthermore, the Pretoria regime has openly followed a course towards a unilateral proclamation of Namibia's bogus independence under its auspices, which would mean the creation of another "Rhodesia". '>. 30. This manoeuvre of South Africa and the so-called elections which were held recently by the racist minority regime in Rhodesia represent fresh attempts by the racists to perpetuate their domination in Naniibia and Zimbabwe. In this connexion, my delegation fully endorses the views expressed in the fmal document which was adopted by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples at the end of April 1979 at its Belgrade meetings.' 31. While having recourse to the aforesaid manoeuvres, the racist regime of Pretoria has recently embarked upon a broad campaign of military preparations in the country, as well as wholesale persecution of patriots, which has led to the arrests of more than 40 leaders and active members of SWAPO during the last month, as has been reported in the press. We demand the immediate release of those members of SWAPO and of all other political prisoners and detainees, who are being subjected to torture and mistreatment at the hands of racists. 32. We express our deep concern over the recent massive transfer to Namibia of military equipment, including aircraft and tanks. This equipment is being used for the suppression of Namibian patriots and for launching armed aggression against neighbouring independent African States. The most typical example of such acts of naked and cowardly aggression perpetrated by the racists against the independent African countries are those that were committed several times this year alone by the Pretoria regime against Angola. The delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic condemns in the strongest manner these and other wanton acts of aggression by South Africa, and demands that an end be put, once and for all, to its criminal actions against independent Africa. 33. My delegation, on behalf of its Government and people, wishes also to reaffirm our unflinching support of, and militant solidarity with, the Government and people of Angola, which time and again have been victims of cowardly aggression, blackmail and collusion between racist, imperialist and other reactionary expansionist forces. 35. Speaking of the crimes perpetrated by the racist regime of South Africa, one cannot but mention the overt and covert support .which the racists enjoy from some Western Powers and their transnational corporations, which maintain huge economic and other activitiesin Namibiafor the purpose of extracting fabulous profits therefrom. According to press reports, last year alone Westerntransnational corporations operating in Namibia made profits of $350 million from their investments in that Territory. This figure, by itself, testifies to the very reason for and origin of the support given by the Western Powers and their multinational corporations to the racists in Africa. 36. It is against this background that my delegation deems it necessary for the General Assembly to demand once again that the WesternPowerscease forthwith their support of, and collaboration with, the racist authorities. It is also imperative that the General Assembly again urge the Western Powers to take the most strict administrative and legislative steps against their nationals and companieswhich have financial, economic and other operations in Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. In addition to this, all other available means and instruments should be fully utilized, within the United Nations framework, as well as in the international arena, so that more meaningful and powerful pressure may be exerted on the racists and their protectors. 37. The adoption of the most effective measures by the United Nations against South Africa is especially long overdue. The racists must be forced into complete and all-around isolation and they must be boycotted. That would create favourable conditions for the collapse of the racist regime of Pretoria and the ultimate victory of the national liberation movement. In this regard, my delegation joins in the appeal to the Western members of the Security Council not to obstruct the adoption by that Council of enforcement measures agamst South Africa.Such measures must include, first and foremost, the comprehensive mandatory sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. My delegation fully supports the arms embargo against South Africa, in accordance with Security Council resolution 418 (1977), and attaches the utmost importance to the strict observance of that embargo by all countries, particularlythe majorWesternPowers,which have supplied the racistswith ultra-modern weapons. At the same time, we continue to hold the view that an arms embargo will not be sufficient in itself and should be supplemented and complemented by comprehensive economic and other sanctions. 38. Turning to another aspect of the problem, I note with satisfaction that the Namibian people and their patriots, 39. In conclusion, my delegation expresses its hope that the current resumed session of the General Assemblywill make another important contribution to the furtherance of the Organization's efforts and endeavours effectively to assist the Namibian people in their struggle to attain genuine independence and freedom.

The thirty-third session of the General Assembly is once again convened, with the purpose of considering exclusivelythe question of Namibia. The systematicrepetition throughout the yearsof the debate on'the destiny of the Territory and the progressive accumulation of resolutions and decisions on the subject may lead us to the impression that our efforts are ineffective in bringing to an end an essentially unjust and illegal situation which, despite unanimous condemnation by the international community, continues to violate one of the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, that of self-determination. TI.3s is a viewshared by States belonging to all continents, East, West, North and South, indeed the view held" by the international community as a whole. 41. And yet, nothing would be more contrary to the ideals we stand for as sovereign nations than to relinquish our endeavours for the independence of Namibia, as a single territorial unit, howevergloomy the perspectivesmay seem. The legal responsibility over Namibia and its people entrusted to the United Nations is neither a matter of choice nor a matter for discussion. It cannot be eluded on the grounds that its exercise is allegedly blocked by too many difficulties. The responsibilitiesof the United Nations are clearlyoutlinedin numerous resolutions adopted by the General Assemblyand by the Security Council. 42. On 12 December 1978, under item 27 of the General Assembly agenda, I had the opportunity to comment on what we perceived as the essential requisites for a just and peaceful settlement of the question of Namibia, aswell as 43. Our misgivings regarding the future of the negotiations with a view to implementing Security Council resolution 385 (1976) have increased as a result of the refusal by the racist South African authorities to demonstrate good faith and sincerity in their purposes, giving little hope that Pretoria will ever agree to an internationally accepted settlement providing for the independence of Namibia. Not only has the South African Government publicly announced its rejection of fundamental provisions of the Secretary-GeneraI's proposal for Namibia, making it impossible to set them in motion, but in addition the Pretoria regime: has attempted to consolidate the situation arising from last Decemb er's internal elections, the results of which had already been wnsidered null and void by the Security Council. The decision to establish an interim government in Namibia, to transform the existing Constituent Assembly into a National Assembly and to appoint advisers of the Administrator-General-a first step in the direction of the creation of an illegal executive power in Namibia-are measures aiming at preserving its domination over the Territory, under the guise of an apparently free and democratic framework, which nevertheless cannot deceive those who are truly committed to the cause of freedom, racial equality and independence. 47. In the course of the ministerial talks which took place in New York on 19 and 20 March last the five Western Ministers received from the front-line States and from SWAPO the assurance that they would respect scrupulously the cease-fire provisions. The five Ministers, moreover, worked out a series of practical suggestions to guarantee tranquillity in the Territory and along the borders durin; the transitional period. 44. Through a message addressed to the opening ceremony of the International Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia, Brazil's Minister of External Relations recently reaffirmed my country's support for the relevant Security Council resolutions on Namibia. Brazil is deeply convinced that the free expression of the will of the Namibian people, through the holding of general elections, under the supervision and control of the United Nations, is the only acceptable essential premise for the att...inment of independence. For the realization of this goal, Brazil firmly supports the reaffirmation of the United Nations legal responsibility in the Territory, through the strengthening of the role of the Council for Namibia It is our sincere hope that this resumed session will take decisive steps to help bring about the necessary conditions for the cessation of the illegal South Africa domination over Namibia

In their joint statement in the General Assembly On 8 December 1978 [76th meeting, paras. 9-19J the nine members of the European Community stressed that, as Security Council resolution 385 (1976) requests, the people of Namibia must be allowed, without further delay, to determine their own future by means of free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations in accordance with the settlement plan adopted by the Security Council in resolution 435 (1978). 48. However, the South African Government, for its part, has thus far maintained its objections to the arrangements envisaged by the Secretary-General for SWAPO forces, thus delaying the sending of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group to Namibia. The Governments of the nine members of the European Community are extremely concerned by this situation and wish to point out to the South African Government the consequences which could ensue, for any further delay in the implementation of a peaceful and internationally acceptable settlement might increase tension in the area and give free rein to the inevitable course of violence and oppression in Namibia. 49. The nine countries members of the European Community vigorously condemn the arbitrary arrests of which the members of SWAPO in Namibia have recently been the victims. Those measures, which are designed to stifle the voice of an important political party, endanger the objective pursued by the United Nations-namely, the participation of all Namibians in a free and democratic political process. 50. We also condemn the attacks on neighbouring countries and the acts of intimidation and violence which are taking place in the Territory. It is essential that all the parties concerned refrain from recourse to violence and show restraint in order to create an atmosphere suitable for the implementation of the United Nations plan. 51. The Governments of the nine countries reaffirm their support for the efforts being made by the five Western countries, the front-line States and the Secretary-General to carry out the United Nations plan. There is no other way to 5 Sec nfficial Records of the Security Council. Thirty·fourth Year, Supplement for January, Februaryand March1979, document S/13120. 52. The nine Governments reject any attempt to impose an internal 'Settlement on Namibia. They have refused to recognize as valid the elections organized unilaterally in the Territory in December 1978. The Security Council, for its part, has declared those elections "null and void." The decision of the South African Government to transform the body which resulted from the consultations in December into a National Assembly and possibly to enlarge its membership cannot make it in any way lep:~imate. It is simply one more measure which is incc .LI.Jle with an internationally acceptable settlement, 53. Once again South Africa is faced with a decisive choice. The South African Government maintains that it accepts the settlement proposed by the five Western Powers. Thus it can no longer delay the arrival of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia without increasing the doubts about its intentions. The international solution advocated by the United Nations has the support of a broad segment of public opinion in Namibia. The front-line States and other African countries support the plan. The international community as a whole calls for its implementation. 54. The nine countries members of the European Community remain firmly opposed to any settlement plan which is not internationally acceptable and which would condemn Namibia to isolation. We do not believe that the differences which remain are enough to justify the risks which would be involved in any further delay in implementing the United Nations plar, We urge the South African Government to agree to the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and to the installation of United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia. It is high time the Namibians were all,,"~v;;;d to exercise freely their right to self-determination at:;} to rejoin the community of independent nations.

When it adopted its resolution 439 (1978) the Security Council warned that South Africa's failure both to cancel the forbidden elections in Namibiand to co-operate with the Security Council and the Secretary-General in the implementation of the Council's resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978) . and 435 (1978) would compel the Security Council to initiate appropriate measures, including action under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations "... so as to ensure South Africa's compliance with the aforementioned resolutions". 56. Thus, the stage was set for the United Nations not only to recover its full rights over Namibia and ensure that South Africa respects the authority of the world Organization but also to remove the growing threat to international peace and security inherent in the apartheid regime's illegal occupation of the Territory. 57. Although it came after a great deal of hesitation, South Africa's agreement to co-operate with the United Nations in its quest for a negotiated settlement on the basis 58. These degradations culminated in Foreign Minister Botha's recent revelation of his Government's intention to found a constellation of States hinged on South Africa as the context within which its solution to the Namibia question becomes merely incidental. This posture constitutes South Africa's answer to the Security Council's warning. The answer is: South Africa will not co-operate with the United Nations. Instead, it now affronts the world with a counter-proposal aimed at the perpetuation, expansion and international acceptance ofapartheid 59. The Western plan, already considered moribund by some of its architects, has meant no more to South Africa than a recommendation for its self-destruction. To dissipate every doubt as to the regime's intentions, the South African Government has announced its readiness to face international economic sanctions rather than abide by the plan. Pretoria is prepared to forgo international recognition and popularity in order to ensure its survival. But how can Oh~ be secure by declaring oneself the enemy of all? What more proof, what weightier evidence, does the human race need in our time to understand that our world is in the presence of one of the gravest dangers that has ever befallen mankind? 60. It is regrettably sel.-evident that the adamant attitude shown by Pretoria is but a reflection of the support it is promised and given by its friends, which are among those very nations which occupy leading roles in the world today. That any form of leadership should elect to identify itself with evil is a pointer to disaster, to that self-destruction which the South African leaders dread so much. The repercussions of such arrogance of power will not. be confmed to Africa alone. Thus, it is the clear duty of all, especially those who greatly influence the course of our history, to ensure that this evil does not dwell among the nations undefeated. 61. The one persistent effort which seems to be exerted in certain important quarters is not to make South Africa conform to the noble principles of the United Nations but to cajole the United Nations into accommodating the apartheid regime and its works. We all believe that this Organization represents the last hope for mankind, but probably nowhere more than in the handling of the Namibian question has one discovered such a strong determination to make the United Nationsirrelevant. 6 Ibid; Thirty-third Year. SUpplement for April. May and June 1978. document 8/12636. 63. One irony which confounds my generation is that those who have granted independence to their erstwhile colonies and whose very names were once synonymous with honour, now conspire to rob others of their freedom, aiding and abetting in Namibia, as in Rhodesia and South Africa itself, such treatment of innocent and defences..S;) Africans as their own municipal laws will not permit them at home to mete out to convicted criminals. 64. In his statement on Wednesday last [97th meeting] the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia reported that consultations held in Asia, South-East Asia, Eastern Europe and Western Europe had revealed a strengthening of international solidarity with the people of Namibia. He also emphasized the firmness of the cornmitment of the international community to active participation in the efforts of the United Nations to obtain South Africa's withdrawal from Namibia and ensure the Territory's achievement of self-determination, freedom and independence. 65. Falling as it does in the International Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia and in view of South Africa's incorrigibility, this resumed session on Namibia offers all States Members of the United Nations a welcome opportunity to execute the long-overdue act of puttin~ an end to South Africa's illegal occupation of the Umted Nations Territory of Namibia thus enabling its people to accede to freedom and independence without further delay. The opportuni'y calls for a strengthenirtg of SWAPO in all possible ways--militarily, materially, economically, financially-so that the organization is placed in a state of full preparedne-ss to match the oppressor's might and to take over the reins of government soon in Namibia. We must not lose sight of the unalterable truth that the conflict in Namibia is between the minority reglme in South Africa, on the one hand, and the United Nations and the rest of humanity, on the other. It is time for Member States to demonstrate, without qualifications, pretence or equivccation their Individual and collective abhorrence of apartheid. We must all reaffirm the direct responsibility of the United Nations for Namibia and restate our complete suppost for the United Nations Council for Namit·a. We are obliged to condemn South Africa for all the atrocities it perpetrates against the people of Namibia. We must move forward in the name of justice which demands that wrongs must be righted and we must act together now to ensure the triumph ofgood over evil. 66. hi conformity with the warning sounded during the adoption of resolution 439 (1978), the Security Council should meet urgently in order to adopt the fullest range of enforcement measures with the aim of ensuring South 68. The rebellious attitude of the Government of South Africa not only affects the legitimate rights of the people of Namibia but it also is an affront to the international , . community and a sign of lack of respect for our Organization, More than 10 years ago the United Nations ordered the termination of the South African Mandate over the Territory of Namibia in General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), adopted on 27 October 1966. 69. Since that time, responsibility for the full, absolute independence of Namibia has rested with the United Nations. It is to be regretted for that reason that after so much time a satisfactory solution to the problem has not yet been found. Proof of that is that there are difficulties in imp'''menting the plan of action which was proposed by the United Nations Council for Namibia, a plan adopted by the General Assembly at the ninth special session held a yearago [resolution S-9/2/. Proof also is that there have been obstacles raised to the efforts of the Secretary-General to pursue the plan of the fiv~ Wester~ Me~bers of ~e Security Council in compliance With Its resolution 435 (1978). 70. Namibia is one of the last great colonial bastions, the independence and self-determination of which must be guaranteed by the international community, without any further delay. That independence must be guaranteed because occupation of the country, in addition to being unlawful, hampers the ability of the United Nations to resolve the major problems confronting mankind and obstructs the political will of the major Powers which wish to give effect to the resolutions of our Organization. 71. Costa Rica not only supports self-determination for the people of Namibia in the achievement ~f their independence and the form of government which they deem appropriate; we also support the principle of territorial integrity, and that means that no concessions t.o South Africa can be considered legal, and, therefore, that It would be wrong to hold negotiations on Walvis Bay, for that is an integral part of the Territory of Namibia and constitutes one of its main natural resources. For that reason we regret the unlawful annexation by South Africa ofthat integral part of the Territory of Namibia. 72. The independence of Namibia is a iegitirnate right and it should be the result of the self-determination of the people. The United Nations must guarantee that independence using all the c-.:sources provided for in the Charter; it 73. My delegation deplores and openly condemns the constant violations of the essential rights of the Namibian people. We maintain that no just and lasting settlement can be agreed upon without the participation of SWAPO, which is the legitimate representative of the people of Namibia. 74. The task of achieving independence for Namibia must be the immediate, priority goal of the United Nations so as to give effect to one of the principles and fundamental tenets of the Charter, namely that all peoples may have the right to self-determination. Only then can there be international peace; only then will succeeding generations be saved from the scourge of war.

The fmal elimination of the racist South African regime's domination over Namibia, the liquidation of this last stronghold of the colonial system of imperialism in Africa, represents one of the most urgent problems of our day and is a challenge to the United Nations. 81. What is needed now is: to put an end to any economic, military and nuclear collaboration with South Africa; to make the United Nations Council for Namibia's direct responsibility over Namibia effective; to end South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia; to enable the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, to . exercise freely their right to self-determination and independence; to dissalve the so-called tribal armies ln: Namibia created by South Africa as~ measure to ensure its control of the Territory after independence; to ensure that Walvis Bay remains an integral partof Namibia, because the illegal annexation of that main port, the vital. economic avenue of Namibia, is a deliberate attempt to undermine the ~~rritorial '=ategrity, economic independence and nat, ... 4 .J security of Namibia; and to givefun support to the armed struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole and authentic representative, since the intensification of the armed liberation struggle continues to be a decisive factor in the efforts to achieve selfdetermination, freedom jmd national independence in a united Namibia. The United Nations should continue to carry out its responsibilities in regard to the Territory until genuine independence has been attained. 76. The situation in Namibia is going from bad to worse. As the United Nations Council for Namibia stated on 11 May 1979: "... the illegal South African administration in Namibia intends to bestow upon the so-called Constituent Assembly in Windhoek extensive 'legislative and executive powers'.... 1'•••South Africa is clearly bent upon imposing a puppet regime on Namibia through which it intends to perpetuate its colonial exploitation of t]!e people and resources ofNamibia..." .[SeeA/33/564-S/13325,annex, paras. I and2.] 77. These moves Oil the part of the South African regime made it obvious-as the statement by the Council for Namibia also indicates-that the proposal of the flve Western Powers foe a Namibian settlement, introduced on 10 April 1978, in document S/12636, has failed, and the Namibian people need urgent help. 78. In this connexion, ] should like to reiterate that, from my Government's standpoint, a just solution for the question of Namibia cannot be conceived except on the' basis of the total and unconditional withdrawal of the occu- .' pying troops and police forces of South Africa, the abolition of the administration imposed by Pretoria, the formation ofa SWAPO-led government and the guarantee of Namibia's territorial integrity, or, in other words, the preservation of Namibia's sovereignty overWalvis Bay. Any other approach would serve to decefvevthe NaIl'j~ian people, to prolong the domination of South Africa and to escalate and widen the conflict•.• 80. The racistregime can and does dare to do so becausejt . enjoys the massive support of. the leading Western Powers, The communique adopted by the Ministerial Meeting of the Co-ordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Countries in Maputo lists the names of those countries and multinational corporations which patronize the racists and help them to perpetuate their colonial domination. The communique states that the racist armies, with the support of mercenaries and technology from those States, are stepping up their attacks and acts of aggression against the front-line States. It also states that the persistent military build-up by the racists, as well as the technology they are receiving in the nuclear field, constitutes an open challenge. to the United Nations, which is striving to slow down the arms race and strengthen international peace and security and detente. 82. As a IlISt step towards the fulfilment of those requirements, it is of the utmost importance to apply the comprehensive mandatory sanctions agair,st South. Afii,ca provided by Chapter VII, particularly Article 41~ of the Charter of the United Nations. I can assure you that the Hungarian People's Republic will do its utmost to ensure that those sanctions are applied as soonpossib1e. Furthermore, as in the past, we will assist the people ofNamibia in theix just struggle for fmaland complete liberation from colonial bondage, that is, from the rule oftbe racistSouth African regime. • 83.. Mr. BOUAY}-.J)·AGHA (Algeria) (interpretation [;om French): The General Assembly is resuming its thirty-third session to consider the question ofNamibb, which has.been 84. At this resumed session, are we going to come up against the same hesitations, the same signs of reluctance, which we have noted in the past? We believe it is tL111e to 'put an end to this situation which is S1) injurious to the dignity of our Organization. It is high time to adopt at this session effective measures to compel South Africa to comply with decisions already taken and decisions to be taken at Litis session, because the presence of South Africa in Namibia has become a presence fraught with peril for the whole southern zone of the African continent and represents an immediate danger to all neighbouring African countries which are finding their own security threatened The repeated interventions on the part of the South Afr;:. racists in these countries are based upon military power . extent of which is a secret to no one. So we have Narmc transformed into a gigantic military base, while it is also a testing-ground for the odious policy ofapartheid It is clear that the South African plan for Namibia consists in installing a regime in its pay and taking control of the exploitation of the wealth of the country for its own exclusive profit. This plan forms part of an over-all strategy designed to control the whole of southern Africa. It is a plan that is being carried out in Zimbabwe following the fraudulent elections. It is also highly advanced in South Africa itself. This bantustanization of the southern part of our African continent is being carried out with impunity in the secret offices of the police and of the racist South African Government and is the cause of the indescrlbable suffering which has been ceaselessly inflicted for decades now upon the Namibian people. We have witnessed here flagrant attempts by Pretoria to claim the right to oppress and enslave the peoples of Namibia, as they have sought to consolidate the hold of the white minority over that Territory. 85. From the Territory of Namibia the racist regime has been launching attacks of unparallelled cruelty against the independent front-line States which the South African propaganda machine reports as being directed against the 86. The prime responsibility for this belligerent and racist policy of Pretoria lies with those States which, in spite of all the decisions ofthe United Nations, continue to support South Africa and to provide it with economic and military aid in unprecedented proportion while associating themselves with us in condemning apartheid. What we should have preferred would have been to see them associating themselves with us in demanding immediately the evacuation by South Africa of the Territory of Namibia. Those countries pretend not to understand that the problem of Namibia is connected with the internal colonial situation in South Africa itself, as well as with that of the whole of southern Africa and, in particular, with Southern Rhodesia. The illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia forms part of the defensive strategy of the racist South Africa regime. We cannot even think, therefore, of solving the problem of Namibia if we overlook this "policeman" role which South Africa has assigned to itself in the region. The statements mada by Pretoria in favour of the r"audulent racist regime of Southern Rhodesia illustrate n-:s pC!:i,;J, which aims at establishing in southern Africa not only a -olonial and racist sphere of influence but !Jso a con...... ii,' mm of which the transnational corpora- .ions are already fmportant partners. 87. In 1978, efforts were made outside the framework of the United Nations to negotiate with South Africa a so-called "peaceful solution" to the problem of Namibia. It was claimed that those efforts were based upon Security Council resolution 385 (1976). We believe that their initiators wanted rather to extract whatever advantage they could from the close political and commercial links between them and South Africa and also to attempt to use their prestige in our Organization. It should be pointed out that the leaders of SWAPO, while harbouring no illusions about South Africa, did show themselves ready to consider a peaceful settlement, and made important concessions. For our part, we always believed that those initiatives and actions should be judged by their results. Our doubts were confirmed, because, as was the case with the three previous attempts, the efforts which were begun in 1978 came up against the same obstacle, namely, the obstinate refusal of South Africa to consider anything which would ever lead to true independence for Namibia. It is now clear that South Africa was never interested in a political solution to the Namibian problem; it is sufficiently uninterested now to continue the massive reinforcement of its military power, 89. It is within this context that the whole question of Namibia is to be viewed, now that its evolution has reached an explosive stage which might call into question much more important elements in the international balance, The Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, have demonstrated their maturity by attempting to seek a negotiated settlement. They have also shown themselves capable of demonstrating their will to recover their freedom and take over control of their own destiny. Their heroic combat, their more and more decisive armed struggle, and also the mature political sense of their leaders-and first and foremost, President Sam Nujoma-have given rise to the greatest respect and have aroused the greatest consideration. 90. Algeria is in favour of the total and immediate withdrawal of the troops and the South African administration and of the transfer of power to SWAPO, recognized by our Organization as the only authentic and legitimate representative of the Namibian people. For this purpose, it is imperative for the United Nations and, in particular, for the Security Council at once to take concrete action within the framework of Chapter VII of the Charter. The imposition of binding economic sanctions, including an oil embargo, is the first measure which the Security Council should take against the South African racist regime. 91. If the Security Council were to fail to act once again, it would be for the General Assembly to take the necessary measures called for by the deterioration of the situation in Namibia, that is a result of the attempts on the part of Pretoria to circumvent the process of national independence of the country, includingWalvis Bay. 92. Before concluding my statement, I should like to stress the important role of the United Nations Council for Namibia as Administering Authority for Namibia until independence. As the present stage of the struggle of the Namibian people, it is indispensable for the Council to enjoy the greatest possible co-operation and support from alll Member States. This support is necessary for the Council if it is to continue to discharge its responsibilities with increasing effectiveness. In that connexion, in the course of the visit of a mission of consultation which recently went to the socialist countries, that support was reaffirmed sincerely and unequivocally by those countries and I should like to extend to them my warm gratitude for their hospitality and the warm welcome they gave to that mission of the Council, which I had the privilege and honour of leading. 93. Finally, I should like to stress that Algeria, faithful to its principles of total commitment to the peoples fighting to recover their right to self-determination and independence, would like to proclaim once again today its willingness to increase its assistance to the armed struggle ~.~._~-_ -----------------------

Namibia is unique in the history of the United Nations. In the Organization's long struggle against colonialism and imperialism, it is the first and only Territory for which the United Nations has assumed direct responsibility. It is the first and only Territory for which an administering body was created by the General Assembly to administer it until independence. The Assembly assumed this unusual responsibility in response to the unusual challengeplaced before it by South Africa when it refused to place the former League of Nations Mandated Territory under the International Trusteeship System or to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the United Nations as successor to the League. That action by the Organization was taken in keeping with the spirit and the principles of our Charter, in which the Members of the Organization have committed themselves to respect the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples. 95. It is in the unique nature of this question that when we speak of Namibia we are speaking about several interrelated issues all at once. We are speaking of the rights of peoples to self-determination and independence, and to ownership and control of their natural resources and of the credibility of the United Nations. We ere examining the extent to which our Organization can act in defence of the purposes and principles of our very own Charter in the face of perceptions by a few of their strategic and commercial interests. To speak of Namibia is to address ourselves to the situation wherein, among the membership of an Organization dedicated to the resffirmation offaith in fundamental human rights, and in the dignity and worth of the human person, one Member is allowed utterly to ignore and defy the will of the overwhelming majority in respect of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of so many millions. Yes, Namibia is principally about freedom, the freedom of the people of that Territory to exercise their right to self-determination with their territorial integrity intact and their freedom from oppression and tyranny. These are the crucial and vital issuesat stake in the Namibia question. It is a recognition of these factors, and of their grave implications for international peace and security and for the future effectiveness of our Organization, that gives special importance to any consideration by this Assembly of the question of Namibia, especially at this resumed session, taking place as it is at this particular time. 96. For, since we last addressed ourselves to this matter, we have witnessed some very disturbing developments in and in relation to the Territory, developments on which the General Assembly must pronounce itself at this stage. The Botha regime has most recently declared its intention to give legislative and executive powers to the illegal Constituent Assembly, that same Assembly created by the illegal elections of December last, which the Security Council justly declared null and void, and the results of which it called on States not to recognize. It is that illegal Assembly which South Africa is now seeking to transform into a national assembly, and -to legithnize and legalizeas a provisional Government of Namibia. The writing on the wall is so clear that he who runs may read it. We are 100. The present situation in Namibia presents our Organization with one of the most serious challenges to its authority and credibility, a challenge to which we must all respond, collectively as well as individually, with firmness. For its part, my delegation reaffirms its support for the armed struggle of the people of Namibia under SWAPO, their legitimate representatives. We call on the international community to render increased moral, material and financial support to SWAPO for the prosecution of this armed struggle. We categorically condemn the racist regime for its continued illegal occupation of Namibia; call upon it once more to withdraw from the Territory; and condemn it for its acts of violence and intimidation against the people of Namibia and for its armed aggression against neighbouring States. We call for the total isolation of South Africa by the international community. 97. The most recent actions of the Pretoria regime ln respect of Namibia move yet farther away from the prescriptions contained in the decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly on Namibia and from the wishes of the people of the Territory as expressed through SWAPO, their legitimate representative. The people of Namibia wish only to be able to exercise their right, to live as free men and women in their own Territorv under their own freely chosen administration. Botha and his clique must recognize that to seek to build a future for Namibia on a basis which ignores the wishes and the rights of the people of the Territory is to make an investment in insecuriu r the returns on which will be bountiful indeed. The lesson of history is that, however long freedom may be denied to a people, their desire for it never dies. Indeed the persistent denial of freedom serves only as a driving incentive for the forces of liberation. 101. My delegation considers that this Assembly must reaffirm the authority of the United Nations Council for Namibia. It must declare the so-called National Assembly to be null and void and call upon all States not to accord any recognition whatsoever to it or to any body which S01Jth Africa may seek to impose on Namibia. This Assembly must also call on the Security Council to meet urgently for the purpose of instituting against South Mrica the enforcement measures provided for in Chapter VII of our Charter. 98. In a larger sense, we cannot speak of Namibia in isolation from its southern African context. In this regard, the efforts of the Pretoria regime to maintain power in Namibia through the establishment of the Turnhalle puppet administration must be seen as its attempt to create yet another bantustan, so extending the northern frontier of apartheid to Cunene. It is in that context also that we must consider Botha's vision, undoubtedly fortified in his mind by the recent so-called elections in Rhodesia, of a "constellation of States" a.ound South Africa offering what he sees as security to white minorities in the region. The purpose of that constellation would be nothing if not to serve as a defence perimeter ofapartheidagainst the onslaughts of the forces of freedom and justice, against the tide of nationalism sweeping Africa, and against the collective emotions of black Africa and of progressive peoples throughout the world. 102. It is the hope and expectation of my delegation that when the Security Council does meet again it will go beyond the ritual of condemnation and of seeking to quicken the conscience of the international community. It can do much more for Namibia than simply condemn over and over again and issue veiled threats. It possesses the means and the authority to take effective, indeed decisive, action against what it condemns, but unfortunately it has been prevented from doing so. Looking back, we S6e that the history of the Security Council's dealings with South Africa has been predominantly a story of accommodation with the regime ill that Territory. The Council, as a body, has striven to find options which would allow it to postpone delivery of the fatal blow against South Africa. That is accommodation. When we postpone the fatal blow we give Botha yet another chance-and he is careful to use every chance we give him-to create new situations. Eventually we will be faced with a fait accompli in Namibia which willbe infinitely more difficult to deal with than any previous situation hrs been. 99. The security envisaged in the "constellation of States" will be an Illusion, Botha and Smith have left the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe with no alternative but to take up arms to fight for their freedom. When they so take up arms, the cadres of SWAPO and the Patriotic Front are branded as "terrorists"; they are left with no alternative but to turn to those who are willing to offer them help. When they seek that help they are branded as agents and peddlers of alien ideologies. What does that mean, then? Does the concept of freedom have a special meaning when applied to the 103. My delegation knows very wen that the pace of the Security Council is always that of the slowest and most conservative mover, On the question of Namibia the pace has been determined by those who feel unable to subordinate considerations of commerce to considerations of principle.ana of justice. Botha has in no uncertain terms .:.~ ... -,