A/33/PV.107 General Assembly

The attention of the world community has once again been drawn to the situation prevailing in southern Africa-a question that has occupied a very important place in contemporary international life.

The attention of the world community has once again been drawn to the situation prevailing in southern Africa-a question that has occupied a very important place in contemporary international life. 2. Many millions of the popular masses of that continent-which imperialism has for many decades now regarded as its own "bailiwick"-during their long and fierce struggle have overthrown the colonial order and embarked upon the course of independent development. However, aggressive, imperialist circles have not given up their attempts to turn southern Africa, as in the case of other developing countries also, into their own economic preserve and to keep that region in the sphere of their own political and ideological influence. 3. It is perfectly obvious that the basic source of the tension which prevails in southern Africa is the racist regime of South Africa which, despite the desires of the world community and the numerous demands made by the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council, continues illegally to occupy the Territory of Namibia, thus creating a genuine threat to the interests of peace and security both on the African continent and throughout the world. 4. Issuing a challenge to the United Nations, which as far back as 1966 abrogated the Republic of South Africa's Mandate over Namibia, the Pretoria regime continues to maintain an army of many thousands, as well as a police force and an administrative apparatus in that country, thus 3. It is perfectly obvious that the basic source of the tension which prevails in southern Africa is the racist regime of South Africa which, despite the desires of the world community and the numerous demands made by the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council, continues illegally to occupy the Territory of Namibia, thus creating a genuine threat to the interests of peace and security both on the African continent and throughout the world. ,. •• Z 4. Issuing a challenge to the United Nations, which as far back as 1966 abrogated the Republic of South Africa's Mandate over Namibia, the Pretoria regime continues to maintain an army of many thousands, as well as a police force amI an administrative apparatus in that country, thus NEW YOlK . turning it into a fifth province of the Republic of South Africa. The policy of apartheid and a whole battery of repressive laws are Widespread there. The authorities in Pretoria have partitioned Namibia into bantustans important regions have been turned into so-called "security zones" and the population has been forcibly ejected frOin them. A state of emergency has been declared in the country. The authorities have arrogated to themselves the right to arrest all "suspicious" persons as they see fit, to break up meetings and demonstrations and to shoot Africans without trial or due legal process-simply because they are suspected of being partisans. 5. The purpose of maintaining the colonial domination o South Africa and Namibia also motivates the illega annexation by Pretoria of Walvis Bay; an integral part o the Territory of Namibia. 6. Examples of illegality and brutality being perpetrated by the South African racists in Namibia are legion. The reply to the question why the Pretoria regime has been able for so many years to continue to perpetrate those action which run completely contrary to the norms of interna tional law, as is known, can be found not in the strength o the regime itself but rather in the broad political, economi and military support that it receives from outside. It i precisely the support provided by a number of Western countries, and primarily by those which are members of the North Atlantic bloc, that supplies a sort of shield behind which Pretoria hides while continuing its illegal occupation of Namibia and maintaining it in a colonial status. 5. The purpose of maintaining the colonial domination of South Africa and Namibia also motivates the illegal annexation by Pretoria of Walvis Bay; an integral part of the Territory of Namibia. 6. Examples of illegality and brutality being perpetrated by the South African racists in Namibia are legion. The reply to the question why the Pretoria regime has been able for so many years to continue to perpetrate those actions which run completely contrary to the norms of intemationallaw, as is known, can be found not in the strength of the regime itself but rather in the broad political, economic and military support that it receives from outside. It is precisely the support provided by a number of Western countries, and primarily by those which are members of the North Atlantic bloc, that supplies a sort of shield behind which Pretoria hides while continuing its illegal occupation of Namibia and maintaining it in a colonial status. 7. The close interrelationship between the military, poli tical and economic interests of South Africa and certain foreign circles is no secret to anyone. It is well known, fo example, that generally speaking more than one third of the entire Territory of Namibia belongs to United States British, French, German, Canadian and South African corporations as a concession. 8. Therefore, it is quite natural that the monopolies ar not particularly keen about the prospects of Namibia' liberation, of losing their tremendous investments and bein deprived of the huge profits that they have been making Precisely for that reason and at the expense of th international monopolies, the puppet grouping of the "Democratic Turnhalle Alliance" was set up and guarantee a so-called "Victory" at the illegal "elections" held in December of last year. 7. The close interrelationship between the military, political and economic interests of South Africa and certain foreign circles is no secret to anyone. It is well known, for example, that generally speaking more than one third of the entire Territory of Namibia belongs to United States, British, French, German, Canadian and South African corporations as a concession. 9. In order to maintain the statusquo in thilt part of th world, constant efforts are also being made by the West to strengthen the military potential of the Republic of Sout Africa, Despite the decision taken by the United Nations to 8. Therefore, it is quite natural that the monopolies are not particularly keen about the prospects of Namibia's liberation, of losing their tremendous investments and being deprived of the huge profits that they have been making. Precisely for that reason and at the expense of the international monopolies, the puppet grouping of the "Democratic Tumhalle Alliance" was set up and guaranteed 1829 A/33/PV.I0 <i so-called "Victory" at the illegal "elections" held in December of last year. I f., 9. In order to maintain the status quo in thilt part of the world, constant efforts are also being made by the West to strengthen the military potential of the Republic of South Mrica. Despite the decision taken by the United Nations to . 10. According to the press, in recent years, expenditure on armaments in the Republic of South Africa has increased by 250 per cent, and in 1977 amounted to almost $2 billion. Pretoria is stepping up its military potential in Namibia itself as well. As stated at the present session by the President of South West Africa .People's Organization [SWAPOI, Mr. Nujoma [97th meetingl, there are now over 75,000 South African troops there. The chain of military bases in the Republic of South Africa is constantly being extended, in close proximity to lle boundaries of neighbouring independent States, which are constant victims of the aggressive attacks carried out by the Pretoria regime. 11. Particularly alarming are the plans of the Republic of South Africa to create its own nuclear weapon. Unfortunately, these plans have met with support on the part of certain Western countries and also on the part of Israel. Were the South African racists to gain access to nuclear weapons, it is perfectly obvious that this would represent a threat to the security both of African States and States throughout the world with far-reaching consequences. 12. Recently, the racist regime of Pretoria, in addition to a ,hardening of the colonial systems in Namibia, has been resorting to political manoeuvring, first to quench the flame of the ever-growing national liberation struggle of the Namibian people, and secondly, to appear in everyone's eyes as a sort of "peacemaker" attempting to settle the problem by peaceful means. However the real aim is simply to set up a puppet government in Namibia, with the participation of the African collaborators, to consolidate the key positions held up to now by the racist leaders of the white minority. 11. Particularly alarming are the plans of the Republic of South Africa to create its own nuclear weapon. Unfortunately, these plans have met with support on the part of certain Western countries and also on the part of Israel. Were the South African racists to gain access to nuclear weapons, it is perfectly obvious that this would represent a threat to the security both of African States and States throughout the world with far-reaching consequences. 12. Recently, the racist regime of Pretoria, in addition to a ,hardening of the colonial systems in Namibia, has been resorting to political manoeuvring, first to quench the flame of the ever-growing national liberation struggle of the Namibian people, and secondly, to appear in everyone's eyes as a sort of "peacemaker" attempting to settle the problem by peaceful means. However the real aim is simply to set up a puppet government in Namibia, with the participation of the African collaborators, to consolidate the key positions held up to now by the racist leaders of the white minority. 13. Obvious attempts have been made by Pretoria, with the support of its foreign patrons, to replace the previous colonial, racist regime by a renovated regime of a neocolonialist hue, very closely modelled on the newly installed "government" in Southern Rhodesia. That is the reason why the racists of South Africa arranged the sham elections and the so-called "Constituent Assembly" in Namibia in December of last year, which the United Nations declared invalid. 13. Obvious attempts have been made by Pretoria, with the support of its foreign patrons, to replace the previous colonial, racist regime by a renovated regime of a neocolonialist hue, very closely modelled on the newly 14. The electoral farce, the provocation and threats to start a unilateral procedure by giving Namibia "independence" and creating a temporary government, and the impudent demands of the racists to abrogate the decision of the United Nations to recognize SWAPO as the sole, authentic representative of the Namibian people, are a further gauntlet which Pretoria throws down to the world community. These actions demonstrate the desire of the Republic of South Africa to impose on Namibia a so-called "internal settlement", the essence of which would be not to allow the genuine participation of the United Nations in . solving the problem and to maintain the old order in .Namibia. insiall~d "government" in Southern Rhodesia. That is the reason why the racists of South Africa arranged the sham elections and the so-called "Constituent Assembly" in Namibia in December of las~ year, which the United Nations declared invalid. 14. The electoral farce, the provocation and threats to start a unilateral procedure by giving Namibia "independence" and creating a temporary government, and the impudent demands of the racists to abrogate the decision of the United Nations to recognize SWAPO as the sole, authentic representative of the Namibian people, are a further gauntlet which Pretoria throws down to the world community. These actions demonstrate the desire of the Republic of South Africa to impose on Namibia a so-called "internal settlement", the essence of which would be not to allow the genuine participation of the United Nations in . solving the problem and to maintain the old order in Namibia. 17. The manoeuvres of the rac are trying to perpetuate the occu abundantly necessary to take ef interests of the Namibian people. 16. The present resumed session of the General Assembly of the United Nations should take effective measures to put an immediate end to the illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist regime of Pretoria and to ensure that full power in that country is transferred to the genuine representatives of the Namibian people, the patriotic forces under the leadership of SWAPO. 18. A measure that could be immediate cessation of the occ be a strict and unswerving ob imposed by the United Nations the Republic of South Africa. F of the United Nations and the United Nations to decide to intr tory sanctions in accordance United Nations Charter to estab isolation and a boycott of the ra 17. The manoeuvres of the racists and their backers, who are trying to perpetuate the occupation of Namibia, make it abundantly necessary to take effective steps to protect the interests of the Namibian people. 18. A measure that could be relied on to lead to the immediate cessation of the occupation of Namibia would be a strict and unswerving observance of the embargo imposed by the United Nations on the supply of arms to the RepUblic of South Africa. Furthermore, it is the duty of the United Nations and the Security Council of the United Nations to decide to introduce immediately obligatory sanctions in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter to establish complete international isolation and a boycott of the racist regime in Pretoria. 19. The delegation of the Uk state that in their struggle for Namibia, as before, can rely on comprehensive support of the U Soviet people. 20. The present resumed sessio is being held during a year whi the United Nations as the Inter with the People of Namibia Ukrainian SSR would like to ex have a beneficial influence in efforts of all progressive forces support of the just struggle of their liberation. 19. The Jelegation of the Ukrainian SSR would like to state that in their struggle for liberation, the people of Namibia, as before, can rely on the complete solidarity and comprehensive support of the Ukrainian people and of all Soviet people. 20. The prasent resumed session of the General Assembly is being held during a year which has been proclaimed by the United Nations as the International Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR would like to express the hope that this will have a beneficial influence in further consolidating the efforts of all progressive forces throughout the world in support of the just struggle of the Namibian people for their liberation. 21. We are profoundly convinc come when, under the blows Namibia, Zimbabwe and south support of world public opin colonialism, racism and aparth people of the southern part of embark upon the course of peace progress.- 22. Mr. BIKOUTA (Congo) (in It is not because of any failu Namibian dossier and acquire a the subject that the General A once again. This resumed thirty resolution 33/182, is striking p community's patience is exhaust 21. We are profoundly convinced that the day will shortly come when, under the blows struck by the patriots of Namibia, Zimbabwe and southern Africa and with the support of world public opinion, the last bastions of colonialism, racism and apartheid will ..crumble and the people of the southern part of the Afr~ continent will embark upon the course of peaceful develo~ment and social progress.-

It is not because of any failure to study carefully the Namibian dossier and acquire an exhaustive knowledge of the subject that the General Assembly has to return to it once again. This resumed thirty-third session, pursuant to resolution 33/182, is striking proof that the international community's patience is exhausted. 25. For the gangrene of injustice, exploitation and contempt could only become so well established during the second part of this twentieth century because at the international level there is so much complicity, which has no other justification than the appetite for the basest kind of power, founded on the corpses of thousands of men, women and children, in contempt of the most elementary principles of dignity, self-determination of peoples and full sovereignty over natural resources. These principles are universally binding and are now linked with the requirements of a new and more just political, economical and cultural order. 24. We should like to pay a tribute to the memory of thousands of victims who have fallen foul of the Fascist regime which since the end of the last century has been installed in the southern part of the African continent. 25. For the gangrene of injustice, exploitation and con· tempt could only become so well established during the second part of this twentieth century because at the international level there is so much complicity, which has no other justification than the appetite for the basest kind of power, founded on the corpses of thousands of men, women and children, in cc,ntempt of the most elementary principles of dignity, self-determination of peoples and full sovereignty over natural resources. These principles are universally binding and are now linked with the requirements of a new and more just political, economical and cultural order. 26. The situation of crisis prevailing in Namibia poses such fundamental issues for the universal conscience that Namibia, it must be admitted, has in fact become the "uneasy conscience" of the United Nations. That is particularly true because our Organization has not been able effectively to exercise its sovereignty over a Territory whose Mandate was withdrawn from the South African usurper in 1966 in order to allow the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples of 14 December 1960. 26. The situation of crisis prevailing in Namibia poses such fundamental issues for the universal conscience that Namibia, it must be admitted, has in fact become the "uneasy conscience" of the United Nations. That is particularly true because our Organization has not been able effectively to exercise its sovereignty over a Territory whose Mandate was withdrawn from the South African usurper in 1966 in order to allow the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples of 14 December 1960. 27. My delegation will merely stress W~I.at, in our view, characterizes the full gravity of the present situation and remind Members of the assistance in many and varied forms that should be given by the international community to the people of Namibia, so that they might be spared the effects of racist barbarism, lest the United Nations lay itself open to the charge of complicity, however involuntary, in the genocide perpetrated by a minority of arrogant adventurers against the people ofsouthern Africa. 27. My delegation will merely stress W~I.at, in our view, characterizes the full gravity of the present situation and remind Members of the assistance in many and varied forms that should be given by the international community to the people of Namibia, so that they might be spared the effects of racist barbarism, lest the United Nations lay itself open to the charge of complicity, however involuntary, in the genocide perpetrated by a minority of arrogant adventurers against the people ofsouthern Africa. 28. Barely four months ago it was fashionable to hold negotiations with a South Africa which, we were told, had the mod: chivalrous feelings about the situation, recognizing at last the right of the peoples of the world to selfdetermination. SWAPO was urged to associate itself with the general reconciliation sponsored by the major Western Powers members of the Security Council. Suddenly there was a complete about-face. Goodbye negotiations, goodbye United Nations plan. One would like to know what really happened and who was fooling whom. 28. Barely four months ago it was fashionable to hold negotiations with a South Africa which, we were told, had the mod chivakous feelings about the situation, recognizing at last the right of the peoples of the world to selfdetermination. SWAPO was urged to associate itself with the general reconciliation sponsored by the major Western Powers members of the Security Council. Suddenly there was a complete about-face. Goodbye negotiations, goodbye United Nations plan. One would like to knO\v what really happened and who was fooling whom. 29. One plausible explanation was that if there be any lesson to be learned from this gigantic farce it is that SWAPO, the sole authentic movement that was flghting stubbornly for the independence of Namibia, was simply 29. One plausible explanation was that if there be any lesson to be learned from this gigantic farce it is that SWAPO, the sole authentic movement that was fIghting stubbornly for the independence of Namibia, W&s simply 30. Everything would then have been saved: both m~terial and strategic interests and legality. But that met with the haughtiness of the apartheid regime, which never strayed from its methods or designs regarding developments in southern Africa and in the world, which everyone can easily imagine. 31. At the very moment of our holding this meeting, Pretoria-we can be sure-is leaning over backwards to set up puppet institutions made up of a tribal assembly-called a Constituent Assembly-as a prelude to the establish· ment of a puppet government tied to it. In the meantime, the minority was careful to organize under its authority so-called elections in flagrant contradiction with its undertaking to associate the United Nations fully with the independence process. For many long months the supporters and leaders of SWAPO have been subjected to blind repression and martial law has been extended throughout the entire country. 32. In a statement made a few days ago in this hall[97th meeting], Mr. Sam Nujoma confirmed that, instead of reducing its military potential, South Africa was increasing it, raising to 75,000 men the total of its troops already in Namibia. 33. It is clear that this military presence has expansionist and hegemonistic significance. Practically no week or month passes without racist soldiers perpetrating barbaric acts of aggression against sovereign States Members of the United Nations bordering on Namibia. 32. In a st~tement made a few days ago in this hall [97th meeting]. Mr. Sam Nujoma confirmed that, instead of reducing its military potential, South Africa was increasing it, raising to 75,000 men the total of its troops akeady in Namibia. 34. These acts of dubious bravura reveal a real fear of the future on the part of the theoreticians of white racism. The choice that they are forced to make is much narrower than they would like to believe: they can either reform and join the ranks ofthe international community or, whatever they do, their delusions of grandeur will lead them to their doom in a world in constant flux. This dilemma should give much food for thought to those who confuse their own interests with those of South Africa. 33. It is clear that this militarj presence has expansionist and hegemonistic significance. Practically no week or month passes without racist soldiers perpetrating barbaric acts of aggression against sovereign States Members of the United Nations bordering on Namibia. 34. These acts of dubious bravura reveal a real fear of the future on the part of the theor~ticiansof white racism. The choice that they are forced to make is much narrower than they would like to believe: they can either reform and join the ranks ofthe international community or, whatever they do, their delusions of grandeur will lead them to their doom in a world in constant flux. This dilemma should give much food for thought to those who confuse their own interests with those of South Africa. 35. We should welcome the fact that the United Nations has not sunk to compromising with the enemies of freedom. The United Nations will not abandon decisions already adopted in the Security Council and in the General Assembly on the subject under debate. If Pretoria's goal was to undermine the image of our Organization, we can say that in spite of appearances it has certainly failed. We will recall the exchanges last January and February between Mr. Kurt Waldheim and the South African Government, which was trying to convince the Secretary-General not to go along with the settlement plan adopted by the United Nations, 1 as if one could expect from Pretoria a correct interpretation of the spirit andletter of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) or of any other United Nations text, beginning with the Charter. 35. We should welcome the fact that the United Nations has not sunk to compromising with the enemies of freedom. The United Nations will not abandon decisions akeady adopted in the Security Council and in the General Assembly on the subject under debate. If Pretoria's goal was to undermine the image of our Organization, we can say that in spite of appearances it has ~rtainly failed. We will recall the exchanges last January and February between Mr. Kurt Waldheim and the South African Government, which was trying to convince the Secretary-General not to go along with the settlement plan adopted by the United Nations, 1 a~ if one could expect from Pretoria a correct interpretation of the spirit and !etter of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) or of any other United Nations tex't, beginning with the Charter. 37. Pretoria even went so far as to imagine that its delegation could actually take part here in these deliberations, the better to attempt to justify its indefensible policy. The decision proposed by the Credentials Committee not to recognize the representativeness of the delegation of South Africa at the present session is technically logical and politically well-founded. The contrary would have come as a great shock to us, we have to admit, for the United Nations could scarcely put the stamp of approval on the policy of apartheid, a crime against humanity. South Africa is not guilty merely of holding erroneous opinions, as some have said, aild the principle of the universality of the United Nations has not been adversely affected by any attempt at maintaining international peace and security in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter. The League of Nations-the predecessor of the United Nations-perished because of its complacent behaviour towards barbaric acts. 38. Having treated the injunctions of the international community with contempt, South Africa imagined that it would benefit from its widely publicized dialogue with the Western Powers by having the doors of the United Nations opened to it. It would seem that South Africa has got the century wrong if it believes that. 39. The manoeuvres that the international community has witnessed during the past long months were aimed at distorting the meaning of the national independence struggle led by SWAPO and at presenting the sacred target of independence as a gift dependent on the goodwill of South Africa and the international mining and industrial corporations. 38. Having iIeated the injunctions of the international community with contempt, South Africa imagined that it would benefit from its w~dely publicized dialogue with the Western Powers by having the doors of the United Nations opened to it. It would seem that South Africa has got the century wrong if it believes that. 40. The sympathy enjoyed by certain tribal groups among the reactionary international media is pai: of the plan systematically to liquidate SWAPO, the sole authentic representatfve of the Namibian people. No stone. has been left unturned. Certain segments of the international press have been shrewdly manipulated through Pretoria's secret funds; incredible but short-lived disputes have arisen between Pretoria and some of its allies on the subject of espionage; the recruitment of mercenaries-curiously enough, always the same ones-has been indulged in; and many other examples could be mentioned. In brief, every method of deceiving world public opinion has been tried. 39. The manoeuvres that the international community has witnessed during the past long months were aimed at distorting the meaning of the national independence struggle led by SWAPO and at presenting the sacred target of independence as a gift dependent on the goodwill of South Africa and the international mining and ir..dustrial corporations. 40. The sympathy enjoyed by certain tribal groups among the reactionary international media is pal ~ of the plan systematically to liquidate SWAPO, the sole authentic representattie of the Namibian people. No stone. has been left unturned. Certain segments of the international press have been shrewdly manipulated through Pretoria's secret funds; incredible but short-lived disputes have arisen between Pretoria and some of its allies on the subject of espionage; the recruitment of mercenaries-curiously enough, always the same ones-has been indulged in; and many other examples could be mentioned. In brief, every method of deceiving world public opinion has been tried. 41. As we meet here, genuine decolonization in Namibia is not yet in sight, yet only genuine decolonization can promote an era of freedom and peace in that country. 42. But, against the wishes of the people of Namibia, who are supported by world public opinion, Pretoria is engaged in setting up the machinery for a so-called internal settlement. In this context, the Pretoria-Salisbury- Windhoek axis, which collapsed about five years ago at the time of the Portuguese rout in Mozambique and Angola, is trying to rise up from its ashes. This time certain Africans, traitors to the national cause and manipulated like true 41. As we meet here, genuine decolonization in Namibia is not yet in sight, yet only genuine decolonization can promote an era of freedom and peace in that country. 42. But, against the wishes of the people of Namibia, who are supported by world public opinion, Pretoria is engaged in setting up the machinery for a so-called internal settlement. In this context, the Pretoria-Salisbury- Windhoek axis, which collapsed about five years ago at the time of the Portuguese rout in Mozamtique and Angola, is trying to rise up from its ashes. This time certain Mricans, traitm-s to the national cause and manipulated like true 43. The delegation of the Co to reaffirm the determined w the Congo to give, as in the assistance at its disposal to s of the Namibian people unde why we shall give our co decision worthy to be adop forth in the draft resolutio sponsor [A/33/L.37J. Indeed out the need for the United agencies to support the nati ducted by SWAPO against So tion of the territorial integr Walvis Bay; for the uncond Africa and the immediate rele for the unequivocal condem ment; and, finally, for rec measures in the areas of polit sports, and so forth, with immediate and total oil emba of the measures provided for should in any case be serious Africa persists in its obstinac sentimentally towards South tion to apartheid while at t alleged rights of the South A to note that only an effective draft resolution before us can 43. The delegation of the Congo wishes here most strongly to reaffirm the determined will of the People's Republic of the Congo to give, as in the past, all material and political assistance at its disposal to support the liberation struggle of the Namibian people under SWAPO's leadership. That is why we shall give our complete support to the only decision worthy to be adopted by this Assembly, as set forth in the draft resolution of which the Congo is a sponsor [A/33/L.37j. Indeed, that draft resolution brings out the need for the United Nations and the specialized agencies to support the national liberation struggle conducted by SWAPO against South Africa; for the reaffirmation of the territorial integrity of the countrY, including Walvis Bay; for the unconditional withdrawal of South Africa and the immediate releast.. of all imprisoned patriots; for the unequivocal condemnation of any internal settlement; and, finally, for recourse to the mo!>t effective measures in the areas of politics, economics, trade, culture, sports, and so forth, with emphasis above all on an immediate and total oil embargo. Effective implementation of the measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter should in any case be seriously considered as long as South Africa persists in its obstinacy. As to those who still react sentimentally towards South Africa, affirming their opposition to apartheid while at the same time defending the alleged rights of the South African regime, it is appropriate to note that only an effective commitment in line with the draft resolution before us can convince us of their sincerity. 44. Finally, I should like position is based primarily on the very least paradoxical th the process of decolonization Second World War should b which has been placed unde United Nations and, togeth present time constitutes one empires existing in the world. 45. Perhaps we should leav analysts to pass an even harsh incredible game of duplicity tion by jhe rich Powers al exploitation and subjugation o 44. Finally, I should like to say that my delegation's position is based primarily on one essential concern. It is at the very least paradoxical that the obstacle in the path of the process of decolonization which began at the end of the Second World War should be the Territory of Namibia, which has been placed under the direct authority of the United Natio~s and, together with Zimbabwe, at the present time constitutes one of the two hrrgest colonial empires existing in the world. 46. Our concern is more wi and the action to be taken. T last year defined, in its D Programme of Action in Supp National Independence for what conduct should be adopt 45. Perhaps we should leave it to historians and political analysts to pass an even harsher judgement than ours on the incredible game of duplicity played against our Organi;;:ation by .the rich Powers allied to South Africa in the exploitation and :>l.1bjugation of the Namibian people. 46. Our concern is more with the attitude to be adopted and the action to be taken. The ninth special session held last year defined, in its Declaration on Namibia and Programme of Action in Support of Self-Determination and National Independence for Namibia [resolution S-9!2j what conduct should be adopted. 49. According to Hegel, racism is "the concrete, universal evil". Protected by the seemingly unbreached wall erected in southern Africa by the capitalist-racist oligarchy and its imperialist allies, a network of treachercu5 manoeuvres and economic and military agreements concluded behind the backs of the African peoples-particularly the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa-is spreading. By destroying this perverse world of Vorster and Botha, our Organization would thus be paying a just tribute to the martyrdom of millions of human beings, the victims of racism, fascism and colonialism throughout the world. The revolutionary whirlwind sweeping through southern Africa bears a message calling for the achievement of freedom and independence, of peace in dignity-in a word, the inevitable epistemological break with this revolting world of colonial racism. 48. Time is in favour of the forces that love peace, justice had freedom. During the deliberations soon to begin in the Security Council, we hope that a decisive step will be taken towards the imposition of partial or total measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter with a view to inducing South Africa to respect the relevant decisions of our Organization. 49. According to Hegel, racism is "the roncrete, universal evil". Protected by the seemingly unbreached wall erected in southern Africa by the capitalist-racist oligarchy and its imperialist allies, a network of treacherc u~ manoeuvres and economic and military agreements concluded behind the backs of the African peoples-particularly the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa-is i;preading. By destroying this perverse world of Vors~er and Botha, our Organization would thus be paying a just tribute to the martyrdom of millions of human beings, the victims of racism, fascism and colonialism throughout the world. The revolutionary whirlwind sweeping through southern Africa bears a message calling for the achievement of freedom and independence, of peace in dignity-in a word, the inevitable epistemological break with this revolting world of colonial racism. 50. In conclusion, we wish to pay you, Mr. President, a well-deserved tribute for the courage and wisdom with which you presided over the.lengthy consideration of this important question.

Mr. President, since this is the first time that the delegation of the Islamic Republic of Iran has had the opportunity to address the General Assembly at its' resumed thirty-third session, I should like to convey to you my delegation's appreciation of the great diplomatic ability which you have displayed throughout these deliberations. In view of your demonstrated experience in the field of international relations, we are convinced that, under your presidency, this resumed session will come to a successful conclusion. 50. In conclusion, we wish to pay you, Mr. President, a well-deserved tribute for the courage and wisdom with which you presided over the_lengthy consideration of this important question.

Mr. President, since this is the first time that the delegation of the Islamic Republic of Iran has had the opportunity to address the General Assembly at its' resumed thirty-third session, I should like to convey to you my delegation's appreciation of the great diplomatic ability which you have displayed throughout these deliberations. In view of your demonstrated experience in the field of international relations, we are convinced that, under your presidency, this resumed session will come to a successful conclusion. 52. Namibia is vivid testimony to a consistent pattern of flagrant wide-scale and massive violations of human rights, the right to self-determination and independence. As we meet here to discuss the problem, the people of Namibia continue to be deprived of these most fundamental human rights. South Africa, whose arrogant record of non- compliance with United Nations resolutions is well known, still persists in its refusal to withdraw its illegal presence from 2. Territory which is under the jurisdiction of the United Nations. 52. Namibia is vivid testimony to a consistent pattern of flagrant wide-scale and massive violations of human rights, the right to self-determination and independence. As we meet here to d~cuss the problem, the people of Namibia continue to be deprived of these most fundamental human rights. South Africa, whose arrogant record of non- compliance with United Nations resolutions is well known, still persists in its refusal to withdraw its illegal presence from 2. Territory which is under the jurisdiction of the United Nations. 53. Despite the fact that the Government of South Africa has been repeatedly called upon by the General Assembly and the Security Council to cease its illegal occupation of 53. Despite the fact that the Government of South Africa has ~een repeatedly called upon by the General Assembly and the Security Council to cease its illegal occupation of 54. Such an attitude on the part of South Africa clearly demonstrates that it has no intention of relinquishing its illegal authority over the Territory. There is no doubt that the continuing repression by the occupying Power in Namibia is aimed at impeding the speedy implementation of the process of dec~lonizationin the Territory. The illegal presence of South Africa in N&mibia, coupled with ruth- lessness, torture oppression and a deliberate policy of destroying the social and cultural values of the African people of the Territory, constitutes not only a flagrant and massh'e violation of the most elementary principles of human rights, but is rightly considered an affront to the sense of human dignity and justice. 55. My delegation strongly condemns these inhuman policies of South Africa in Namibia and is convinced that such policies will ultimately fail to prevent the irreversible process of self-determination and independence in the Territory. We further condemn South Africa for its repeated aggression against the independent African States adjacent to Namibia, which have consistently supported the liberation movement of the people of Namibia and in many cases have sustained a large number of casualties and a substantial destruction of property. 55. My delegation strongly condemns these inhuman policies of South Africa in Namibia and is convinced that such policies will ultimately fail to prevent the irreversible process of self-determination and independence in the Territory. We further condemn South Africa for its repeated aggression against the independent African States adjacent to Namibia, which have consistently supported the liberation movement of the people of Namibia and in many CCises have sustained a large number of casualties and a substantial destruction of property. 56. There is no need to state that the illegality of the South African Government's presence in Namibia is re- iterated in all the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations and in the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice. Namibia is an international Territory under the direct responsibility of the United Nations, and the United Nations Council for Namibia is the only legal authority over the Territory until independence. My delega- tion supports the policies and programmes of the Council aimed at promoting the cause of self-determination and independence for the people of Namibia. 56. There is no need to state that the illegality of the South African Government's presence in Namibia is re- iterated in all the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations and in the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice. Namibia is an international Territory under the direct responsibility of the United Nations, and the United Nations Council for Namibia is the only legal authority over the Territory until independence. My delega- tion supports the policies and programmes of the Council aimed at promoting the cause of self-determination and independence for the people of Namibia. 57. Last December, in an attempt to delay the achieve- ment of independence by the Namibians and to confuse world public opinion, the Pretoria regime, in violation of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) of 30 January 1976, and 439 (1978) of 13 November 1978, held illega elections in Namibia. These elections, which were clearly conducted in disregard of the framework laid down by the United- Nations, were intended to safeguard the interests of South Africa by bringing to power the Democratic Turn- halle Alliance, a group of South Africa's puppets in the Territory. These manoeuvres were designedby South Africa to perpetuate its political and economic stranglehold over the Territory, and to deprive the Namibians of their inalienable right to self-determination and independence My delegation joins the international community in con demning these illegal elections and considersthem null and void. We believe that the only acceptable political solution of the Namibian question requires unconditional termina tion of South Africa's presence in Namibia and the withdrawal of its occupation forces, as well as its illega administration, from the Territory. 57. Last December, in an attempt to delay the achieve- ment of independence by the Namibians and to confuse world public opinion, the Pretoria regime, in violation of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) of 30 January 1976, and 439 (1978) of 13 November 1978, held illegal elections in Namibia. These elections, which were clearly conducted in disregard of the framework laid down by the United" Nations, were intended to safeguard the interests of South Africa by bringing to povv--er the Democratic Turn- halle Alliance, a group of South Africa's puppets in the Territory. These manoeuvres were designed by South Africa to perpetuate its political and economic stranglehold over the Territory, and to deprive the Namibians of their inalienable right to self-detenr.ination and independence. My delegation joins the international community in con- demning these illegal elections and considers them null and void. We believe that the only acceptable political solution of the Namibian question requires unconditional termina- tion of South Africa's presence in Namibia and the withdrawal of its occupation forces, as well as its illegal administration, from the Territory. 58. The people of Namibia must be giventhe opportunity to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and 58. The people of Namibia must be given the opportunity to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and 59. In this regard, my delegation would like to state that the role of SWAPO is indispensable to any negotiations leading to the independence of the Territory. The Govern- ment of the Islamic Republic of Iran is fully committed to extendmg its moral and political support to SWAPO, the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people, in its just struggle against colonialism, imperialism and foreign domination. 61. Relying on the continuous collaboration and support of some Western and other States, South Africa has systematically strengthened its military build-up in Namibia with the intention of exploiting and plundering the economic and human resources of the Territory, as well as preserving and safeguarding the interests of imperialism in South Africa. Continuation of the present policy would have never been possible without this active support and collaboration in South Africa's illegal hold over Namibia and its continued violation of the most elementary human rights of the African people. 60. As regards the South African Government's claim on Walvis Bay, we believe that Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia. Therefore, any attempts on the part of the apartheid regime to annex Walvis Bay to its territory would be illegal, contrary to the territorial integrity of Namibia and an act of aggression against the Namibian people. 61. Relying on the continuous collaboration and support of some Western and other States, South Africa has systematically strengthened its military build-up in Namibia with the intention of exploiting and plundering the economic and human resources of the Territory, as well as preserving and safeguarding the interests of imperialism in South Africa. Continuation of the present policy would have never been possible without this active support and 62. It is ironical to note that some of South Africa's collaborators, which consider themselves promoters of human rights around "ie world, have on numerous occa- sions blocked the adoption of appropriate measures by the United Nations to put an end to South Africa's occupation of Namibia and its inhuman policies in the Territory. coll~boration in South Africa's illegal hold over Namibia and its continued violation of the most elementary human rights of the African people. 63. The time has come to mobilize all the international efforts with a view to terminating the illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia and supporting the Namibians in their just and legitimate struggle to free themselves from colonial domination and to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. To that end my Government stands ready to give its full support to all appropriate measures, including the application of the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, to impose mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa. 62. It is ironical to note that some of Sedth Africa's collaborators, which consider themselves promoters of human rights around ·~le world, have on numerous occa- sions blocked the adoption of appropriate measures by the United Nations to put an end to South Africa's occupation of Namibia and its inhuman policies in the Territory. 63. The time has come to mobilize all the international efforts with a view to tenninating the illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia and supporting the Namibian3 in their just and legitimate struggle to free themselves from colonial domination and to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. To that end my Government stands ready to give its full support to all appropriate measures, including the application of the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, to impose mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa. 64. It is our earnest hope that the present resumed session of the General Assembly will be instrumental in taking a significant step towards enabling the Namibian people freely to determine their future and achieve independence in Namibia.

The General Assembly has resumed its debate on Namibia, in accordance with the provisions of resolution 33/182 A" at a very critical juncture, not only from the point of view of the developments concerning Nar.ubia but also from those concerning southern Africa in general. It illalso most timely that the 64. It is our earnest hope that the present resumed session of the General Assembly will be instrumental in taking a significant step towards enabling the Namibian people freely to determine their future and achieve independence in Namibia.

The General Assembly has resumed its debate on Namibia, in accordance with the provisions of resolution 33/182 Ao at a very critical juncture, not only from the point of view of the developments concerning Nar.i.U"j"" but also from those concerning southern Africa in ge~~ral. It illalso most timely that the 66. Eleven years ago, in 1966, the Uni Assembly took the important decision Mandate of South Africa over Namibia. the United Nations General Assemb United Nations Council for Namibia, one of the founding members, as the sol the Territory until Namibia attained gen 67. During the last decade, the quest continuously engaged the concern o community, within and outside th through the activities of the United N Namibia, the United Nations Commis and during the last two years through th Western countries. 66. Eleven years ago, in 1966, the United Nations General Assembly took the important decision of terminating the Mandate of South Africa over Namibia. It was in 1967 that the United Nations General Assembly established the United Nations Council for Namibia, of which Turkey is one of the founding members, as the sole legal authority for the Territory until Namibia attained genuine independence. 68. In the discharge of its primary maintaining international peace and se Council has on several occasions cons prevailing in Namibia and the future o history of the United Nations and reso General Assembly and the Security Namibia clearly indicate the determi efforts of the international community Africa's illegal occupation of the intern Namibia, to end South Africa's cruel an sion of the Namibian people as well a the natural resources of the Territory Africa's attempts to install a puppet reg and, above all, to ensure that the people their inalienable right to self-determi dence. 67. During the last decade, the qUtstion of Namibia has continuously engaged the concern of the international community, within and outside the United Nations, through the activities of the United Nations Council for Namibia, the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia, and during the last two years through the efforts of the five Western countries. 68. In the discharge of its primary responsibw'Y for maintaining internatio~al peace and security, the Security Council has on several occasions considered the situation prevailing in Namibia and the future of the Territory. The history of the United Nations and resolutions of both the General Assembly and the Security Council concerning Namibia clearly indicate the determined and dedicated efforts of the international community to terminate South Africa's illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia, to end South Africa's cruel and inhuman suppression of the Namibian people as well as its exploitation of the natural resources of the Territory, to prevent South Africa's attempts to install a puppet regime in the Territory and, above all, to ensure that the people of Namibia achieve their inalienable right to self·determination and independence. 69. In the course of the last decad Africa has at all times managed to flou and it has challenged the will of the munity through its defiant and intransig 70. The five Western Powers have pro internationally acceptable settlement Namibia as a result of intensive wor among the parties concerned. Those pro March 1978,2 which foresee transitio after elections held under the supervisio United Nations, were adopted by the Se resolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). 69. In the course of the last decade, however, South Africa has at all times managed to flout those resolutions, and it has challenged the will of the international community through its defiant and intransigent attitude. 2Ibid., Supplement for April, May r!UJ 8/12636. 70. The five Western Powers have produced a plan for an internationally acceptable settlement of the question of Namibia as a result of intensive work and consultations among the parties concerned. Those proposals, presented in March 1978,2 which foresee transition to independence after elections held under the supervision and control of tne United Nations, were adopted by the Security Council in itr resolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). 2Ibid.. Supplement for April. May r!UJ June 1978. document 8/12636. 72. Over the last five months, since the suspension of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly, the defiant attitude of South Africa has become more and more obvious, and the South African officials have continued to introduce new unilateral measures; they have given new interpretations and put forth new reservations on the United Nations plan, which has obstructed its implementation and prevented the United Nations Transition Assistance Group, which has already been set up according to the plan, from assuming its responsibilities in Namibia. This attitude finally culminated in South Africa's insistence on holding internal elections in Namibia in December 1978 in a unilateral decision taken despite the above-mentioned Security Council resolutions, which call for United Nations-supervised elections. The rejection by the international community of those elections as null and void emphasizes the emphatic determination of the General Assembly and the Security Council that the Namibian people shall exercise their inalienable right to selfdetermination and independence in a free and democratic manner and through elections supervisedand controlled by the United Nations. 72. Over the la>t fIve months, since the suspension of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly, the defiant attitude of South Africa has become more and more obvious, and the South African officials have continued to introduce new unilateral measures; they have given new interpretations and put forth new reservations on t..h.e United Nations plan, which has obstructed its implementation and nrevented the United Nations Transition Assistance Group, which has already been set up according to the plan, from assuming its responsibilities in Namibia. This attitude fmally culmina-ted in South Africa's insistence on holding internal elections in Namibia in December 1978 in a unilateral decision taken despite the above-mentioned Security Council resolutions, which call for United Nations-supervised elections. The rejection by the international community of those elections as null and void emphasizes the emphatic determination of the General Assembly and the Security Council that the Namibian people shall exercise their inalienable right to selfdetermination and independence in a free and democratic manner and through elections supervised and controlled by the United Nations. . .:- 73. Despite this determination of the international community, the illegal South African administration has recently bestowed extensive legislative and executive powers upon the so-called Constituent Assembly established as a result of the unilateral elections. These step-bystep moves of the South African authorities in defiance of United Nations resolutions leave no doubt that they are aimed at a unilateral settlement in Namibia which would exclude SWAPO-a settlement similar to the one established in Southern Rhodesia, which excludes the Patriotic Front. The recent elections held in Southern Rhodesia, which excluded the Patriotic Front, and the rumours that certain Powers may recognize those elections as well as the regime installed as a result, and that they may even take steps 73. Despite this determination of the international community, the illegal South African administration has recently bestowed extensive legislative and executive powers upon the so-called Constituent Assembly established as a result of the unilateral elections. These step-bystep moves of the South African authorities in defiance of United Nations resolutions leave no doubt that they are aimed at a unilateral settlement in Namibia which would exclude SWAPO-a settlement similar to the one established in Southern Rhodesia, which excludes the Patriotic Front. The recent elections held in Southern Rhodesia, which excluded the Patriotic Front, and the rumours that certain Powers may recognize those elections as well as the regime installed as a result, and that they may even take steps 3 See Officilll Records of the General Assembly, Ninth Special Session, PlenaryMeetings 2nd meeting, paras. 156-166. 74. In the light of the above-mentioned facts, it would not be wrong to conclude that the situation in southern Mrica-that is, in Namibia and Zimbabwe-is continuously deteriorating. It is deteriorating because the minority racist regimes are making no effort to achieve genuine and just solutions that could receive international acceptance, but are instead attempting to apply so-called majority rule by introducing internal settlements that are inadequate to bring about true democratic c;c:oieties. 75. At the same time, those minority regimes are attempting to escalate the violence and to internationalize the conflict. The persistent attacks against Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia are clear manifestations of this same intention. 76. The extremely complex and rapidly evolving situation in southern Africa in general, and in Namibia in particular, is very critical and therefore it imposes a primary individual and collective responsibility on each and every one of us. The international community must be more determined and unified than ever during this resumed session in the action to be taken against South Africa in the face 'of its flagrant violations of the will of the international com- munity. It now seems quite clear that South Africa is not interested in co-operating with the other parties concerned to bring about genuine independence for the people of Namibia in compliance with their true aspirations and through peaceful means. Under these circumstances, the adoption of effective and mandatory economic measures against South Africa seemsto be the only alternative to put pressure on and, it is to be hoped, to change the attitude of the South African authorities. My delegation firmly believes that it is high time for the Security Council, which is already seized of the subject, to take mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa as provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter· to complement the arms embargo already adopted against that country in Security Council resolution 418 (1977). This is a must,not only because of the nature of the prevailingsituation in Namibia, but also because of the credibility of this Organization, and especially of the Security Council, which has the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and se- curity. Here I should like to associate myselfwith the most appropriate recommendations made in this Assembly by the representative of Sweden regarding sanctions and to reiterate the view my delegation expressed at the thirty- third session {58th meetingI during the discussion of the question of Southern Rhodesia: that the sanctions to be adopted againstSouth Africa should be extended to include an oil embargo, since oil is not only an essential element of its military and economic strength but is also an .element 75. At the same time, those minority regimes are attempt- ing to escalate the viole:lce and to internationalize the conflict. The persistent attacks against Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia are clear manifestations of this same intention. Mr. Barton (Canada), Vic~President. took the Chair. 76. The extremely complex and rapidly evolving situation in southern Africa in general, and in Namibia in particular, is very critical and therefore it imposes a primary individual and collective responsibility on each and every one of us. The international community must be more determined and unifIed than ever during this resumed session in the action to be taken against South Africa in the face 'of its flagrant violations of the will of the international com- munity. It now seems quite clear that South Africa is not interested in co-operating with the other parties concerned to bring about genuine independence for the people of Namibia in compliance with their true aspirations and through peaceful means. Under these circumstances, the adoption of effective and mandatory economic measures against South Africa seems to be the only alternative to pui pressure on and, it is to be hoped, to change the attitude of the South African authorities. My delegation firmly believes that it is high time for the Security Council, which is already seized of the subject, to take mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa as proVided for under Chapter VII of the Charter to complement the arms embargo already adopted against that country in Security Council resolution 418 (1977). This is a must, not only because of the nature of the prevailing situation in Namibia, but alw because of the credibility of this Organization, and especially of the Security Council, which has the primary responsibility "ior maintaining international peace and s:,. curity. Here I should like to associate myselfwith the most appropriate recommendations made in this Assembly by the representative of Sweden regarding sanctions and to reiterate the view my delegation expressed at the thirty- third session {58th meetingI during the· discussion of the question of Southern Rhodesia: that the sanctions to be adopted against South Africa should be extended to include an oil embargo, since oil is not only an essential element of its military and economic strength but is also an .element 7~. We recognize SWAPO as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people. We commend SWAPO for its courageous struggle, for its just cause, on the one hand, and on the other for the goodwill, and the spirit of co-operation and flexibility that it has shown all along in striving to achieve its legitimate aspirations within the framework of a peaceful solution on the basis of United Nations resolutions. We reject any so-called internal settle- ment in Namibia and urge effective measures to prevent a fait accompli to impose such a settlement. We believe that the territorial integrity of Namibia should be reaffirmed, and we unequivocally condemn the illegal annexation of Walvis Bay by South Africa. We still continue to believe that a peaceful settlement can best be reached in the conditions spelled out in the relevant Security Council resolutions, which call for, among other things, free and unfettered exercise by the Namibian people of their right to self-determination and independence within a united Namibia. We certainly support all efforts m3:d~ in this direction and will continue to do so. 79. Finally, I would like to express the great importance we attach to the successful efforts of the United Nations Council for Namibia in protecting and promoting the legitimate interests of the Namibian people. I would like at this point to pay a special tribute to the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Ambassador Lusaka of Zambia, for his inspiring and dynamic leadership as well as his sincere and dedicated efforts for the cause of the Namibian people. 79. Finally, I would like to express the great importance we attach to the successful efforts of the United Nations Council for Namibia in protecting and promoting the legitimate interests of the Namibian people. I would like at this point to pay a special tribute to the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Ambassador Lusaka of Zambia, for his inspiring and dynamic leadership as well as his sinceze and dedicated effort3 for the cause of the Namibian people. 80. As a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, we actively take part in its activities. Turkey was pleased to receive a mission representing the United Nations Council for Namibia last March. In the course of that visit to Turkey, a fruitful exchange ofviews was held concerning the recent developments in Namibia as well as the implica- tions of South Africa's defiance of United Nations resolu- tions. 81. Before I conclude, I find it a pleasant duty also to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, to the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia, Mr. Martti Ahtisaari, to the representatives of the fiveWestern Powers, and to the front-line and other African countries directly concerned for the untiring and constructive efforts they have made with a view to seeking a negotiated settlement of the issue. We certainly hope that their endeavours in this regard can still be given a chance to achieve the ultimate goaL 80. As a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, we actively take part in its activities. Turkey was pleased to receive a mission representing the United Nations Council for Namibia last March. In the course of that visit to Turkey, a fruitful exchange ofviews was held concerning the recent developments in Namibia as well as the implica- tions of South Africa's defiance of United Nations resolu- tions. 81. Before I conclude, I fmd it a pleasant duty also ·~o pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, to the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia, Mr. Martti Ahtisaari, to the representatives of the five Western Powers, and to the front-line and other African countries directly concerned for the untiring and constructive efforts they have made with a view to seeking a negotiated settlement of the issue. We certainly hope that their endeavours in this regard can still be given a chance to achieve the ultimate goaL

As we wind up yet another exhaustive consideration of the question of Namibia, I wish to join the distinguished colleagues who preceded me in expressing deep appreciation of the untiring efforts of our distinguished Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to bring about through peaceful means an , iL._~._.-_... __~.__ .. --- - - -------- -.- ----- •.._----_.- ---- .--

As we wind up yet another exhaustive consideration of the question of Namibia, I wish to join the distinguished colleagues who preceded me in expressing deep apprecia~ion of the untiring efforts of our distinguished Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to bring about through peaceful means an 84. Similarly, may I highly comme here by the distinguished Chairman tee against Apartheid, Ambassador Nigeria [BOth meeting], and the C Committee on the Situation with reg tion of the Declaration on the Grant Colonial Countries and Peoples, Am Salim of the United Republic of Ta both of whom have lucidly outlin their respective committees to th Namibian people, the eradication o nization in general. 83. We wish, likewise, to commend highly the leadershirprovided in the Council for Namibia, of which Cyprus is proud to be a member, by its President, Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia. His statement to the Genera1 Assembly [97th meeting] has reflected fully the contribution of the Council to the just cause of the people of Namibia, and may I op this occasion state that we fully subscribe to the views expressed in his statement. 84. Similarly, may I highly commend the statements made here by the distinguished Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Ambassador Leslie O. Harriman of Nigeria [80th meeting], and the Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim of the United R~public of Tanzania [8Ist meeting!, both of whom have lucidly outlined the contribution of their respective committees to the just struggle of the Namibian people, the eradication of apartheid and decolonization in general. 85. In addressing the General Asse item on 12 December 1978 [BO occasion to obser..e that despite the by the South African regime of the were witnessing the materialization o Jf the racist regime to hold its ow Namibia without any United Natio trol. The fact, we added, that South those elections despite the warnin tions. of the Security Council, sho doubts as to South Africa's sinceri another basic reason for immediate by the Security Council, as provide of the Charter. 85. In addressing the General Assembly on this important item on 12 December 1978 [80th meeting], we had occasion to obser..e that despite the announced acceptance by the South African regime of the Western proposals, we were witnessing the materialization of the arbitrary decision Jf the racist regime to hold its own so-called elections in Namibia without any United Nations supervision or control. The fact, we added, that South Africa proceeded with those elections despite the warnings and the condemnations of the Security Council, should give rise to serious doubts as to South Africa's sincerity and constituted yet another basic reason for immediate and effective responses by the Security Council, as provided cor under Chapter VII of the Charter. 86. Regrettably, the events that f fully justified our anxieties. It is b South . Africa succeeded in effec prospects of success of this initi Secretary-General's proposals. Yet why it is that the racist Pretoria reg persist in its illegal occupation of N sinister practices of bantustanizati nation, even extending its aggressio States. 86. Regrettably, the events that followed that statement fully justified our anxieties. It is by now clear to all that South Africa succeeded in effectively torpedoing the prospects of success of this initiative by rejecting the Secretary-General's proposals. Yet it is interesting to ask why it is that the racist Pretoria regime finds it possible to persist in its illegal occupation of Namibia and intensify its sinister practices of bantustanization and racial discrimination, even extending its aggression against. the front-line States. 87. I would respectfully submit th lack of more determined action b through extension of the manda South Africa to make them compreh regime seems to have been embolde escalating even further its sinister people of Namibia as well as aga front-line States and the majo~;~A 88. In the light of the above, it sh all that it is high time for the Secu fully to its primary responsibilities 87. I would respectfully submit that it is because of the lack of more determined action by the Security Council through extension of the mandatory sanctions against South Africa to make them comprehensive that the Pretoria regime seems to have been emboldened into continuing and escalating even further its sinister practices against the people of Namibia as well as against the peoples of the front-lir.e States and the majo~;~Mrican people of Azania. 88. In the light of the above, it should by now be clear to all that it is high time for the Security Council to face up fully to its primary responsibilities under the Charter, to 89. k our modest way, we shall continue, despite the hardships and adverse conditions prevailing in my country, to contribute regularly to the relevant United Nations programmes for Namibia. We shall continue co~sistently supporting the legitimate struggle of the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole and authentic representative. It is in this spirit that my delegation is a sponsor of draft resolution A/33/L.37. For we, the Cypriot people, in the tight of our bitter experience, fully understand the suffering and the ordeal of the people of Namibia. We understand. That is why we strongly believe that the Security Council should proceed with determination and without any further delay to impose, in addition to the arms embargo, comprehensive mandatory sanctions, in particular a full on embargo, as well as other economic sanctions, ag"1nst the Pretoria regime. It is solely through such comprehensive and effective action by the Security Council that our resolutions and decisions will be translated into reality and the struggle of the oppressed pec;>le of Namibia, the struggles of all the oppressed pecples of the world, will at long last be Vindicated. 90. After so many years of debate, there is indeed unanimity in this Assemblyabout the urgent need to put an end to South Africa's occupation of Namibia and to effect the immediate eradication of the evil of apartheid. Scores of resolutions have been adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council on this or other situations endangering international peace and security. These resolutions, and even unanimous resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council, remain totally unimplemented, 90. After so many years of debate, there is indeed unanimity in this Assembly about the urgent need to put an end to South Africa's occupation of Namibia and to effect the immediate eradication of the evil of apartheid. Scores of resolutions have been adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council on this or other situations endangering international peace and security. These resol1;1- tions, and even unanimous resolutidns of the General Assembly and of the Security Council, remain totally unireplemented. 91. Will the United Nations meet the challenge and, before it is too late, act decisively to implement those resolutions? Or will the General Assembly and the Security Council continue to adopt one resolution after another without taking any corresponding ac-ion under the provisionsof the Charter to bring about the due implementation of those decisions, thus encouraging the continuation and even the intensification of the evils of apartheid and more acts of aggression? That is the challenge before us. 92. I wish to express the hope that the members of the Security Council will at long last not fail to recognize this imperative need. Let us hope that the Security Council will meet the challenge, in the interests of the people of Namibia, in the interests ofthe United Nations itself and in the interests of the world community. 91. Will the United Nations meet the challenge and, before it is too late, act decisively to implement those resolutions? Or will the General Assembly and the Security Council continue to adopt one resolution after another without taking any corresponding ac~on under the provisions of the Charter to bring about the due implementation of those decisions, thus encouraging the continuation and even the intensificaLion of the evils of apartheid and more acts of aggression? That is the challenge before us.

This resumed thirty-third session of the General Assembly, which is devoted to a 92. I wish to express the hope that the members of the Security Council will at long last not fail to recognize this imperative need. Let us hope t..ltat the Security Council will meet the challenge, in the interests of the p-Jople of Namibia, in the interests ofthe United Nations itself and in the interests of the world community.

This resumed thirty-third session of the Gene!'al Assembly, which is devoted to a 94. Efforts to reach an intematio~yacceptable resalution of the Namibian question have been frustrated by the intransigenc~ of the Pretoria regime and by its defiance of the expressed will and wishes of the international community. Its sponsorship of the so-~ned national elections in Namibia, the brazen move undertaken to g8in a measure of de facto internat!onal acceptance of the Democratic Tumhalle Alliance and similar affiliated parties through its participation in proximity talks and its present attempt to convene a so-called National Assembly clearly demonstrate that the racist regime is bent on implementing its own brand of mtilateral declaration of independence in respect of Namibia and an internal settlement on the lan Smith model in Rhodesia. 95. These disturbing developments raise the very searching question as to whether, the entire two-year negotiating exercise'was not utilized by the racist regime as simply another political ploy to achieve delays, the better to consolidate its economic, political and strategic control over the Namibian people. It is n:r:·'t"l impossible to avoid this conclusion. 96. My delegation calls on the five Western countries which have been involved in the initiative in respect of Namibia to face the CG.1Q'!quences of this conclusion and the implications in terms of their own possible action in the future on this issue. In this connexion, recent discussions.ill some Western countries on the question of unilateral lifting of United Nations sanctions against Southern Rhodesia, and even on the question of recognition of the government established as a result of the fraudulent election in that country, must be regarded as inimical to both the shortterm and long-term interests of the people of Namibia. 95. These disturbing developments raise the very searching q~estion as to whether, the entire two-year negotiating exercise 'was not utilized by the racist regime as simply another political ploy to achieve delays, the better to consolidate its economic, political and strategic control over the Namibian people. It is n~··rl impossible to avoid this conclusion. 96. My delegation calls on ~he five Western countries which have been inv,,'ved in the initiative in respect of Namibia to face the CG.J'l~qllences of this conclusion and the implications in terms of their own possible action in the future on this issue. III this connexion, recent discussions.in some Western countries on the question of unilateral lifting of United Nations sanctions against Southern Rhodesia, and even on the question of re.cognition of the government established as a result of the fraudulent election in that country, must be regarded as inimical to both the shortterm and long-term interests of the people of Namibia. .. 97. Jamaica's unequivocal commitment to the liberation struggle in sout!lern Africa has been repeatedly affi~ed in various international forums. We have consistently supported all international action designed to ensure the exercise of their legitimate political rights and the unimpeded control of their destinies by the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa itself. Most recently this firm commitment found expression in the convening in Jamaica of a meeting of the Special Committee against Apartheid to honour Caribbean patriots who in the past played a significant role in the struggle for justice and racial equality in Africa. , .. 97. Jamaica's unequivocal commitment to the liberation struggle in southern Africa has been repeatedly affirmed in various international forums. We have consistently supported all international action designed to ensure the exercise of their legitimate political rights and the unimpeded control of their destinies by the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa itself. Most recently this firm commitment found expression in the conveningin Jamaica of a meeting of the Special Committee against Apartheid to honour Caribbean patriots who in the past played a significant role in the struggle for justice and racial equality in Africa. 98. It is fitting that my delegation should use this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Council for Namibia, under the distinguished leadership of Ambassador Paul Lusaka, for its unstinting devotion to the cause which has 98. It is fitting that my delegation should use this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Council for Namibia, under the distinguished leadership of Ambassador Paul Lusaka, for its unstinting devotion to the cause which has co••• there is currently an ominous spectre of war, more bloody than ever before and bearing ghastly consequences not only for our people and country but also for the rest of southern Africa, for Africa as a whole, and indeed for the world at large." [97th meeting, para. 50.J 99. The valiant struggle of the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO must be commended. SWAPO's fmn ami responsible position throughout the entire period of negotiations with South Africa has earned for it the full respect and admiration of the international community. My delegation is in full accord with the recent statement made by Mr. Sam Nujoma to this Assembly which highlighted the necessity for urgent action. He said: 100. It is now time for the United Nations and particularly the Security Council to take concrete action. 101. As we have already stated, it is clear that years of continuous effort to secure the unconditional termination of South Africa's illegal control over Namibia have so far been futile. The racist regime in Pretoria has made one thing clear: it will not yield to moral suasion or even to pqlitical pressure by the international community. Indeed it has recently declared its concept of a constellation of States to include Zimbabwe and Namibia. Its offer of substantial military and economic aid to Zimbabwe reveals the basic design of Pretoria in respect ofsouthern Africa and its hope of subjecting the peoples of the region to a satellite relationship. co••• there is currently an ominous spectre of war, more bloody than ever before and bearing ghastly consequences not only for our people and country but also for the rest of southern Africa, for Africa as a whole, and indeed for the world at large." [97th meeting, para. 50.J 100. It is now time for the United Nations and particularly the Security Council to take concrete action. 101. As we have already stated, it is clear that years of continuous effort to secure the unconditional termination of South Africa's illegal control over Namibia have so far been futile. The racist regime in Pretoria has made one thing clear: it will not yield to moral suasion or even to 102. In the view of my delegation the United Nations must now take action under Chapter VII of the Charter to deal with the grave threat to world peace posed by South Africa's continued intransigence. p~litical pressure by the international community. Indeed it has recently declared its concept of a constellation of States to include Zimbabwe and Namibia. Its offer of substantial military and economic aid to Zimbabwe reveals the basic design of Pretoria in respect of southern Africa and its hope of subjecting the peoples of the region to a satellite relationship. 103. As one of the sponsors of the draft resolution contained in document A/33/L.37, my delegation strongly supports the call for the Security Council co••• to convene urgently to take enforcement measures against South Africa, as provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter, in order to ensure South Africa's compliance with the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations on Namibia." 102. In the view of my delegation the United Nations must now take action under Chapter VII of the Charter to deal with the grave threat to world peace posed by South Africa's continued intransigence. 103. As one of the sponsors of the draft resolution contained in document A/33/L.37, my delegation strongly supports the call for the Security Council co••• to convene urgently to take enforcement measures against South Africa, as prOVided for under Chapter VII of the Charter, in order to ensure South Africa's compliance with the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations on Namibia." 1. 105. In addition, we join with continued moral, material and SWAPO, and in urging the inte refuse to recognize or to co-oper illegal National Assembly or any to impose upon the Namibian peop 106. In giving its full support Government stands fully commit solidarity with and support for th the realization of the legitimate asp people. 105. In addition, we join with others in calling for continued moral, material and fmancial assistance to SWAPO, and in urging the international commu-'!ity to refuse to recognize or to co-operate in any way with the illegal National Assembly or any entity Pretoria may seek to impose upon the Namibian people.

We have the debate on agenda item 27. Ho explanation of vote before the vo on draft resolution A/33/L.37 and the next meeting. 106. In giving its full support to those measures, rr.y Government stands fully committed to strengthening its solidarity with and support for the liberation struggle ana thE' realization of the legitimate aspirations of the Narnibian people. 108. I call on the representative o explanation of vote before the vote 109. Mr. MANSFIELD (United K of vote, the Governments of Can Republic of Germany, the United States wish to reaffirm their unab early implementation by the Secr Council resolution 435 (1978). T Governments have undertaken pursue to bring about an interna pendence for Namibia is at a velY want it complicated by our ta substance of the draft resolution on purely procedural grounds, a well-known positions, our five d the vote on the draft resolution.

We have heard the last speaker in the debate on agenda item 27. However, we shall hear one explanation of vote before the vote at this meeting. Votin~ on draft resolution A/33/L.37 and Add.l will take place at the next meeting. 108. I call on the representative of the United Kingdom in explanation of vote before the vote.

In explanation of vote, the Governments of Canada, France, the Federal Republic of Gennany, the United Kingdom end the United States wish to reaffirm their unabated commitment to the early implementation by the Secretary-General of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The initiative which our Governments have undertaken and are determined to pursue to bring about an internationally recognized independence for Namibia is at a velY critical stage. We do not want it complicated by our taking a position on the substance of the draft resolution before us. Consequently, on purely procedural grounds, and notwithstanding our well·known positions, our five delegations will abstain in the vote on the draft resolution. The meetingrose at 12.25 p.m: