A/33/PV.56 General Assembly

In its resolution 3068 (XXVIII), the Gel1.eral Assembly qualified apartheid as a crime against humanity. In fact apartheid is a by-product of colonialism, dt~signed to carry to the extreme plunder and exploitation fo,r the benefit of the racist white minority and international ;.mperialism. The r!icist minority regime of South Africa commits the most serious crimes against the South African people and against mankind. It threatens, invades and attacks neighbouring countries, flouts the decisions of the international com- munity, and thus constitutes a threat to international peace and security. 2. Following the logic of its abject policy, the racist Pretoria regime, since the Soweto massacre in June i976, has intensified its brutal repression against the opponents of its regime. We shall n9t dwell on a description of its arsenal of repressive laws since the international community is acquainted with all its details, thanks to the relevant studies that have been undertaken each year by the Special Committee against Apartheid for over a decade. We merely wish to bring to the attention of Members of the United Nations the recent measures taken by the racist South African regime, namely: bannings and house arrests imposed on the leaders and organizations of the black South African trade unions: mass arrests of leaders of liberation movements; the delegation to the Government, as in time of war, of special powers enabling it in times of internal strife-and we know what the racist regi.me understands by internal strife-to censor all postal, tele- graphic and telephone communications; and a 'prohibition on instituting proceedings against the State or against State NEW YOlK officials for acts committed for the purpose of repressing or putting an end to disturbances. We know, moreover, from the recent trials and the deaths of defendants in prison, that torture is being used more and more frequently. 3. This repression has compelled hundreds of South African students to seek asylum in neighbouring African countries. Assistance should be given to these young people so that they can conth"1i.le their studies. 4. The creation of bantustans is also part and parcel of this senseless policy. I need hardly stress that even in the bantustans there are reserved areas. The Members ot the United Nations have not been deceived by the masquerade organized by Vorster and his acolytes, who, moreover, are the only ones to recognize the alleged i~dependence of the Transkei; the so-called State of Bophuthatswana is also doomed to suffer the same fate. S. The application of all these cynical laws transfonns the non-white South African into an immigrant worker Lt). his own country, inasmuch as he is only authorized to work in the areas reserved for the whites. 6. We fail to understand how for over 30 years the international community has tolerated such a ludicrous state of affairs. However, the racist South African regime is visibly in a panic and jumping about like a cat on a hot tin roof, because 2it is harassed by the insurgence of an intransigent opposition inside the country, subject to increasing external pressures, and more and more concerned at the advance and the triumphs of the liberation move- ments on its frontiers. It h2S considerably increased its military and police forces to face up to its adversaries. It seeks unceasingly, by all possible means, to acquire a nuclear capacity in the hope of intimidating the African continent. 7. While intensifying internal repression, South Africa, in its diabolical plans of domination, does not spare the neighbOUring countries. It has launched savage Md repeated attacks against Angola, Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and Lesotho, thus violating the territorial integrity of those countries. 8. No one doubts that the regime of Botha and Vorster remains in power through force and criminal repression, and that as long as it remains in power, it will be a serious threat to the world. It is for this reason that the inter- national community decided many years ago to unite its efforts in order to isolate Pretoria and to create favnurable conditions for the replacement of the systeI1l of arbitrary repression by a more"just system, .which would meet the aspirations of the majority of the population, a system that would be more human because it would be founded on the dignity and respect of man. A/33/PV.S6 10. Faced with that shameful situation, which has now been aggravated by, on the one hand, the escalation of the blind repression of the indige~ous populations and, on the other, subversive acts committed. against the front-line States and the preparation of armed aggression against the independent African States, the General Assembly must, fust, call on all the States Members of the United Uations to refrain from any military co-operation with the reac- tionary Pretoria regime, in conformity with Security Council resolution 418 (1977). To that end we address a pressing appeal to certain Western Powers to request their corporations to cease all their collaborationist activities with South Mrica; to end all deliveries of aircraft, weapons and nuclear technology to South Africa; to recall their military attaches posted in South Africa; and to ask South African military attaches to leave their territory. On the other hand, increased military assistance should be placed at the disposal of the liberation movements, the legitimacy of whose struggle for freedom is no longer open to question. Secondly, the General Assembly must call upon the States Members of the United Nations to end all economic collaboration with South Africa by prohibiting all investments and all exchanges of trade missions, by ceasing to provide facilities and installations to airlines and shipping companies serving South Africa and, above all, by imposing an embargo on the supply of petroleum. On the other hand, substantial economic facilities should be given to the front-line countries to strengthen their defence potential, thus enabling them to play their role as secure rearguard bases for the just liberation struggle of the oppressed population. The General Assembly must, thirdly, call on Member States to increase the efforts to end all sports or cultural relations which could serve even to a small degree as 3n endorsement of the Pretoria regime. Fourthly, the Assembly must reaffirm its condemnation of the policy of bantustanization and maintain its vigilance against the imposition of this policy on the brave peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe. 11. I could not leave this rostrum without thanking Mr. Harriman of Nigeria, the Chairman of the Special Committee Against Apartheid, and the other members of that CO.lllmittee, who, despite all the difficulties they have encountered, have discharged their task, as is borne out by the Committee's latest report fA/33/22 and Corr.l], now before the General Assembly for consideration.

The total decolonization of our large and beautiful continent of Africa is a major concern of all the African peoples. It is a supreme and revolutionary duty to tolerate no longer on 13. The racist minority regimes of Rhodesia and South Africa are the major bridge-head of imperialist, colonialist and neo-colonialist domination in Africa. Security and peace can never be maintained in Africa without the total and final elimination of the entire system of foreign domination, of which apartheid is the most inhuman and barbaric expression. 14. If apartheid is to be combated more effectively on the international level, it must be examined in its true light. If the international community does not commit itself reso- lutely to taking that step; it is clear that any real progress in the process of the struggle against the scourge will neCeSSCi!i1y be limited. Apartheid is not merely racism or raciai discrimination in its most simplistic connotation. Apartheid is not merely a denial of freedom, of the right to work, of the right to culture, and so on. Apartheid is not merely a problem of the violation of human rights as understood in the Western countries. It is the duty of the international community as a whole~ firmly deternlined to combat this scourge, to cease viewing apartheid in that mechanical and superficial light, which gives an incorrect picture of a more complex and deeper reality, a reality lived daily by the overwhelming oppressed black majority, making up 80 per cent of the population of South Africa. 15. Apartheid is much more than that. Apartheid is the institutionalized expression of the ideology of the white settlers, who established themselves in South Mrica after a long period of military conquest. The true face ofapartheid can be se~n when we look at the role played by this heinous regime in the global strategy of international imperialism in Africa as a whole. Apartheid is a by-product of capitalist imperialism, pushed to the point of satanic perfection, where the structures and the superstructures are put together in a sophisticated way to constitute one of the most hateful systems of foreign domination, political oppression and the exploitation of man by man. . 16. That fairer and more objective way of approa9hing the problems of apartheid poir.ts out to us the most appro- priate way to take into account all the faces of a system of foreign domination that is inextricably connected with the concerns of capitalist imperialism. First of all, apartheid is a system of undivided political domination by a white minority which derives its source from the very first bloody contacts between Europe and the indigenous popuiations of South Mrica. The South African racists, whose distant ancestors are th~ German, Dutch, English and French settlers and adventurers that were the first to violate the sacred soil of that part of our continent, have used-and indeed perfected-the same inhuman and cruel methods utilized by Europe in the major invasions of the fifth century. We are all aware of the many cases of bloody resistance to which the colonial conquest of South Africa gave rise. 17. It is moral deception to give, gratuitously and lightly, the title of"independent State" to this system, which denies all their fundamental rights to the indigenous 'black majority of that part of our continent. It was an historical error committed against Africa to have allowed that 18. The concrete elements of colonialist reality exist on South African ~~oil. In the name of what system have the indigenous people of South Africa been deprived of their political rights? In the name of what system has a white minority been able to impose its domination on a majority through force of arms and bloody repression? In the name of what system are 80 per cent of the people of the country placed on arid and sterile land and condemned to poverty, sickness and slow death? In the name of what system is the black labour force subjected to discriminatory regulations? It is precisely against that colonial system that peoples which cherish justice and freedom have struggled vigorously to regain their freedom and independence. 19. The security and peace of Africa, so dear to my own country, the People's Republic of Benin, necessarily require the elimination of the colonialist system of apartheid. The racists of Pretoria are elements totally alien to our continent. We deny the henchmen of Pretoria the title "African"; they are history's imposters. 20. The Western Powers, which are satisfied with verbal condemnations, are so linked to that odious system that their mechanical statements can only be seen as lies, subterfuge and hypocrisy. The multifarious collaboration and deceitful involvement of those Powers in the affairs of the odious apartheid regime are well known to all. 21. The struggle against apartheid must be accompanied by denunciation and condemnation of those protecting the apartheid system. The responsibility of those Powers for the daily tragedy afflicting the black peoples of the Transvaal, Orange Free State, Cape Town, Natal and Transkei is enormous. 22. Apartheid is also and above all a system of economic exploitation in which multinational companies of the capitalist countries try by all possible means to maximize their profits. A huge amount of American, British and other capital is invested daily in the disgraceful exploitation of the resources of South Africa, which is sufficient indication of the capitalist policy of the racist State of Pretoria and the intentions of hs Western allies. 23. In military and strategic terms apartheid is a regime dreamed up to keep Africa, thanks to this vantage-point, indefmitely within the imperialist and capitalist orbit in order to perpetuate the aggression and create insecurity in the rest of Africa. That is why, despite Security Council resolution 418 (1977), the Western Powers are maintaining their contacts in supplying weapons to and building nuclear reactors in South Africa. The imperialists, who know how to utilize blackmail and pressure to perfection, have already made it possible for South Africa to acquire the necessary capacity to produce atomic and conventional weapons on a broad scale. 24. Apartheid is a grave danger in Africa. It is a threat to the peace and security of our continent. 26. My delegation wishes to state clearly that the struggle against apartheid within the United Nations necessitates the adoption of radical measures against the Pretoria racists in order to prevent them from realizing their colonialist dream, inspired by their Western masters, which is to establish a racist bulwark, a security belt, by promoting the establishment of puppet regimes in Zimbabwe and Namibia. The manoeuvres of South Africa and its Western masters in those territories are well known. But Africa will never allow them to commit that heinous crime. 27. Apartheid, which is of its essence aggressive, carries within it the se~ds of potential wars with the rest of Africa. South Africa's repeated acts and threats of aggression against the People's Republic of Angola sufficiently demon- strate the dangerous nature of that system, powerfully supported as it is by international imperialism in order to perpetuate its domination over Africa. 28. In conclusion. my delegation would like to thank the members of the Special Committee againstApartheid and to appeal to them to continue their futensive efforts to reveal more clearly the deep roots ofapartheid and to propose the most effective measures for the total and final eradication of that scourge. The 'armed struggle being waged coura- geously by South African patriotsagainst the minority racist colonialist Pretoria regime is a. just struggle, and final victory will be theirs. Let us be ready for the revolution: the struggle continues.

The next speaker is the representative of the Pan Mricanist Congress of Azania{PAC). in accordance with the decision taken by the General Assembly at its 5th plenar; meeting, on 22 September 1978, I now call on him.

Mr. President, the PAC associates itself with the wen- deserved compliments which you have been paid since you were unanimously elected to the high office of President of this thirty-third session of.the General Assembly of the United Nations. We take this opportunity to convey eu. sincere gratitude to your predecessor, whose presidency was typified by, among other achievements, vigorous involve- ment in Africa's top priority-the liberation of those of our countries still under white-settler domination and colonial rule. 31. The past year has been a particularly eventful one for our struggle in Azania. We suffered the tragic blow of the passing of our people's national leader, the President of the 32. President Sobukwe's death was all the more tragic because it came about a few short months after his comrade-iD-arms, Steven Bantu ka Biko, was savagely murdered by South Africa's bloodthirsty police in Septem- ber of the previous year. When Biko died, President Sobukwe solemnly counselled: 'We must turn our grief into strength". And when our President died, the Secret3lY- General of the United Nations said that a life like Sobukwe's is never wasted. Mr. Kurt Waldheim said: "Even while we all mourn the tragic circumstances of his death we cannot fail to profit from the inspiring legacy of}w; life." Similar sentiments were expressed all over the world and by our people and freedom fighters inside Azania itself. The funeral and memorial services that were held for Sobukwe in Azania were all turned into massive political demon- strations. 38. That is an open challenge to the United Nations. If nothing is done about this arrogant challenge and other apartheid crimes, United' Nations resolutions against the apartheid regime are destined to become or-far less worth than the paper on which they are written. 39. Although it is true that South Africa's major trading partners and arms suppliers in the West continue to give succour to their apartheid ally, it is equally true that the people in those countries are growing increasingly incensed by the sanguinary oppression of the African masses in Azania and by the cynical compliance with apartheid colonialism of their Governments, transnational corpora- tions, banks and other business companies. Support for the Azanian people and their national liberation movements is growing daily throughout Western Europe and in North America. The International NGO ·Conference for Action against Apartheid, which met in Geneva from 28 to 31 August last, was unanimous in its support for the national liberation movements and the peoples of southern Africa. It adopted many important resolutions not only to aid the liberation movements but to combat apartheid in every corner of the world. The development of the struggle against apartheid here in the United States, the leader of the Western imperialists, is instructive concerning the forces that are lining lip to fight against diplomatic, economic, military and other Western involvement in South Africa. 33. Our people's indomitable spirit of struggle continues to make its force felt by our mortal enemy-apartheid colonialism. Such is its force that in September the neo-Nazi ruling clique secretly decided that Vorster, their ruthless helmsman for 12 years, was no longer strong I enough to carry on with his diabolical task. The leadership of the Fascist clique was passed on to the war-mongering Minister of Defence, Pieter Wilhem Botha. The change has done nothing to weaken our people's resolve to keep intensifying the struggle for liberation. 34. The imperialists moved in swiftly to shore up Botha with diplomatic support, but the people of the world, mspired by the struggling people ill Azania, have already dealt that imperialist initiative damaging blows. At the same time, the apartheid regime is racked with an internal crisis arising from a scandal on the criminal misuse of taxpayers' money. 40. Recently, the former United States Ambassador to Ghana, Franklin H. Williams, said in an article in Newsday of 26 September 1978: "The most articulate social protest movement since the Vietnam war is accelerating from coast to coast-the drive to force American business out of South Africa". Mr. Williams was commenting on the snowballing campaign for United States corporations to divest them- selves of their holdings in South Africa and end all bank Icms to the apartheid regime and South African industries. The campaign is based essentially in university campuses, and a number of those universities have already been forced to surrender their shares or sell stocks they hold in corporations with investments in South Africa. 35. A zealous judge of the South African Supreme Court investigating the smuggling of currency abroad found evidence not only leading to the involvement of'the Ministry under investigation but going right up to Vorster and P. W. Botha. The unfolding scandal also includes the hiring of professional killers and the ritual murder of a white parliamentary candidate and his wife, who threatened to expose the criminal dealings in foreign currency of his fellow National Party members during the election cam- paign last year. Botha has sacked the judge who passed this information to newspapers and has threatened the news- papers covering the scandal. As part of the cover-up exercise Botha is speedily reconvening the whites-only Parliament on 7 December to impose legislation. that will prevent such revelations in future. 41. The success of the campaign for the withdrawal of investments is such that South Africa has found it necessary to mount a massive counter-campaign through expensive advertisements in business publications such as The Wall Street Joumal and Fortune magazine. South African information offices in the United States are also bom- barding university campuses with heaps of anti-investment propaganda brochures, magazines and other papers. 36. Of particular concern to the international community must be the fact that these slush funds have been used not only for strengthening apartheid propaganda in South Africa but for promoting apartheid overseas. And here the United Nations has a duty to prevent the criminal activities of the apartheid regime abroad. 37. Apartheid South Africa's contempt for the inter- national community is well known but it m\!st not be 1 See document A/33/235 and Corr.I, annex I, resolution CM/Res.634 (XXXI). 43. To show that more and more peuple are convinced that economic sanctions should be applied against South Africa, I shall quote Franklin Williams, the former United States diplomat, who said in the article in Newsday that I have referred to: "If United States companies really want to promote racial equmty in South Africa they should pull out". That naturally applies to all foreign investors in South Africa. It is criminally deceptive to claim that foreign investors are in South Africa for the love of black people and not for love of the high profits provided by the apartheid system. Anti-apartheid activities similar to what is taking place in the United States are being initiated or developed further in Canada, all over Western Europe, in Australia and New Zealand and even in Japan. In Geneva, for instance, the Japanese Anti-Apartheid Committee sub- mitted a comprehensive paper on Japanese collaboration with South Africa and resolutely stated: "Thus we believe that the anti-apartheid struggle must take place within Japan". 44. At the level of the United Nations a number of the General ;.ssembly's Committees are seized of various obnoxious aspects of the South African apartheid regime's racist policies, but throughout the year it is the Special Committee against Apartheid and its secretariat wing, the Centre Against Apartheid, which maintain surveillance over the r6gime's wicked' practices inside South Africa and vigilance regarding collabordtion from abroad. The Commit- te~ also plays a leading role in a number of international activities against apartheid, particularly through participa- tion in conferences and direct approaches to Governments and organizations which continue to deal with South Africa. Consequently the Committee produces a good number of documents on apartheid, which provide useful ammunition for member States as well as supporters of our just struggle in other parts of the world. The PAC, therefore, fully supports the recommendation to expand the Committee and uprage its secretariat within the United Nations system{see A/33/22, paras. 294-2981. Approval of this move by the General Assembly would facilitate the very necessary international mobilization campaign against apartheid, which the Special Committee is very well suited to spearhead. 46. The whole world joined the Azanian people in denouncing these ghastly murders. Typical was the rea&tion of the United States Congressman, Charles Rangel: "By authorizing the police raids on Crossroads ... Vorster is clearly temn~ the world that it [the South African ~6gimeJ has very little regard for the human rights of the millions of South Africans living under the rule ofapartheid. " 47. I wish to remind the Geaeral Assembly that at the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimi- nation, held in Geneva last August, it was clear that the struggle for the destruction of apartheid colonialism in Azania is central to the Programme for the Decade of Action to Combat Racism and Racial DiscEimination [resolution 3057 (XXVIII), annex]. In his report before the Third Committee of the General Assembly,3 the President of the World Conference, Minister Mooki Molapo of Lesotho, urged that United Nations responsibilities vis-A-vis those affected by apartheid, racism and racial • discrimination should always be kept in the forefront. How, then, does the United Nations propose meaningfully to live up to those responsibilities? 48. The customary resolutions coming before this As- sembly are cert8inly welcome, but quite clearly there is need to put some mandatory teeth into them. The urgency of taking strong measures against the regime in Pretoria is emphasized by the global implications of the South African neo-Nazis' determination to cling to power at all costs. In a boastful comment, one of the South African magazines- fmanced through the slush funds from the "dirty tricks. department" of the Ministry of Information, now incorpo- rated into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs-a magazine called To The Point, says: "South Africa's military strength is far tougher than the five Western Foreign Ministers who came to negotiate at Pretoria may have realized." It lists the weapons in South Africa's arsenal as follows: 650 combat aircraft, 220 military helicopters, 530 tanks, 1,600 armoured cars, 1,000 scouts cars, infantry fighting vehicles and armoured personnel carriers, 300 self-propelled guns 49. We wish to make the point about the global implica- tions of South Africa's intransigence and menacing military posture against the background of the illegal occupation of Namibia, its support for the Ian Smith minority regime in Zimbabwe and the~ well-known military aggression that South Africa and Rhodesia have mounted against the independent neighbouring ':'tates of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia. Further, the man at the helm of the apartheid regime at this time is the war-mongering architect of the South African law which has declared all Africa south of the Sahara a legitimate target for South African aggression. 50. Because 'of the apartheid regime's crimes against them, the Azanian people rightly demand that the United Nations should immediately impose comprehensive economic sanc- tions against the apartheid regime. Because of the threat it poses to the whole of Africa and the inevitable global implications that will flow out of an escalation of South African military aggression abroad once the struggle inten- sifies, the United Nations needs to redeem its credibility as thP. world's number one champion of peace by imposing those sanctions on South Africa. Any efforts by the Western permanent members of the Security Council to protect South Africa by means of their veto powers must be forthrightly denounced. The murder of each child, woman and man by the Pretoria Fascists must be equally blamed on apartheid South Africa and on all those who use their diplomatic and political strength to protect the regime. The all-out struggle of the Azanian people and their liberation movement must be matched by an all-out struggle to expose the allies of apartheid in the inter- national community. 51. The time has come to act decisively against the South African apartheid regime. There is a boiling in Azania, a movement whose uprising against the apartheid regime will go beyond the uprisings of the PAC at the time of Sharpeville and the Black Consciousness Movement at the time of Soweto. The combined might of those forces, testified to as the most dynanllc elements for change in South Africa by two books published recently, Black Power i~ South Africa by Gall Gerhart4 and Race and Politics in South Africa edited by lan Robertson and Phillip Whiten,S with contributions by 15 other writers, has produced the main landmarks of our contemporary liberation struggle. Both President Nyerere of the United Republic ofTanzania and President Kaunda of Zambia have predicted that the destruction of the apartheid regime in South Africa will come from within. The PAC has always recognized this and I have had occasion to explain clearly from this rostrum the organizational style of the PAC.6 We concentrate on 52. It was this phenomenon that produced the historic nation?~ uprisings of Sharpeville and Soweto fame. The programme of action adopted by the PAC's Second Consultative Conference last July addresses itself to these concrete conditions, and already the enemy is forced to cope with the proliferating results of that Programme. The liberation movement will not free Azania with sobriquets lavished on us by patrons whose ambitions ignore the concrete conditions in our country. Gimmicks will not win legitimate liberation in Azania. 53. The excellent situation for developing the armed struggle in Azania comes at a time when South Africa is still struggling with the recession forced upon the economy by the 1976-1977 national uprising and the economic crisis of imperialism in general. The Prime Minister's council con- tradicted Finance Minister Horwood's claim of a 4 per cent to 5 per cent growth before the IMF last August. The council said in September that the growth was unlikely to exceed 2 per cent this year. Meanwhile, unemployment is growing at the rate of 20,000 per year among blacks, and white artisans continue to leave South Mrica in their hundreds, if not thousands. Because of the situation in Iran 90 per cent of South Africa's oil supplies have dried up and we implore the Iranian authorities not to resume their supply of oil to South Africa until we have established a democratic republic of Azania. Also, the Botha clique is experiencing even greater difficulties with a sizeable percen- tage of the white population following the scandal over taxpayers' money. Botha may try to put on a brave face, but his regime is in a critical situation. 54. If the international community truly wishes to aid our efforts to bring to a swift end the system it has declared a crime against humanity, the .. hour has come for the imposition of total sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, and for strict supervision of their application. Those that, like Zionist Israel, boast of a special relationship with apartheid South· Africa, as was stubbornly re-emphasized by Itzhak Unna, Israel's Ambas- sador to South Mrica, in' an interview with The Star of Johannesburg on 16 September this year, must be punished for their obdurate stand.

I call now on Mr. Harriman of Nigeria, the Chairman of the Special Committee against Aparthei:! 56. Mr. HARRIMAN (Nigeria), Chairman Df the Special Committee against Apartheid: Mr. President, my Commis- sioner for External Affairs congratulated you on your election to the presidency of this General Assembly {23rd meeting], but may I add my humble voice as Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid to reiterate what was said on that occasion. 57. I am speaking today, not as Ambassador of Nigeria, but as Chairman of the Special Committee against A;part- 58. Coming as I do from a part of Africa which has seen its coasts drenched in blood by the inhuman trade in human beings, which has seen the ravages of colonialism and the indignities of racism, I cannot deal with the subject as a mere agenda item or a routine discussion. 59. I would like to remind the Assembly that this Organization was itself born of a holocaust. II ghastly war resulting fmm the armaments race, from thl.: 'i-valries among developed imperialist countries in exploith::g ilie developing countries, and from the Nazi racism against Africans, Asians and even Jews and Slavs, This Organization is sworn to build and become the central element of a new world order based on the ending of t~e arms race, the ending of economic iniquities and the ending of racism. 60. The prnhlems of peace and disarmament are now dealt with as a matter of urgency by the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Disarmament Commission. We have discussed a New International Economic Order and decidep on the structures to create such an order. The third and equally important priority of humanity, the abolition of the racist and colonialist oppression to which the great majority of humanity has been subjected, deserves, and indeed demands, the most serious attention of this Organi- zation. 61. Int~rnational peace, international economic order and the abolitkn ofoppression are to us inextricably linked and closely interlinked. There can be no peace, no genuine international co-operation and no economic equality unless racist and colonialist oppression is eradicated. 62. It is in this context that I would request the General Assembly to deal with the problem of apartheid. For apartheid is a refinement and an institutionalization of slavery. We all know this and have said it again and again. Todayapartheid is against the black people of South Mrica. 63. But if there is one lesson which must be learned from the Second World War it is that, if the world condones racism, any people can be its next victims. For, as John Donne said: "No man is an Island, entire of it self. Everyman is a piece of the continent, a part of the main ... Any man's death diminishes me, because I am involved in Mankind; And therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls; It tolls for thee." 64. This debate on the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa is taking place during Inter- national Anti-Apartheid Year, at the mid-point of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimi- nation proclaimed by this Organization to reaffirm its 65. This debate is taking place 30 years after the racists in South Mrica proclaimed and began to impose the policy of apartheid. the twin crime of apartness and hate. This is also the eve of the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is perhaps appropriate at this time to recall some simple truths in order to deal with the issue in its broad perspective. But permit me to dilate a little on racism. 66. Racism has many forms and many manifestations. In every case it is a symptom of psychopathology, a tool of economic gain or a rationalization of other unacceptable values. Racism developed as a justification for the in- humanity of slaveI}'. It becar:lle the socio-political idiom of the economic exploitation of man under duress. Racism became the twin of the colonial plunder and oppression of the peoples in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Racism became intertwined with wars of conquest between neigh- bouring peoples, as in the Middle East and some other areas. Racism is a psychogenic problem and a disorder based on the superiority complex and on egotism. 67. But when we speak of racism in the context of the • primary concern of the United Nations in proclaiming the Decade for Action to Combat RaCism and Racial Discrimi- nation, or in relation t~ southern Africa, it is a crime based on the colour line. And this crime is one that has been with us for almost half a millenium. 68. It is, above all, the domination, the degradation and the brutal exploitation of the black people. In apartheid. we see it in its most glaring and virulent form, that of a settler minority treating the indigenous people as hewers of wood and drawers of water, as nothing more than beasts of burden. It is a refinement of slavery, a computerized system of inhumanity. The slave master at least was concerned with the health of his slave. The masters ofapartheid are . only concerned with the exploitation of labour. When the African can no longer minister to the needs of the white master, he can go back to the reserve and die of starvation. Apartheid is a system of perpetual crime within' the confmes of the same nation-State, where a minority of alien settlers tortures the majority of indigenous people. 69. To the shame of humanity, vested interests in distant lands profit from this system and reinforce it, while they profess the principles of freedom and human dignity expressed in Magna Carta, t~e American Declaration of Independence, and in the manifestos of the French Revolu- tion. 70. It is a very sad reflection indeed on the human conscience that a group of countries in Western Europe and North America with such a high degree ofsophistication in 71. This apathy, this rule, this degradation and dehumani- zation of the African is what Kovel describes as the "thingification" of man in our civilized world. 77. With six-sevenths of the land appropriated for a racist garrison state, the apartheid regime seeks to exercise its domination over the client states in the whole region. I wonder how we defme a state. If you classify patches of kraats around white indu~1rial centres and the fanning complexes of the whites as states, then we must begin to learn new geopolitical norms in the international historical process. 72. To us there can be no coexistence of the United Nations and the crime of apartheid, of the Charter of this Organization and the constitution and laws of the so-called Republic of So~\th Africa. Yet, we meet again to talk. We talked at the World Conference for Action against Apart- heid last year in Lagos and we all agreed.that apartheid must be destroyed. We adopted declarations and resolutions, but we have not yet taken the requisite steps even to isolate the apartheid regime, Are we at the United Nations not capable, after 30 years of discussion, 'of dealing with this problem? In the Security Council we continue a parrying action. We have spent the last 18 months avoiding the issue of South Africa by focusing on peripheral issues, thereby promoting the cause of apartJzeid by default. For the situation in southern Africa is worse today than it was 18 months ago. Apartheid is in fact approaching its quin- tessence. 78. Apart from the reign of tern..r in South Africa, brutal occupation by South Africa has been the lot of the Namibian people and South Africa has sustained the racist criminals oi Rhod~sia.It has constantly threatened Lesotho and Botswana. It has launched a number of 'i,;i1'iminal invasions into the nascent Republic of Angola with the connivance and, according to what we read in the Western press, encouragement of some Western States and their secret services. South Africa's forages into Angola since 1975, its cold-blooded murder of hundreds of Namibian refugees in Kassinga in May this year, and the recent massacres of Rhodesian mfugees ill Mozambique and Zambia by its Rhodesian vassal, hardly have a parallel for inhumanity unless it be the Nazi occupation. '73. Since its inception 30 years ago, apartheid has been nothing more or less than a declara~ion of genocide against the black people of South Africa and a war against the Charter of this Organization, and against all the principles cherished by humanity. Why do I speak of genocide? I do not refer merely to the blacks who die under the torture of the prison guards, or the children massacred in Soweto. I think of the thousands who die of malnutrition and starvation in the kraals that are designated bantustans, of 79. As I speak today, the police of the apartheid regime are massing near Cape Town to bulldoze the community of Crossroads and to deport 20,000 A(ricans who live in sheer misery in shacks, to desolate reserves to perish and to die. tho~e who are denied their right to education and health, and of those who survive to see before them nothing but a blank and bleak future, of those who are dehumanized. I think, above all, of the children of South Africa. 80. Military reinforcements have been sent to northern Namibia to terrorize the Namibian people and to threaten the People's Republic of Angola. I am relieved that we hear less about the great Cuban soldiers who went to defend the territorial integrity of that Republic.. 74. When humanity emerged from the holocaust of the Second World War and pledged to establish a new world order of the "Four Freedoms" and of the Atlantic Charter of 1941 and of a United Nations dedicated to human dignity, the neo-Nazis of South Afric2 declared their determination to resist the winds of change and to segregate the society in South Africa on the basis of colour in order to deprive the Africans of all their rights and to establish a racist republic. 81. Even if Namibia and Zimbabwe become free to- morrow, the racist regime will continue to destabilize the whole of southern Africa. Their. record and intentions are clear on this and we have to prepare our minds for it. 82. The African people of South Africa have constantly struggled, at great sacrifice, for their elementary rights in their own country, in their own continent. By their firm faith in non-racialism they have forged unity with the other oppressed peoples-coloured peoples and the peoples of Asiar:origin-under the banner of Black Consciousness. Even consciousness on the part of the black is today a crime in South Africa. The righteousness of their cause has even attracted some men and women of comcience among the whites, who have braved persecution by the racists to uphold justice. 75. For 30 years, while this Organization has debated this matter, the apartheid regime has implemented its master plan at the cost of immense human suffering. The response from the West has been minimal, except in the expansion of its business relations with South Africa. The bantustani- zation of South Africa is but one facet of this diabolical plan to perpetuate and consolidate white racist domination. It is going on inexorably and entirely unchallenged. 83. The struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa, under the leadership of their national liberation movement, is one of the most righteous and noblest in history. They have not yet produced a Ho Chi Minh, a Mao Tsetung or a Fidel Castro. That is a question of time, unless there is 76. Transkei was given its sham independence in 1976, and 3 million people of Transkeian origin were deprived of their citizenship wherever they lived in South Africa. Bophuthatswana was declared independent in 1977 and another million and a half people were deprived of their 84. If the national liberation movement of South Africa is obliged, in the face of the utter inhumanity of the racists, after the gruesome massacres of Sharpeville and Soweto, after thl~ torture and killing of numerous patriots, to resort to an anl1ed struggle for liberation, who will dare to point an accusing finger at them? Who can predict the universal repercussions of a conflict across the colour line, a conflict which the African people have consistently tried to avoid, a conflict even at the cost of great sacrifice and the delaying of their own deliverance? 8S. 1u I have always emphasized, such a conflict will never be circumscribed within the geographical area of South Africa. If tomorrow the 30 million blacks of southern Africa pounce on the whites, 4 million in" the area"," there will be reverberations throughout the world, and I feel that at that point those in Western Europe today who have paid no attention to this matter will begin to know how \.0 intervene. 86. There is nothing in the Charter of the United Nations, which emerged from the victory of the Allied armies and the armed struggles of the Maquis in Europe, that circum- scribes the inherent right of the black people of South Africa to choose the means of their struggle. 87. I did not mean to quote the American Declaration of Independence, but I must say that this is a lesson which I believe the United States should teach the world, the lesson of their own Constitution, the lesson of their own culture, the lesson of their own social and political system. In South Africa today, no assessment could be more relevant than that in that Declaration: "But when a ]ong Train of Abuses and Usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a Design to reduce [a people] under absolute Despotism, it is their Right, it is their Duty, to throw" off such Government" and to provide new Guards for their future security." 88. There is no law of morality which obliges the blacks in South Africa to turn the other cheek when their children are murdered, when their families are forcibly separated as in the days of slavery, when their people are deported to slave camps. The situation in South Africa transcends colonialism, the refined form of slavery which replaced the exportation of slaves by exploitation in Africa, for the colonialism which we experienced had some rudiments of and at least some pretensions to liberty. 89. The struggle of the oppressed people (1lf South Africa and their national liberation movement is the struggle of the entire continent of Africa, of every man. and woman of African descent and of humanity as a whole. 91. Today, when the apartheid regime has blatantly defied the unanimous resolutions of the.General Assembly and the Security Council, and when the oppressed people have been obliged to launch their fmal struggle for freedom, the United Nations must rise to the occasion and deal a decisive blow at that monster, apartheid. If we abandon the victims of apartheid they must, and they will, deal that bl~w themselves in the most desperate way they can. 92. The least that the international community can do, as we have stressed agcdn and again, is to end forthwith an collaboration in all fields with the criminal racist regime. Collusion with the apartheid regime is a crime against the black people of southern Africa, against the African continent and against the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Collusion need not be only by acts of commission, but can also be by acts of omission and abstention, and by lack of participation. 93. At its last session the General Assembly unanimously proclaimed International Anti-Apartheid Year [resolution 32/105 BJ in order to give impetus to the international campaign against apartheid. On behalf of the Special Committee against Apartheid, I should like to express appreciation to the many Governments and organizations that have undertaken effective programmes for the observance of the Year. 94. I should like to pay a special tribute to- the students who have launched campaigns against investment in order to confront their communities with the moral cha11en[li of apartheid. 95. I note withQsatisfaction that several cities in the United States have proclaimed the Anti-Apartheid Day at our request, and also that Pretoria Square in Amst~rdam has been given the name of Steven Biko. The United States Congress has also voted 'for the ending of credits by the United States Export-Import Bank. We hope that Western European countries will follow these examples. 96. I will not try to catalogue the actions because they are available in the documentation, but I must admit, in all candour, that action by Governments of the developed Weste.zn countries, the main trading partners of South Africa, remains most disappointing. The poor third-world nations have made sacrifices for the eradication of apartheid and racism and the liberation of second-class citiZens. The Western nations have callously continued and increased their trade with South Africa and even profited from the boycotts by the developing countries. 97. The hopes we entertained at the Lagos Conference that these Western nations would at last align themselves 98. Thanks to the alertness of the working people of Antigua, the scandal of secret shipments of shells to South Africa has come to light. Thanks to the honesty of British workers, it has been disclosed that a British company- International Computers Limited, partly owned by the Government-is supplying computers to the military and police establishments of the apartheid regime, in a r.overt manner. 1OS. The Special Committee has drawn particular atten- "'non to certain specific measures, in a programme of action, which must be taken by the international community to defend its credibility and to.promote the cause of freedom. I shall not set them forth here because of lack of time; I believe that we all know where the relevant documents are. 99. The Bingham report'i indicates to what length the Western establishments could go for sheer profits and for the protection of kith and kin. But it becomes a matter for consternation if, by some strange Freudian twist, the exposures in the Bingham report are used by the perpe- trators of the crime as a reason why ~conomic sanctions cannot succeed against South Africa. These are the moral values they noW profess. They used to say that sanctions against South Africa would hurt the blacks. Now, however, they are a little more candid: they talk about the 1 million British subjects and the £5 billion in investments. Twenty million Africans and their right to life, liberty and dignity hardly matter in these circumstances. 106. We commend the resolution on investments Ireso- lution 32/105Dj, moved by the Nordic States last year, and we hope that the Security Council will take action without further delay on this. 107. The Special Committee calls for the urgent enforce- ment of an oil embargo against South Africa and the termination of all airline and shipping links with South Africa. ,100. Hence there is little action to stop even the mur- derous trade in arms and oil, and to punish the culprits. There has been little action to end, or even reduce, economic collaboration with South Africa-except for practical measures in the past year by the Nordic countries, the Netherlands and Canada, which the Special Committee has commended. There has been little action, indeed, to prevent the enormous danger posed by the efforts of the apartheid regime to acquire nuclear weapons. 108. The apartheid regtme, which follows a criminal policy in defiance of the United Nations and the inter- national community, has no right to receive the benefits of international co-operation. No Government and no corporation can claim an obligation to provide investments or oil or technology to South Africa unless it is devoid of all sense of social responsibility. Let us make it clear that collusion with the apartheid regime is collusion in murder and genocide. 101. The threat of veto by Western Powers continues to hang over our heads, to prevent international action and to protect the apartheid regime even when it commits aggres· sion, even when it defies resolutions adopted unanimously by the Security Council. 109. In recent months the Special Committee has paid a tribute to Steven Biko, Robert Sobukwe and Nelson Mandela, the great leaders of the people of South Africa. Their lives and their sacrifices are an inspiration to all men and women who cherish freedom and human dignity. The Special Committee has also paid a tribute, as authorized by the General Assembly, to many leaders the world over for their great contribution to international solidarity with the national liberation movement in South Africa. 102. I believe that in the next few days there will be another situation that will enable us to test the credibility of the actions and professions of certain Member States, particularly those world Powers from the West in the Security Council, in regard to Namibia. 110. It will be a great day indeed when the Committee as well as black South Africa can thank nations and indi- viduals for their contribution to the triumph uf justice in South Africa. It will be a day of peace and thanksgiving, signifying the world's ultimate recognition of .basic human rights. 103. The fact is that, as we have seen again during this session, the apartheid regime has tested the major Western Powers and found them wanting. The regime has repeatedly defied the United Nations and the Western Powers. It has found the Western Powers less committed to freedom than to profits. Their reluctance to exert effective pressure is quite evident. Their anxiety to avoid effective action and to continue their profitable trade is blatant. This has en- couraged the apartheid regime to continue its criminal policy. 111. The Special Committee is convinced that the leaders of the martyrs and the prophets of the peoples oppressed by colonialism and racism and the leaders of the move- ments of solidarity with the struggle for freedom are the true representatives of the yeamings of humanity in this century. They, indeed, have made a tremendous contri- bution to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. They deserve to be honoured. The Special Co~­ mittee therefore proposes that steps be taken to honour, and to publicize the lives and testaments of, such eminent 104. The time has come for the peoples of the world, especially the peoples of the Western world, to call a halt to 7 See T. H. Bingham and S. M. Gray, "Report on the Supply of Petroleum and Petroleum Products to Rhodesia" (London, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, September 1978). 112. Before concluding, I should like to express my particular gratitude and the great appreciation of the entire Special Committee against Apartheid to the Secretary- General for his finn commitment to the elimination of apartheid and his constant co-operation with the Special Committee. He has demonstrated the concern of this Organization as a whole-and indeed of the United Nations family of agencies-over this great moral problem of our century. The Special Committee greatly values his encour- agement and advice in the performance of its respon- sibilities.

In recent decades the struggles for national liberation of peoples, including the African peoples, supported by the countries of the socialist community and by' all progressivl~ mankind, have been marked by truly major successes. The last colonial empires have collapse~, and on the practical level the problem that remains involves the total elimination of the remnants of colonialism, racism and apartheid. Both the role and the influen~ of the newly-independent countries have grown in intemational affairs. Their solidarity in the struggle against imperialism and colonialism is growing stronger, as is their solidarity in their struggle for national economic independence and social progress. 114. As a result of the efforts of all peace-loving countries and peoples, significant successes have been achieved in the cause of easing international tension, thus creating propi- tious conditions for solving vital international problems including the problem of the total elimination of the remnants of colonialism, racism and apartheid. But the remnants of the colonial past are poisoning the inter- national atmosphere. They are cr~ating dangerous hotbeds of tension and points of conflict. 115. The existence of the racist colonialist regimes in southern Africa is a disgrace to all mankind. Despite the repeated decisions of the United Nations and the demands of progressive world public opinion, in South Africil the fundamental human rights of the indigenous population [If the country are being flagrantly violated. The lawless rule of the policy ofapartheid and racial repression prevails. 116. The system of violence and repression, which has been elevated by the Pretoria regime to the level of State policy, with its ever-inc1'easing acts of aggression against neighbouring sovereign States, has created in that part of the world a situation which jeopardizes internationai peace and security. 117. The World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination has correctly pointed out in paragraph 4 of its Declaration that: "Apartheid, the extreme form of institutionalized racism, is a crim(~ against humanity and ::In affront to the dignity of mankind and is a threat to peace and security in the world". {See A/33/262, sect. IILI 119. And all this is happening despite the condemnations by the General Assembly and the, Security Council of economic and other forms of co-operation between the Governments of a number of countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization INATOI and trans- national corporations and the racist regime of South Africa. 120. The report of the Special Committee against Apart- heid in its paragraphs 246 to 248 once again expresses concern that "the major Western and other tradr; partners of the racist regime continue to collaborate with that regime" [see A/33/22. para. 247J. The report says that that collaboration constitutes the main obstacle to the liquida- tion of the racist r6gime and ending its inhuman and criminal apartheid system in South Africa. 121. The United Nations Centre against Apartheid, in its documents based upon actual facts, states that (Ilore than a thousand British companies have investments in South Africa. A number of British companies with South African investments, especially in the steel and petrochemical industries, are owned in part by the British Government. Most of the large British firms invest directly in South Africa or do so through their subsidiaries. 122. American companies form the second most impor- tant source of foreign investments in the Republic of South Africa. Approximately 400 American companies make capital investments in South Africa. As is pointed out in the documents of the United Nations Centre against Apartheid, transnational corporations regis~ered in the United States have a greater degree of control over their ir,t'estments in South Africa than do other Western corporations. Eighty per cent of American capital investment in processing industries, 90 per cent of investments in trade and mQ!e than 50 per cent of capital investments in South African and Namibian mines are directly controlled by American transnational corporations. 123. Carman, Japanese and other Western companies also maintain close business ties with the Pretoria regime. Profits from Western investments in South Africa total tens of billions of dollars. This far exceeds their average annual profit return from investments world-wide and amounts to 20 per cent of those investments. 124. ,According to a report in the United States press-in the New York newspaper The Daily World of 30 September 1978-Western banks, in particular banks in the United 133. In its attempts to survive, the racist regime of Pretoria is stepping up its terror and acts of repression against the indigenous population. It is continuing its illegal occupation of Namibia and committing acts of armed aggression against neighbouring sovereign States. One of the most recent monstrous crimes committed by the racists of Pretoria was mass murder in a camp of Namibian refugees in Kassinga in the south of Angola, where m,-;re than 1,000 peaceful inhabitants, mainly women and children, were ruthlessly struck down and annihilated. On 7 November this year the Ministry ofDefence of Angola reported a new invasion plan of the racists of South Africa on the pretext of "neutralizing" the actions of the fighters of the South West Africa People's Organization. The statement said, inter alia: 125. In the last five years the military budget of the Republic of South Africa has increased four times, and now it is in excess of $2 billion, which is a?proximately 20 per cent of the over-all budget of that country. 126. One cannot remain indifferent to the facts adduced by the Special Committee against Ap{//'theid as to the continuing violations by a number ofWestern Governments of the decision of the Security CQuncil concerning the imposition of an arms embargo against South Africa and especially the prohibition in its resolution 418 (1977) of "any cc.-operation with South Africa in the manufacture and development of nuclear weapons". 127. In this connexion, the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR supports the conclusion of the Special Committee that any military or nuclear co-operation with South Africa constitutes a threat to international peace and security and calls for the urgent adoption of mandatory measures to end that co-operation with the apartheid regime as well as all supplies of materiel, and technology to and from South Africa which might be used for military purposes or further to develop that country's nuclear-weapon potential. 134. The recent change of leadership in the racist clique of Pretoria, as is borne out by the statement of the new Prime Minister of £outh Africa, Pieter Botha, not only does not imply a change in the Government's policy of apartheid but, on the contrary, shows that it will clearly lead to a hardening of its policies. Even more alarming are the statements made by the representatives of some Western Powers as to the inadVisability of the Security Council's adopting at the present time new effective measures against the racist Republic of South Africa. The position of those Powers in the voting which took place in the Security Council on 13 November 1978 on Security Council resolution 439 (1978) was further evidence of their support for the racists in Pretoria. 128. At the current session of the General Assembly the Fourth Committee has adopted draft resolution A!CA!33! L.t ,firmly condemning the collusion of major Western Powers and Israel with South Africa. Those countries co-operate with the apartheid regime in the political, diplomatic, economic and military, including nuclear, fields. 'The co-operation of those countries with the Republic of South Africa in the nuclear field is fraught with the real possibility that nuclear weapons will appear in.the hands of the racists in Pretoria, with all the concomitant fatal consequences that that will entail for the cause of peace and international security not only on the African continent but also beyond its confmes. 135. In fact, throughout the 30 years that the question of the policy of apartheid in South Africa has been on the agenda of the General Assembly, the Western Powers have been trying to save the apartheid regime. 129_ The delegation of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic advocates the strict observance and strengthening of the sanctions against the apartheid regime by all States. We believe that the time is long overdue for expanding those sanctions and for mandatory and comprehensive sanctions against the Pretoria regime to be adopted as provided for in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. 136. Indeed the continued existence of the apartheid regime in the Republic of South Africa can be explained above all by the desire of c.ertain imperialist ·circles of leading Western countries members of NATO to maintain their political, economic, military and strategic position in SDuthern Africa, in their desire to protect the interests of their monopolies and to erect a barrier in the way of tlie ever-growing national liberation movement of the African peoples in the RepUblic of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe. 130. The social consequences of the criminal and inhuman poHcy and practice of apartheid and racism and the imperialist plundering of southern Africa are no less well known. 137. Thp, Byelorussian SSR, which on I January 1979 will celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of its existence, firmly 131. Political organizations are prohibited for the majority of the indigenous population of South Africa and non-racial political organizations are considered illegal. Many leaders of the black population have been arrested, compelled to leave the country or forced to go underground. "Continually carrying out their aggression with impunity, the South African racists, strengthened from the support they have always received from the impe- rialist countries, are preparing to attack our populace, destroy the wealth of our people and mow down innocent lives."8 138. The Byelorussian SSR, which has declared national and racial equality to be one of the fundamental principle~ underlying its internal policy, has consistently spoken out against racism, racial discrimination and apartheid in international forums, including that of the United Nations. The Byelorussian SSR is a party to and observes the provisions of all the most important instruments, such as the United Nations Convention on the Plt..•cntion and Plmishment of the Crime of Genocid~of 1948 [ resolution 260 A (Ill), annex!, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, [reso- lution 2106 A (XX), annex!, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights [resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex!, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [ibid.], the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime ofApartheid of 1973 [resolution 3068 (XXVIII), annex] and many others. 139. On the initiative of the Byelorussian SSR, the General Assembly of the United Nations at its thirty-second session adopted resolution 32/122 on the protection of persons detained or imprisoned as a result of their struggle against apartheid, racism and racial discrimimition, 0010- nialism, aggression and foreign occupation and for self- determination, independence and social progress for their people. 140. The Byelorussian SSR will support any effective measures by the United Nations which might bring nearer the day of the total liberation of all peoples and the fmal elimination of the last remnants of colonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid from southern Africa. 141. The criminml system of apartheid in South Africa must be ended.

I have the honour to make the following statement on behalf of the nine COlL'ltries of the European Community. 143. The policy of apartheid has been engaging the attention of the international community since 1947. That policy is abhorrent to our Governments and peoples, and indeed to all humanity. The General Assembly has had to discuss this issue annual1y for the last 16 years, simply because a Government has institutionalized, and is con- tinuing to practic.e by systematic means, a doctrine which is repugnant to mankind and contrary to the spirit which imbues the opening lines of the very Charter of the United Nations, which read: "We the peoples of the United Nations determined ... to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the 144. The international community wishes to base its relations on justice, equality and freedom instead of prejudice, violence and hatred. Thus it cannot ignore the injustice and the danger created by a racist regime which bases its authority on discriminati~nby a minority which arrogates to itself all politicai power for no other reason than that it belongs to a race which is different from the race of the majority of the population of the country. As the nine European countties have repeatedly stated, a peaceful future for South Africa necessitates the creation of a society which allows for the full participation of all the inhabitants of South Africa in the political, social and economic life of their country. 145. Our analysis of the latest development shows that no basic change in the policy ofapartheid is being enVisaged by the Government in Pret~ria. Indeed, it seems that so far the policy of strict segregation, with all its inhuman impli- cations, is being rigorously pursued. The recent installation of the new Government should offer an occasion for South Africa to review its policies. 146. The bantustan policy aims at ensuring the perpet- uation of the system of apt11theid and deprives the majority of its legitimate share in the national life. It imposes on the black population a state of insecurity and economic underdevelopment. That policy is inextricably connected with ·the treatment of the black people in the so-called white areas. For them, life is marked in particular by daily confrontation with flagrant social injustice, by increasing repression and harassment by police and security regulations, and by an unbearable. uncertainty concerning their right to take up a permanent abode. 147. The blacks are made to realize day after day with depressing clarity the sharp contrast between their poverty and the affluence of the white minority. A key factor among the discriminatory practices responsible for this state of affairs is the glaring inequality of wages. It is true that wages for blacks have risen in recent years, but actual progress in eliminating existing inequalities continues to be marginal. The simplistic claim that blacks in South Africa are far better off than most other Afric8lls is irrelevant to the subject of social justice within South African societY. Moreover, there are strong indications that that claim does not correspond to the facts. 148. Racist repression in public life has steadily increased- since the riots in Soweto. An entire body of repressive legislation has increasingly undermined basic constitutional rights. The security authorities have been provided with comprehensive machinery for political intimidation. The organized political life of the black population has thus been stifled almost completely, except for those who have gone underground. In that respect South Africa bears no resemblance to the liberal democracy it claims to be. 149. The bantustan policy and other control mechanisms often inflict untold personal suffering. The Group Areas Act and a number of other laws have created a desperately insecure situation in the cities. Compulsory resettlement programmes and the razing of whole neighbourhoods, in~reasingly visible in daily life in South Africa. There are f~ve times as many black people as white; yet, despite their numerical superiority, the blacks are only grudgingly toler- ated as a group of outsiders who have to supply the labour force in the factories, on farms and in households during the day and are moved out at night. They are treated like people from another world, who have no place in the society in which they live. 150. The contradiction between this uprooting of the urban blacks on the one hand and South Africa's economic dependence on them on the other is one of the most evident reasons why this whole system is doomed to failure. It aims at social disintegration, while in a modem industrial society the integration of the working population is essential. 151. The nine countries of the European Community are keenly aware of the importance and urgency of the need for the United Nations to fmd effective ways of eliminating apartheid. They fully realize that mere condemnation will not in itself bring about the elimination ofapartheid. They are committed to working for early, fundamental change by peaceful means in South Africa. 152. The nine Governments reject the policy of bantu- stanization. They therefore refuse to recognize the Transkei and Bophuthatswana and they will refrain from all action which might in any way contribute to the maintenance or the development of the policy of bantustanization. They _ will pursue with vigilant determination the fulfilment of the spirit and the letter of Security Council resolution 418 (1977). Quite some time before the arms embargo imposed by the Security Council, the nine member coun- tries of the European Community took voluntary measures to embargo arms sales to South Africa. 153. Despite their rejection of the system of apartheid, the nine countries consider that channels of communication with South Africa are useful and should be maintained in order to further the implementation of the .aims of the United Nations in southern Africa and in particular to make it plain to the South African Government that apartheid must be abandoned. The European Community has drawn up a code of conduct for subsidiaries of companies doing business in South Africa.9 That action is designed to abolish discrimination against black workers, to institute wage equality and to encourage trade-union activity. The measure uses the collective weight of the European Community in favour of peaceful change in South Africa. The nine countries will continue to increase pressure on South Africa through further action in this direction. 154. The growing and improved supply of information provided by the mass media in our countries during this Anti-Apartheid Year is increasingly alerting large sections of the population to the need for action against all forms of racial discrimination and in particular against apartheid. 9 See document A/32/267. 155. The European Community and its member States help neighbouring countries of South Africa which are confronted by particular problems as a result of their specific geographical location. They contribute to United Nations funds for aiding victims of apartheid from South Africa as well as from Namibia and Zimbabwe, and to private and non-governmental organizations dealing with students and refugees. 156. The member countries of the European Community regard discrimination on the basis of colour as a violation of human rights. They strongly condemn apartheid and, indeed, any form of racism and racial discrimination. The nine countries fully endorse the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The system of apartheid is a challenge to the conscience of mankind. It is contrary to everything in which the Europe of the Com.nunity believes. Change in South Africa is inevitable. The nine members of the Community will continue and intensify their efforts to accelerate the pace of change.

I wish to express the appre- ciation of the delegation of Ghana for the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid presented to this General Assembly two days ago by the Rapporteur {53rd meeting). We commend the Special Committee for its invaluable contribution to fIght for the eradication of the obnoxious policies of apartheid. It is our hope that in the coming year the Special Committee will pursue the pro- gramme of work outlined in its report with the same zeal and sense of dedication. 158. The Ghana delegation equally appreciates the work done by the Ad Hoc Committee.in its attempt at drafting an international convention against apartheid in sports. We support the recommendation that the mandate of the Ad Hoc Committee be renewed to enable it. to continue its work with a view to submitting a draft convention to the General Assembly at its thirty-fourth session. 159. The situation with regard to the apartheid policies of the racist regime of South Africa has not improved since this agenda item was debated in this Assembly a year ago during the thirty-second session. If anything~ the situation has taken a turn for the worse. As emphasized by the Special Committee against Apartheid in its annual report, the situation in South Africa is characterized by brutal repression and indiscriminate killing of people, including innocent women and children; the bantustanization policy is being rigorously implemented, thereby not only dispos- sessing the legitimate and indigenous inhabitants of South Africa of their land and its wealth, but also their right to citizenship, which is their birthright. Wanton acts of aggression against neighbOUring African States have been stepped up with impunity and in callous disregard for ·the suffering inflicted upon innocent people. Such cowardly acts are being perpetrated in the vain hope of consolidating 160. These events clearly indicate that our efforts in the fight to end the evil system of apartheid have not in any way achieved the desired results. The reason for this is clear enough. The international community as a whole has not committed itself sufficiently to the struggle for the total destruction of this atrocious system. The General Assembly and the Security Council have adopted numerous and far-reaching resolutions and decisions which should have made it easy to bring to an end the criminal policies pursued by the South African Government. But it is sad to comment that our inability to cure this canker has been largely the result of deliberate refusal of some members of this Organization, particularly th.e Western and industrially developed countries, to.co-opemte with the United Nations in the implementation of the decisions and resolutions adopted by the Organization. The policies of collaboration pursued by these Governments and corporations under their jurisdiction, in open defiance of world public opinion, give the apartheid regime confidence and respectability, and consequently clearly strengthen its oppre1sive hands. South Africi's collaborators merely pay lip-service to the call for the cessation of all forms of assistance to the apartheid regime until it abandons its racist policies. Their public professions of respect for freedom and human dignity in South Africa are not matched by their actions, for these countries continue to create a favourable atmospheie for investment in South Africa by corporations within their territories. They guarantee loans that prop up the regime and supply arms ,md related material to South Africa for strengthening its repressive machinery. Such acts of collab- oration make it possible for the racist regime to ignore the. basic rights of the black majority, the exploitation of whose labour the minority depends on for its survival. It is pertinent to reiterate that the black majority does not in any way benefit from the so-called higher standard of living of which we so often hear. 161. While we condemn collaboration between the apartheid regime and its main traditional allies, the Govern- ment of Ghana notes with concern the tendency of some third-world countries to co-operate with that ~egime in the economic, cultural and commercial fields. Recent studies undertaken by the Special Committee reveal increasing contacts and exchanges between South Africa and such countries. Some of them argue that they are unable to sever trade and commercial relations until the Security Council decides on that action. This position does our cause no good. My Government wishes once again to appeal to all such countries from the developing world to refrain from policies that could be construed as aiding and abetting the South African Government in its pursuit of apartheid policies. 162. If the present sitaation in South Africa gives no hope for an imminent solution, that is no reason why we should relent in our efforts to destroy that system. The magnitude of the problem and the seriousness of our task should urge us to take more serious and effective steps in our struggle against this intransigent regime 164. In order to succeed in this international mobilization as a new phase or level in the struggle to end apartheid as envisaged by the Special Committee, it will be necessary to obtain the participation and support of all regions rep~­ sented at the United Nations. It is for this reason that we support the recommendation for the enlargement of the Special Committee against Apartheid to reflect equitable geographical representation. 165. On the specific recommendations of the Special Committee regarding the strengthening of ~he Centre against Apartheid, my delegation wishes to utge the Secretary-Gen.eral to study the proposals seriously with a view to providing the Centre with the necessary tools for discharging its very important and incrensing respon- sibilities. • 166. During the general debate in the plenary meetings of the Assembly at the beginning of this session, the leader of the Ghana delegation indicated in his statement {26th meeting) that the Government of Ghana welcomed the mandatory arms embargo imposed last year on South Africa uy Security Council resolution 418 (1977), in spite of the lateness of that decision. Although the Security Council resolution on an arms embargo did not go far enough, we welcomed it as a first step. We wish to call on the Security C.ouncil to take a positive step by imposing a total oil embargo against that intransigent regime until it abandons its policy of apartheid or until majority rule is attained in South Africa. 167. In this connexion, the special report of the Special Committee transmitted to the Security Council and the General Assembly regarding measures for the cessati<m .of the supply of petroleum and petroleum products to South Africa [A/33/22/Add.l), merits urgent attention and implementation. 168. Recent events !.'l southern Africa, particularly South Africa's continued aggression against neighbouring African countries and its decision in respect of the independence of Namibia, clearly indicate that it has no intention to respect the decisions of the United Nations and the vi~ws of the international community. For these reasons, we believe that the time has now come for the urg~nt and immed!ate imposition of mandatory sanc;tions envisaged under Chapi.}11' VII of the United Nations Charter, in order to bring the Botha regime to its knees. Until such a decision is taken by 175. The international community cannot afford to remain an idle spectator. The situation in South Africa is explosive and can lead to even greater tragedies than we have witnessed in past years. To avoid these tragedies, in the interest of black and white, we must persist in our efforts to work for peaceful change as long as this remains possible. My country will do so by using both persuasion and pressure.

The Permanent Representative of the Federal Republic of Germany has just set out the views of the nine countries of the European Communities and has therefore also set forth the views of my country. Because of the importance of this subject, however, my delegation wishes also to make a national statement. 176. We shall not suspend our dialogue with South Africa. We know that there are many groups, both inside and outside South Africa, white and coloured, resisting repres- sion and working towards abolishing apartheid. These groups need and deserve our support and we will continue to give it to them. We will continue to speak to the South African Government too, even more critically and with more emphasis on the struggle against apartheid. Last year we mentioned our intention to abolish the cultural treaty between the Netherlands and South Africa.• o Legislation to that effect has been introduced in the Netherlands Parliament. 170. Although the United Nations has spent most of its time and energy this year on the questions of Namibia and Southern Rhodesia, we stlll regard the problem ofapartheid as the crucial problem affecting the continent of Africa and indeed mankind as a whole. . 171. The Netherlands considers the policy ofapartheid to be a denial of the fundamental principle of the equal rights of man. This policy is therefore condemned and rejected by both the Government and the people of my country. Frustration, sorrow and anger are growing about the continuing refusal of the South African Government to abolish apartheid. 172. The Netherlands rejects South Africa's claim that it is a defender of Western democratic values. We canno~ recognize as a democracy a country in which the non-white population-that is, the vast majority of the people-is disenfranchised and economically exploited s where freedom of expression is restricted, where there is no liberty of movement and where there is no freedom to choose one's own residence. Democracy means something else: it means the dignity of every human being. 178. In view of the persistent policy of apartheid, this mandatory arms embargo will not be sufficient. By now we will have to start considering measures in the economic field. These measures can only be effective when applied under Chapter VII of the Chart~:' or, in the case of voluntary measures, when applied by a sufficient number of countries, including Powers that have the potential to exert effective pressure on South Africa. My Government feels that such measures, next to persuasion, can have a positive effect and we for our part stand ready to take the necessary actions in case of mandatory decisions of the Security Council or if supported by a sufficient and realistically influential number of countries. 173. There is a growing frustration at the failure of the international community to convince South Africa of the need to set in motion a policy for change. All our efforts have so far produced virtually no results, and, despite all its promises and solemn declarations to the contrary, South Africa still persists in its abhorrent policy of apartheid. Indeed, the South African Government is apparently determined that the majority of the people of South Africa are to remain deprived of the most basic human rights. South African law has institutionalized racial discrimination and made those who resist apartheid offenders against the law. The obstinacy with which the South African Govern- ment continues to resist an internationally acceptable solution for Namibia does not give us much hope that it will soon introduce drastic changes in South Africa itself. 179. Wewlll continue our quest for positive initiativeswith regard te economic measures against the policy ofapartheid both in, the framework of the European Communities and of the United Nations. As the representative of the Federal Republic of Germany has mentioned, the first result of the- efforts of the nine members of the Communities is a code of conduct for companies, in their respective countries, with subsidiaries, branches and representatives in South Africa. My Government has emphasized the importance of this code to all I'letherlands companies with subsidiaries and representatives in South Africa and has pressed for a faithful application of this code, which asks, among other 174. Apart from a few concessions in the field of the so-called petty apartheid, the situation is very much the same as it was four years ago. The major changes which South Africa had promised us at that time have never come about. The so-called "immorality laws", that could easily have been revoked, still remain in force. The bantustan policy is being actively continued, thereby driving millions of people to regions unknown to them and with which they have no ties. These bantustans cannot sustain all of their new inhabitants and, indeed, were not created for that purpose. In practice, the bantustans serve the purpose of 177. However, the situation calls for more than persuasion alone, and strong pressure should be exerted at the same time. For many years the Netherlands Government already implemented a strict voluntary arms embargo at the request of the Security Council. Thereafter the Security Council finally realized the need for a mandatory arms embargo. 't goes without saying that we attach the greatest importance to a careful implementation of Security Council resolution 418 (1977). 180. On a national basis the Netherlands Government will continue to refuse all middle-and long-term credit guar- antees for South Africa. My Government does all it can to discourage sporting contacts with South African sports teams and sports organizations and has terminated all subsidies for emigration to South Africa. 181. We are extremely worried about the great number of po~itical prisoners in South Africa and about the way in which they are being treated. The brutal death of Steven Biko, the death sentence pronounced against Solomon Mahlangu, the reports which reach us about the prisoners at Robben Island, give cause for concern and anger. Whatever the South African Government may say in defence of its actions, and even when they may be right from their strictly legal point of view, these facts show that a policy of racial discrimination leads to violence, from one side or the other. 182. Here lies the great and awkward responsibility of the South African Government. That Government is creating a human tragedy. Indeed, for many of the prisoners the only crimes they have committed are their opposition to apartheid and their efforts to work for change by peaceful means. In order to alleviate their plight, my Government annually makes increasing contributions to the organi- zations that try to improve their lot and that of their families, like the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa and the International Defence and Aid Fund. My Government also makes substantial contributions to humanitarian and educational projects of the two South African anti-apartheid movements, the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. 183. In conclusion, I should like to point out that in our view the only viable solution for South Africa is a democratic non-racial State where all inhabitants have equal rights and equal obligations. This is the goal we, and most of all South Africa itself, should work for. If we fail, South Africa, and possibly the whole of southern Africa, may become the scene of bloodshed and racial warfare for many years to come. 184. We take this opportunity to address an urgent appeal to the new Government in South Africa to initiate the necessary changes now, while a catastrophe can still be avoided, and to set in motion a process leading to such a non-racial State. There is hardly any need for a warning that time for the possibility of a peaceful solution is running out.

The delegation of Haiti is pleased to be taking part in the debate on the policy of apartheid of the South African Government. It takes pleasure in congratulating the Special Committee against Apartheid for the exhaustive report it has submitted to us on the present situation in South Africa and for the praiseworthy initiative that it has taken, 186. We should like to avail ourselves of this opportunity to pay a tribute, and at the same time convey our gratitude, to the Special Committee for its untiring efforts to fulfil the mandate entrusted to it by the General Assembly. 187. However, we are bound to note that, despite the valuable contribution made by the Special Committee, the situation in South Africa, far from improving, is tending to deteriorate. . 188. Apartheid is being strengthened at every point within South Africa's borders. This is being done through the adoption of a number of criminal laws and measures designed to keep the black population in a state of total subjection by depriving them of their inalienable rights and their fundamental freedoms. 189. The non-white Africans are today subject to all kinds of humiliation: discrimination in employment, in wages, in . the educational system, in churches and in hospitals. They are still compelled to undergo the humiliation of having to present their pass-books on the streets. Thousands are arrested, beaten, mistreated, thrown into pri~on-where they very often die-without trial or after a sham trial. 190. The peaceful claims of that people to throw off this inhuman condition are met with the unparalleled lirutality of a regime which does not hesitate to have "recourse to the worst reprisals, drowr.ing in blood the slightest attempt or even the least hint of rebellion. • 191. Strong in the power of its weapons, most of which it obtains, directly or indirectly, from the West, and despite Security Council resolution 418 (1977) making any mili- tary co-operation with the regime illegal, that regime pursues implacably its policy of aggression against the neighbouring African States-not to mention its frenetic efforts to obtain nuclear weapons. 192. Meanwhile, the regime has recourse to all kinds of trickery, 'such as the establishment of bantustans, the only effect of which is to impose more bitter suffering on the martyred people of Azania. 193. The seriousness of that situation has not escaped the notice and vigilance of the international community, which, concerned at the threat it poses to our planet, has entered into a world crusade to make the South African Tegime retrench and force it to respect the decisions and recom- mendations of the Security Council and the General Assembly. It is clear that these efforts by the international community would have been successful if the pressures brought to bear against South Africa had been universally applied; that, at least, is the opinion of my delegation, which has always held the view that a peaceful solution to the problem of apartheid means of necessity the strict application of United Nations resolutions by all the Member States. We have always said, and we continue to believe, that we cannot reasonably'expect Pretoria to change its policy overnight, unless it is obliged to do so; for it "to do otherwise would be tantamount to committing suicide. 195. We energetically condemn this collaboration, and we believe that it is high time for the countries concerned to put an end to it, since such collaboration makes them equally guilty with the South African regime of the crimes perpetrated against the Azanian people. It is not yet too late for those countries to recognize the immorality of this collaboration and to join the ranks of the other members of the community of nations in applying against South Africa all the sanctions provided for in the Committee's report, for we believe that the old concepts of colonialism are out of date in our century and that the junk heap ofapartheid will .necessarily disappear when confronted by this just cause. 201. The serious situation in South Africa is not one we can take lightly. Indeed, the report of the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid has pointed out the grave and imminent threat not only of an escalation of racial conflict within South Africa but also of a wider conflict in the entire region with the gravest possible international reper- cussions. 202. The marked increase in violence within the territory reflects the deep malaise of an abnormal situation, with the freedom fIghters resorting more and more to armed resist- ance in an ~ndeavour to bring down the apartheid regime in oder to assert their fundamental human rights. It also reflects their great desperation, and we fear that, unless the South African Government undertakes to change its apart- heid system, the desperation of the freedom fighters will ultimately result in the escalation of violent measures. 196. Meanwhile, the international community must intensify its military and material assistance to the libera- tion movements in South Africa to enable them to hasten the fall of the heinous apartheid regime. For its part, the Haitian delegation will continue unconditionally to support I the Special Committee, with which it has associations of solidarity. 197. My delegation wishes to restate the determination of the Government of Haiti to spare no effort-material, political or other-to assist the South African populations in their legitimate struggle to throw off oppression and humiliation by forging a new South African nation based on the principles ofliberty, equality and fraternity. 203. Unfortunately South Africa has not shown any willingness to embark on a change. It is encouraged in this respect by the lack of political will on the part of sonie Member States to support United Nations resolutions, particularly those which call for an end to all collaboration with the racist regime. It is a matter for regret that such collaboration is continuing in the economic, military and nuclear fields, since that only serves to strengthen the apartheid regime, enabling it to resort to more blatant acts of repression in order to perpetuate its white-racist minor- ity rule and to further the interests of the minority. 198. It is in that spirit that we invite all Member States to associate themselves with the untiring efforts of the Special Committee against Apartheid and to give their full support to the liberation movements. We must always bear in mind that, however difficult the task may appear, it is not beyond the possibilities of a united international com- munity. Just like colonialism, from which it sprang, apartheid will disappear when confronted by the concerted efforts of all peoples to bring about a world without hatred, a human race in which colour will not count, a new kind of human being in a new world. 204. This collaboration constitutes the main obstacle to efforts by the international community to liquidate the apartheid system and all its evil manifestations. In its report to the General Assembly the Special Committee against Apartheid has drawn attention to the fact that any collaboration with the racist regime constitutes a hostile act against the oppressed people of South Africa. It encourages the racist regine to persist in its repressive and aggressive policies; it seriously aggravates the situation; and it thereby constitutes a threat to international peace and security. 199. The delegation of Haiti will support all the reports of the Special Committee and the Secretary-General and all the draft resolutions concerning measures designed to rid the world forever of this ill-fated and repugnant system of apartheid. We hope that the States which have so far proved hesitant will set aside their petty national interests·and act in the same way, for the cause of world peace and security. 205. Indeed, reports have shown very clearly that, instead of relenting, the racist regime is resorting to more brutal- and ruthless repressive measures. We hope that these measures undertaken by South Africa will not be com- pounded by intensified acts of aggression against neigh- bouring African States, particularly the People's Republic of Angola, for -to embark on this dangerous course would have very serious consequences for the peace and security of the whole region of southern Africa. 200. Tan Sri ZAITON Ibrahim (Malaysia): At its thirty- second session, last year, the General Assembly adopted a record number of 15 resolutions relating to the various aspects of the problem of apartheid. The adoption of so many resolutions on a single item by the Assembly in its plenary meetings was in itself a reflection of continuing concern by the international community over a problem which has defied solution for so many years. By doing that, 206. Two days ago the international press reported that the South African Prime Minister had resisted United 207. At this juncture of the International Anti-Apartheid Year, action by the iliternational community must neces- sarily be geared to mobilizing public opinion to exert pressure on the South African Government to make it listen to reason and to secure an end to all collaboration with the racist regime in the economic, military and nuclear fields. The recommendations of the Special Committee in chapter 11 of its report have provided the guidelines for the international 'community in taking appropriate action. My delegation fully supports those recommendations and, in particular, we note the proposal to launch an international mobilization against apartheid during the International Anti-Apartheid Year to put an en1 to all collaboration with the apartheid regime and to extend full support to the liberation movement in South Africa. We hope that this will receive universal support, for the proposal represents a concrete means by which the United Nations can hope to exert pressure on the South African Government to end its apartheid system. 208. The situation in South Africa has assumed such serious dimensions that we cannot any longer afford the luxury of procrastination; nor can we delude ourselves that we can wait for the racist regime voluntarily to institute positive changes in its policies. The time has come for positive action, which in our view should also include mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter and an oil embargo against the apartheid regime. 209. Before concluding, let me on this occasion reaffirm our full support fryr all efforts of the United Nations to mobilize public opinion against apartheid, to promote concerted action in the campaign to isolate the apartheid regime and to render assistance to the freedom fighters in South Africa in their struggle to achieve freedom and equality and to establish a non-racial society. We express our full solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa and with the political prisoners whose just cause has won the sympathy and support of the international community.

The United Arab Emirates would like to repeat its appreciation and respect for the work of the Speciai Committee and other United Nations bodies in dealing with the problems of the contemporary world, which it appreciates as the very existence of these problems threatens mankind as a whole. 212. We in our Government are concerned at the practice and policy of apartheid carried out by the white minority in violation of the United Nations Charter. In this con- nexion, I should like to affirmJrom this rostrum that the United Arab Emirates fully supports the heroic struggle of the people of South Africa to recover their inalienable right to self-determination and to put an end to the inhuman and repugnant crime blatantly perpetrated by the white minor- ity in South Africa. 213. The Government of my country has in various ways expressed its repugnance with 'the unjust policy of the white Government in South Africa by actively participating in international and regional conferences held for that purpose. We are aware that the persistent policy of th~ Pretoria Government in oppressing the black majority is not only a threat to peace and security in Africa but to peace and security throughout the world. 214. The struggle of the people ofSouth Africa to achieve ind.~pe~dence and freedom is an historical inevitability andis based on a right which is embodied in every charter and international instrument and which must be respected by all countries devoted to peace, justice and freedom in our world of today. We desire an international ~ommunity based on equality, justice and freedom, and relations between States should be based on law and human values. That can be brought about only if all the countries of the world observe the principles of the United Nations Charter. Those principles and the United Nations resolutions should be observed if we are to resolve the major problems facing us, particularly the problem of apartheid in, South Africa~ 215. The United Nations has endeavoured since 1946, indeed almost since its verY inception, to struggle against racial discrimination and apartheid so as to eradicate those evils. Since the adoption of General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII), it became clear te the world that the United Nations was determined to adopt all diplomatic and economic measures against South Africa to induce it to cease its criminal practice of apartheid. Several committees have been established for that purpose. The Security Council too, in its resolution 134 (1960), clearly recogniZ~a that if the situation in South Africa continued it might endanger international peace and security. Similarly, Secu- rity Council resolution 181 (1963) called upon all States to cease forthwith the sale and shipment of military equip- ment of all types to South Africa. Subsequent General Assembly resolutions affirmed the continued threat to international peace and security and stated that it was the duty of peoples and countries to support the rights of the liberation movements in South Africa because the march of history could not be halted. 216. Some States have ignored those resolutions and the principles of the Charter and have continued to collaborate 217. The United Arab Emirates has always implemented United Nations resolutions in this respect and has given material and moral support to all liberation movements in Africa which are struggling to ensure that their people will recover their human dignity. That assistance has been given in the form of attending various conferences namely, the Arab-African summit conferencell and supporting the liberation movements in South Africa and in other coun- tries under foreign domination. 218. My Government reaffirms its determination to carry out its duties and obligations towards the international community as a whole, and appeals to all countries, and particularly to the major Powers. to take more effective and practical measures and fully to observe the principles embodied in the United Nations Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations so that the international com- munity as a whole can bring about the political .and economic pressure required to put an end to all collabora- tion with South Africa and its white minority Government. 223. For years now, and up to the present day, there has been a tendency to consider apartheid only from the humanitarian point of view, thus easing certain consciences which, despite themselves, have remained prisoners of a latent racism. Since gradualism and persuasion are in fashion, they have been very willing to present the rare results which have been z~hieved with regard to the application of what has been commonly termed "petty apartheid" as sufficient proof of the generous intercession of the Western Powers and the good intentions of the Pretoria regime. 219. We are sure that with the co-operation of all United Nations Members and with the mobilization of the poten- tial of all those countries, we could resolve all the problems which our world faces today and thus force the white minority regime in South Africa to recognize the sover- eignty of the black majority. thus strengthening peace arid security not only in that country but throughout the world. 224. One might quite rightly ask, in the light of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and the International Covenants on Human Rights, with the application of which those same Powers have shown a niggling, touchy and sometimes vexatious preoccupation where the countries of the third world were concerned. There is every reason to wonder whether they are prepared to adopt the same attitude towards South Africa. It may be said that South Africa is a party to neither the Convention nor the Covenant. How- ever, if remains true that according to the Charter the Member States are committed to ensuring that all States observe 'the aims and principles of the United Nations and, consequently, the instruments which have been drawn up for their implementation and application.

The celebration since 21 March this year of the International Anti-Apartheid Year might have given us, for several reasons, an opportunity to develop a positive attitude regarding the application by our respective State.s of the resolutions of the United Nations designed to put an end to the actions of the racist Pretoria regime to formulate a coherent policy designed to isolate that regime and 1:0 promote the ideals of freedom, progress and justice, for which the liberation movements in South Africa have continuously struggled on behalf of the oppressed peoples and on our behalf as well. 225. Furthermore, the fact that our attention has been diverted to "petty apartheid," which, incidentally, was not unknown in most of the countries that were previously under colonial domination, seems to be a result of a deliberate desire to ignore other aspects of apartheid. It is true that it is very difficult for certain circles to renounce the heritage of injustice which has been left by colonialism . and which is perpetuated by the Pretoria regime at its convenience. 221. However, the real state of affairs is quite different. The resolutions and decisions which have been adopted by international, regional and national. organizations, still contain condemnations of apartheid, if not of the Pretoria regime, which are difficult to challenge if we have the honesty to recognize that they appropriately reflect the declarations and the protests which have been expressed as a matter of principle. In most cases, those selfsame resolutions and decisions have made and have repeated appeals for States to take initiatives or to refrain from any 226. For us the choice is definitive: the question of apartheid remains, above all, a political question and the situation in South Mrica is a colonial situation. Let us therefore leave aside ~i:.e humanitarian aspects which are too reminiscent of the actions of a bygone age, and face the realities even if they are not likely to serve the interests of· all. The liberation movements in South Africa, which have 11 First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo from 7 to 9 March 1977. 227. And what can we say of the awakening of black conscience following the massacres of the Soweto? Do we have to provide testimony to the Western Powers for them finally to realize how vain it is to pursue a policy dictated by military and economic consideratiorr.; but which has been cleverly presented as a contribution towards safe- guarding and promoting the well-being of the black majority? It may be said that once the famous "essential needsu of the blacks have been more or less satisfied they could be left to langUish in their political ghetto. What cynicism, and what hypocrisy. 228. Allegedly well-intentioned ,!t~ might well retort that there can be no political gLv..w, since the creation of bantustans halt provided an opportunity for the blacks to return to their kl&tional homelands. They would be forget- ting, however, to continue that reasoning to its logical conclusion and also advocate the return of the uprooted European minority to some other place. That final solution has not been seriously envisaged because, apparently, that would be a failure in our duty to show understanding to the Afrikaners. ' 229. At the same time we have witnessed the creation, without its causing too much dbturbance in world public opinion, of new bantustans, which the United Nations has always condemned, but which national or transnational Western firms have encouraged. We have seen the displace- ment, in infamous conditions, of entire populations, the breaking up of families, as happened in the worst days of slavery, in order to ensure, among other things, a docile and cheap labour force. We have seen arrests, detentions and arbitrary sentences meted out in an attempt to put an end to any tentative reaction or resistance and thus to reinforce the security of white power. 230. In these circumstances of oppression, re~mS1~sion and systematic exploitation, what political and economic rights can be enjoyed by the blacks? What freedom of decision or action can they have in the bantustms; held as hostages, despite their autonomy or alleged independence, by the Pretorh regime which is posing more and more as a protecting Power? 231. The South African colonial empire has come into being. It owes its birth to geographical segregation, to thinly veiled genocide practised against the African popula- tion, to the seizure of lands and resources for the benefit of the dominant race, and to the "creation" of subservient and puppet "states". This is the least of the paradoxes we have witnessed in this half of the twentieth century: that it is possible for a State which ,is officially a Member of the United Nations to dream the old colonial dream, refining and perfecting to the limits of absurdity the methods adopted by its predecessors, which, when they became its allies and partners, only encouraged it by their complicity or their tacit acquiescence. 232. The liberation movements in South Africa are organ- izing themselves to hold back South African colonial expansion and to give the majority a real opportunity to 233. The colonial situation which prevails in South Africa and which we helve tried to analyse briefly requires that the United Nations take a new- approach to the problem. Attempts have been made along those lines and the adoption of Security Council resolution 418 (1977), on the mandatory embargo on arms destined for South Africa, can be considered as a contribution to the struggle which we are waging against apartheid. although we emphasize that that step was taken too late to be really t:.flective. 234. No one can be unaware that since 1963, the date on which the selective and voluntary embargo was imposed, South Africa has sought by all means to reinforce its military potential, that the Western Powers have helped it to cio so and that NATO itself, for its own strategic reasons, has lent itself to the dangerous game of South African blackmail regarding the defence of the so-called free world. The military-industrial complex in South Africa is one of the best organized in the world, as far as we know.t perhaps for defence, but undoubtedly for purposes of repression and aggression. The operation has been carried out with the full knowledge of the international community. Our pro- tests hav~ been peremptorily set aside on the pretext that national interests were involved in certain transactions and with an attempt to persuade us that a distinction can still be drawn between the civil and military uses of certain materials. 235. That has meant that since it is assured of total impu~!,ity, at least as far as concerns the Western Powers, which hold the right of veto and are firmly wedded to safeguard~ng their economic and fmancial interests, the Pretoria regmu'; has become the policeman of our area, thanks to th~ military and technological supremacy which its allies and partners have helped it to develop. No action is gratuitous and we are entitled to conclude that the role allocated to South Africa is part and parcel of a concerted conspiracy to maint~in neo-colonialism in Africa, to pro- mote a certain ideology, to defend imperialist and capitalist interests and to bring about economic and pnlitical instabil- ity in those countries which refuse to bow to -the imperatives of a different age. 236. We can provide proof of this, but suffice it to recall the aggression and intimidation which the sister Republic of Angola has suffered for three years for having dared to affirm its identity and to remain faithful to its com- mitments to solidarity and to a militant posture. 237. We now have to draw a certain number of con- clusions. First, the matter of apartheid can no longer be regarded as an essentially humanitarian issue, unless we wish to fall into paternalism and phariseeism. Secondly, the black majority has both economic and political rights which 245. That is why the discussions in the United Nations and in other international forums which have already contributed to a growing awareness of the legitimacy of the struggle against all forms of racial domination and of the need for rendering increased humanitarian assistance to the victims of such practices are so important. 238. It is now up to the international community to decide; to reconsider the arguments of the Western Powers to the effect that we should not offend South Africa in view of the con~ributionwhich it could make to solving the Rhodesian and Namibian problems; t~ take note in this colUlexion of the fact that the Western initiatives to bring about a peaceful settlement have ended in failure; and resolutely to embark upon the sole course which remains, that of the total isolation of the Pretoria regime) and the application against it of global sanctions. 246, In this regard we should like to express our apprecia- tion to the Special Committee against Apartheid and to its Chairma:, Ambassador Harriman, for their valuable contri- bution in co-ordinating the action against apartheid. Their achievements in the field of the dissemination of infor- mation, in association with the Centre against Apartheid, deserve our praise and our full support. 239. It will be a long road. We are aware of the difficulties which beset it and, so that it will not be said that we are always advocating negative measures) we propose that we enVisage the adoption as an urgent and interim step of a declaration on the part of the United Nations regarding the struggle of the national liberation movements in South Africa. 247. The report of the Special Committee contains a long list of encouraging signs which demonstrate uneqUivocally the solidarity of the international community with the South African people. It would be wise for the Government in Pretoria to meditate on them and to draw the necessary conclusions. 240. At this stage I shall not go into the details of the precise content of this declaration, since far-reaching and detailed consultations will undoubtedly be necessary. I is essential, however, that this declaration contain at least two 248. First and foremost there has been the collective demonstration of "he observance of the International Anti-Apartheid Year. We hope that by now South Africa has realized that time is funning out and that nothing roan stop the march of history or defy the laws of nature which consecrate the principles of freedom and equality. ,:~ements on which we have already dwelt, namely, an affirmation of active solidarity with South African libera- tion movements in all areas which fall within the purview of the United Nations and its family) and the commitment of Member States to refrain from any direct or indirect action 'Vhich would help to strengthen and defend the system of apartheid. These measures would a~ least have the advan- tage of making clear who was responsible for what, and of gauging the sincerity of the declarations which we have heard constantly for two decades now. 249. Other important events have taken place during the current year to rally world public opinion against apartheid. Their enumeration here today would be long and tedious and therefore I shall only refer to the comprehensive report of the Special Committee. 250. A brief review of the situation enables us to conclude that the collective efforts of the world community can be successful in putting an end to the system of institu- tionalized racism and other forms of domination.

The considera- tiDn of this item in plenaPj meetings is yet further evidence of the profound concern of the international community over the situation existing in South Africa. 251. The recent reshuffling of the Cabinet in South Africa leads us to believe and to hope~hat the Government will now be more conscious of the need to bring about, as quic=Jy as possible, important poiitLcal and social changes.- Only decisive and bold action on the part of the South African Government can prevent the deterioration of the situation in that country. As John F. Kennedy once sa,J: "An. error only becomes a mistake when we refuse to correct it". 242. Portugal shares this concern all the more deeply, not only because it is fully committed to'the cause of justice and freedom in the worlJ, but mainly becau'se the conditions prevailing in South Africa are intolerable to human dignity and any further deterioration could lead to a wider racial conflict with grave international repercussions. 243. As the last vestiges of colonialism disappear and we stride towards an era of social progress and justice, it is anachronistic that the majority of the population of a country is still deprived of basic human rights and that all those who try to call attention to their plight are banished, intimidated or imprif:oned. 252. Finally, I should like to add that the views and feelings of the Government and the people of Portugal on the policies of apartheid, as expressed here today, are a mere development of a centuries-old tradition in my "... that South Africa belongs to all its people, irrespective of race, colour or creed and that all have the right to live and work there in conditions of full equality. The system of racist domination must be replaced by majority rule and the participation of all the people on the basis of equality in all phases of national life, in freely determining the political, economic and social character of their society and in freely disposing of their natural resources".1 2

Major changes have already taken place in "the continent of Africa as a result of the long and impassioned struggles of the peoples of Africa against colomalism, neo-colonialism and imperialism, but still tdday these peoples ~re engaged in a struggle against various''enemies of their .freedom, independence and right to confront the onslaught of. tile neo-co~onialist forces and completely uproot ancient colonialism from Afric~n soil. 254. The consequences of the system of oppression which various invaders established in Africa in previous centuries have not completely disappeared. The vestiges of that system" still subsist in their most odiou3 form in southern Africa, where the racist regimes of Pretoria Md Salisbury practise the policy of apartheid against the African popula- tion of Azania, Zimbabwe and Namibia. 255. For years the practices of apartheid have been broadly and firmly condemned here in the United Nations, During this debate the representatives of several progress- loving and democratic States have once again brought sufficient evidence to prove that the racist re~me of Pretoria is continuing with increased cruelty its p\llicy of apartheid and genocide, and that the people of Azania are still facing a tragic situation. 256. The African population in Azania, like that of Zimbabwe and Namibia, is still subjected to daily massacres and crimes, to cruel exploitation and oppression. The indigenous populations of those countries see their most elementary tights trampled underfoot. The blacks are treated in the most barbarous fashion by a handful of white settlers who seek to hold millions of Africans bound hand and foot by the chains of slavery, to shut them up in what amount to concentration camps called bantDstans, and to deny them every right. 257. The facts which have been put before us during this session make it evident that the racist regimes of southern Africa are continuing to disregard the profound indigIlation aroused throughout the world by the policy of apartheid and that they have thus not the slightest intention of giving up their policy, Quite the contrary, they are con~tantly improving their methods of genocide and their criminal activities in order to prolong their domination, to stifle by 12 See Report of tne World Conference for Action agflinst Apartheid, .lAgOS, 22·26 August 1977 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2 and corrigendum), chap. X, para. 16. 258. The Sharpeville and Soweto massacres are still evidence of the Fascist spirit widerlying the policy of apartheid and the barbarous practices which characterize it. The injury done to 'the African pe_ople of Azania by these massacres, has not been healed; it is a wound that still bleeds. The horrible memory of these massacres and so many others is a call to arms for the peoples ofAfrica for a more resolute struggle to the bitter end, until the racist regimes in 'southern Africa are totally abolished and the crimes which these regimes have perpetrated and are still perpetrating have be~n duly punished. 259. The wave of protest and indignation against the policy oft!Paitheid rises daily throughout the. world. People severely condemn the inhuman practices of the racist regimes of Pretoria. _and SalisburY and demand that these regimes should disItppear forever. It is only the enemies of the African peoples, namely, the imperialist Powers, and first and foremost the United States,. that strive by every political, economic, diplomatic and military means to maintain and strengthen the racist regimes in !)outhern Africa for the purpose of striving to avoid the inevitable collapse which the tide ofhistory reserves for them. 260. It is precisely the multifaceted support grantad by the imperialist Powers which enables the Pretoria and Salisa bury cliques to maintain their obstinate policy ofapartheid and openly to' defy the sentiments of the peoples of the world that love peace and freedom. If the AmericJIl imperialists and the imperialist Powers are exerting major efforts to maintain these regimes in existence, the reason is that they wish to use them as policemen to oppress and exploit the peoples of southern Africa and to undertake provocation and acts of ~r~ssion against the peoples and sovereign States of Africa. Thus the struggle to put an end to the policy ofapartheid in Mrica and to abolish the raC-1st regimes is .inextricably linked with the struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism. This struggle ~,m be su..:cessful only if we foil every plot and every ultrigue hatched behind the back of the peoples of southern Africa by the. imperialist Powers, and if we unveil the deceitful demagogy of the enemi~s of the African peoples. 261. The peopleg \lr Azania, Zimbabwe and Namibia can also perceive more clearly thanks to their own experience that the rivalry of American imperialists and the socio- imperialist Soviets to expand further and to carve out the spheres of influence in southern Africa is a serious threatlo their liberation struggle. This rivalry favours and encourages the Pretoria and Sa:::sbury c1iques. The friendship which the American imperialists and the Soviet socio-imperialists offer to the peoples of Azania, Zimbabwe and Namibia is only a scheme to speculate on' the just struggle against apartheid peoples. The latter will never reno~nce their struggle against apartheid and the racist cliques to join American imperial- ism or the former colonizers, as the proponents of the "three-world theory" advise them to do. 262, The peoples of Azania, Zimbabwe and Namfbia have taken up arras and are fig.,ltting for their rights. Their fighting spirit and their determination to bear any sacrifice 263. The Albanian people ~nd their Government hcive always resolutely condemned the policy of apartheid, which is based on the Fascist theories of racial discrimi- nation, and is implemented by the most ferocious methods of violence and terror. They will always strongly support the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa for freedom and genuine independence. 264. Mr. MAR1'YNENKO (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian): At its thirty-third session the General Assembly is now considering the question of the liqUidation of apartheid at the time when, as has already been mentioraed, the United Nations is celebrating International Anti-Apartheid Year. The meas- ures connected with this Year have made it possible further to encourage the national Hberation struggle taking place in the southern part of Africa, and to strengthen support for those struggling against racism and apartheid. 265. At the international conferences that hav~ occurred this year, in Europe, Africa and Asia, concrete programmes of action have been elaborated, aimed at the eradication of racism and the fmal removal of colonialism and the criminal system ofapartheid. 266. The fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of the Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Khartoum in July, set as its main task the immediate liberation of the African continent from the vestiges of colonialism and racism, including its most blatant mcm.ifes- tation, apartheid. 267. The Khartoum session of the OAU Assembly and the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs ofNon~Aligned Countries, held in Belgrade also in July, showed in quite unambiguous terms that the struggle against racism and apartheid cannot be conceived outside the context of the general struggle against imperialism, whose bulwark is the racist southern part of Africa. It is absolutely clear to each and evp-ry one of us that, unless racism and apartheid are completely eliminated, it will be impossible to ensure the security of African States which are constantly threatened by aggression from the racist South. 268. There can be no doubt either that the removal of the final hotbeds of rac!'1m in Africa will signify also the removal of a source of military danger not only for Africa, but for the entire world. This makes the task of abolishing racism and apartheid one of the most important inter- national tasks which it is the job of. the United Nations to accomplish. 269. Despite all the decisions of the United Nations and the urgent demands made by international public opinion, the Pretoria regime continues is policy of apartheid: it is strengthening and stepping up its mass terror and repression against the oppressed peoples of South Africa; it has started to escalate i~ climinal policy of bantustanization and has stubbornly refused to liberate Na;'libia. It is also giVing substantial support to the racists in Salisbury; it is . attempting to annihilate the national liberation rnovgments 270. The racists of the Republic of South Africa are undertaking ever more frequent acts of provocation and anned aggression against the countries of Africa. One of the most recent of such criminal acts was the treacherous attack by the racists on the People's Republic of Angola, involving the slaughter of Namibian refugees and Angolan citizens. A new and serious danger now faces Angola. According to a communique from the Ministry ofDefence of that country dated 7 November which has been distri- buted as a document of the Security Council, S/12917, the racist forces of South Africa in the service of international imperialism have prepared a plan for a new large-scale armed attack on Angola in order to nullify the historic gains of its people and to wipe out the Namibian refugees. 271. The system of barbaric repression of the indigenous population which has been established by the apartheid regime in the Republic of South Afrl(,;a, the ruthless atrocities against those who are combating apartheid, the build-up by Pretoria of its military potential, its threats and . its aggressive acts against independent States in the African continent, all create a constant source of tension in that area. 272. Today it is no secret why the racist minority regime remains in power in South Africa, and continues with impunity to pursue its policy of apartheid, despite all the resolutions and decisions taken by the United Nations. The roots from which the South African racists draw ~heir strength extend to the West, mainly to the countries members of NATO. It is precisely these countries who conlinue to increase their political, military, economic, nuclear and other co-operation with the apartheid regime. 273. Certain circ!~~ in the West pursu:e a policy of conspiring witt the spiritual heirs of the Nazis, the racists of South Afi.".~a~ ;h 0r,lier to use the Republic of South Africa as ;. i.,.;,;., "l of ~f '.:I~rialism which will impede the progressivt. ..:..1'''/' QC' . -"h.g in .the southern part of the African conti ..:.t. IntEm.:,;ni:>nal imperialism, making every effort to maintain the last bulwarks of racism in the southern part of Africa, is pu.suing a policy aimed at undermining the liberation struggle of the African countries and peoples, a policy of dividing the anti-imperialist unity of Africa and artificially fomenting international tension on the continent and around it. The member countries of NATO are arming the racist regime of Pretoria so that it can prevent the constant process of political and economic liberation of that continent, so that it can serve as a spring~board of counter-revolution, and so that it can exert pressure on the anti-imperialist regimes of certain AfricllD countries. 274. The policy of the NATO countries towards South Africa is accompan!ed and strengthened by a close co- operation between transnational corporations and many national monopolies and the racist minority regimes in the southern part of Africa. Since they possess tremendous economic power, the tranmational corporat~ons not only ensure that they earn super-profits for themselves by increased expioitation of the black and Coloured popula- 275. All (his assistance and support to the racists is given in violation of the numerous decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council and despite the demands of the international community that an end be put to co-operation with the apartheid regime. 276. This assistance and support on the part of monopo- listic conglomerates have served to provide a material basis for colonialism, racism and apartheid in the southern part of Africa. 277. Thus, the apartheid regime continues to exist and poison the international atmosphere thanks to the closely interwoven political, economic, military and strategic interests of the Republic of South Africa ar'<i certain Western countries and their monopolies. The interrelatio~­ ship existing among these interests seem to be a sort of screen which not only shields the racist regime frOIn the just anger that is felt and the application of effective measures in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, but also makes it possible fer that regime to strengthen the system of apartheid, to carry out bloody atrocities against the patriots of South Africa and Namibia and encroach on the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the countries of Africa. On the basis of an analysis of these factors, the Special Committee against Apartheid in its declaration of 14 November of this yearl3 in connexion with the threat of fresh aggression on the part of the Republic of South Africa against Angola, emphasized that the apartheid regime in perpetrating its criminal acts of aggression is convinced that the Western Powers will not allow any effective interna~ional sanctions to be imposed against it in accordance with the United Nations Charter. 278. Understanding that the apartheid regime has com- pletely compromised itself in the eyes of wor'ld public opinion, the partners and patrons of Pretoria are trying to make certain "changes" in their tactics towarrJS Pretoria. We hear from them appeals for "dialogl~~i' with and "moderation" as regards the racists. Attempts are being 13 See United Nations press release GA/AP.913. 279. Representatives of the monopolies that are co- operating with the Republic of South Africa often refer to a so-called positive part which they can play in southern Africa, their attempts to raise the standard of living of the Africans and their alleged use of.their influence to cause the "erosion" of apartheid. But who can believe that the imperialist monopolies have suddenly become interested in the needs of the repressed population of the Republic of South Africa~ that they have the same interests as the people of South Afnca, particularly on such questions as the immediate removal of colonialist and racist o.utposts from the southern part of Africa? 280. There is no doubt that behind these illusions lies the desire of the imperialist circles to whitewash the reign of violence and racial discrimination while at the same time preserving the apartheid regime in the Republic of South Africa. 281. During the work of the fourth session of the Commission on Transnational Corporations in May. of this year hypocritical myths about some changes in the African policy of transnational corporations and their alleged co-operation in promoting the liquidation of racism and apartheid were convincingly dispelled. The facts which were adduced in the discussion showed quite the opposite, and precisely that the monopolistic conglomerates, firms and banks continue to develop their criminal co-operation with the apartheid regime. Of particular danger is the co- operation of these corporations with the racists in the military area. This is a danger which has been emphasized frequently by the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid, particularly in so far as the transnational corporations are playing a major role in the efforts of the racist regime of the Republic of South Africa to create its own military-i(ldustrial complex. In the last 15 years the military expenditure of the Republic of South Africa has grown fr')m $200 million to $2.5 billion. Most of this expenditure is on imports of weapons. The military machine of the racists continues to be supplied with modern tanks, armoured vehicles, planes, artillery, rockets and other weapons from the arsenals of the countries of NATO and of Israel, or under licence from those countries. This weaponry is being used by the racists in order to suppress the national liberation struggle of the peoples of southern Africa and to carry out aggression against the free countries of Africa in order to kill children~ as in Soweto, and destroy those who are struggling against apartheid. 282. Today, there should be particular alarm at the fact that the South African regime is now striving for nuclear weapons. This zeal is promoted in the most monstrous way by those imperialist circles and monopolies which continue to expand their co-operation -with the Republic of South Africa in the nuclear field and are helping the apartheid regime to produce its own nuclear weapons. There is hardly 283. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR would like at this rostrum to draw especially serious attention to the conclusion drawn in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid that the co-operation of member coun- tries of NATO and their monopolies with the racists of the Republic of South Africa is the main obstacle in the way of ridding South Africa of the racist regime and the system of apartheid. Co-operation with (he racists and the systematic protection of the apartheid regime from genuine sanctions cannot be reconciled with the genuine interests of the peoples of South Africa and with the spirit and the purposes of the United Nations. 284. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR supports the demands made by the peoples of Africa that decisive ,sanctions be adopted against the Pretoria regime. The relevant Security Council resolution, 418 (1977), on a mandatory embargo on the supply of arms to South Africa, as is shown in the report of the Special Committee, has by no means closed all channels by which the racists continue to receive the most sophisticated weaponry. Therefore the United Nations should not only ensure the strict compli- ance with tms resolution of all countries, without excep- tion, but should also adopt further effective steps to apply mandatory sanctions against Pretoria in order to close all channels through which the apartheid regime is fed in economic, trade, financial and other areas and to achieve the political and diplomatic isolation of that regime. It is of particular urgency to try to put an end to any co-operation with the Republic of South Mrica in the sphere of nuclear technology. The dangerous nature of these deals is very obvious because the Republic of South Africa has not yet signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. 285. The position of the Ukrainian SSR on the question under discussion has remained consistently one of principle. 286. We are decisively against any attempt to solve the problems of the southern part of Africa on a neo-colonialist basis, to the detriment of the interests and despite the aspirations of the people of that area, and to deprive the peoples of the fruits of their long and self-sacrificing struggle for liberation. 287. We have given, and will continue to give, assistance and support to the struggling p~ople of South Africa and their national liberation movement until the complete and irreversible liquidation of the criminal system ofapartheid. 288. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR would like to express the hope that at the present session the General Assembly will be able to take the sort of decisions that will 290. Apartheid has beco{lle deeply embedded in the structures of South African society and the elimination of that system will therefore not be an easy matter. But, on the other hand, it has become clear that the international community is not ready to tolerate any longer the existence of apartheid. The proof lies in the fact that this year the question of apartheid has again come back to the General Assembly and with increased acuteness, calling for urgent intervention by the United Nations. 291. We all know that the essence of the policy of apartheid lies in the absurd idea that black and white people cannot live together in equality. Therefore it is our view that no solution to this problem can be found unless the provisions of the Charter and those of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are integrally implemented. 292. We can and must demand that a country in which the majority of the population lacks even the basic political and civil rights take genuine and realistic measures to restore fundamental freedoms and a fair and just society without further delay. 293. My delegation strongly believes that more effective steps should be taken by the United Nations, pursuant to the Charter, in order to eliminate a situation which has for many years been considefed one of the major concerns of humanity. 294. Our position on the question ofapartheid with all its repercussions on the whole of southern Africa has been stated repeatedly and hardly needs an elaborate. presen- tation. It is unacceptable that a system of law can oblige men, born free and equal in rights, to have no communi- cations among themselves. It is inadmissible and reprehen- sible ih'" a system should classify fundamental freedoms in accordance with the colour of a man's skin. The theory of apartheid is inspired by an ideology irreconcilable with the spirit of the world of today, an abhorrent ideology sharply incompatible with the noble ideals for the defence of which Greece firmly stands: the ideals of democracy and the rule~ of the majority. 295. Greece has always vigorously condemned apartheid and all other forms of rachJ. discrimination and has supported all efforts to ensure that human dignity, security, safety and progress for all prevail in the region concerned. We have faithfully supported the efforts of the peoplefl of Namibia and Zimbabwe to exercise their right to self-deter,- mination and to accede to majority rule and genuine independence. In this spirit ~nd in firm support of all these 297. Beyond all those efforts and positive steps, it is essential that the elimination of apartheid remain one of the central aims of the United Nations. It is the duty of our Organization to protect human rights, and all of us, as Members of the United Naticns, must be active in support- ing the efforts against apartheid, against racism and oppression and against every aggressive act. 298. In conclusion, I take this opportunity of saying how appreciative we are of the work of the Special Committee against Apartheid, under the leadership of its Chairman, the Permanent Representative of Nigeria, Ambassador Harriman.

The policy of apart- heid has been on the agenda of all the sessions of the General Assembly over a long period of time~ as this question undoubtedly constitutes one of the basic problems not only of the African continent but of the world at large as well. The fact that apartheid also figures on the agenda of numerous other international gatherings and con- ferences, such as the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, held at Geneva in August and that 1978 has been proclaimed International Anti- Apartheid Year testifies to the awareness that it is high time for us to take resolute action against this evil, which not only brings shame upon mankind but also poses a serious threat to peace and security. 300. The continuance of the practice and policy of apartheid by racist regimes in southern Africa and the fact that they still meet with the tolerance if not the de facto support of some circles in the world cannot but cause deep concern, because their implications involve the very founda- tion and substance of international relations. 301. On the one hand, we have to bear in mind that the continued existence of the system of apartheid in a period proclaimed by the United Nations a~ the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, makes us consider to what extent we, the international community, are prepared to secure genuine r~spect for the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. 302. The tolerance shown with regard to the policy of apartheid and its protagonists provides one more proof that the general interest in and necessity for establishing among peoples, races and nations relations based on equality, which are verbally e.~or&ed by all, have not yet been fully 303. On the other hand, we must bear in mind that the implementation of the policy of apartheid jeopardizes peace and security in the region, in the African continent and in the world. Actually, the blunt negation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the brutal exploitation and oppression of the subjugated peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa by the racist regimes remind us vividly of the most sinister periods of human suffering during the Second World War. 304. It emerges from the reports of United Nations organs that the Fascist regimes in southern Africa have stepped up their repressive measures in contravention of the decisions adopted unanimously by the Security Council and the General Assembly. 305. South Africa is continuously intensifying its reign of terror and intimidation against the people under its administration. It continues and strengthens the practice of segregation and bantustanization. In addition to Transkei and Bophuthatswana, South Africa is preparing to -create seven more vassal provinces which will, according to the law on bantustan citizenship of 1970, dispose of only about 12 per cent of the territory of South Africa, consisting of arid add barren areas devoid of mineral deposits, of,industry and of conditions that would ensure a normal existehce. From this it is apparent that the objective of bantustanization is to establish reservations providing a sour;,.:-; of cheap and in fact slave labour for the enrichment of the transnational monopolies that exploit the n<1tural resources of the countries of the region. 306. We are witnesses to the latest machinations ofSouth Africa to circumvent the decision of the world Organization on the immediate granting of total and genuine indepen- dence to Namibia and its attempts to extend the'system of bantustans by means of a so-called internal solution. By holding controlled and stage-managed elections, South Africa intends to perpetuate its economic, political and strategic domination in Namibia, where more than 40,000 troops and vast military potential are concentrated in order to maintain its neo-colonialist rule. 307. South Africa has, in open violation of United Nations sanctions, been lending all-round support and assistance to the racist regime of Ian Smith, without whicn that regime would have ceased to exist a long time ago. Encouraged by such assistance and solidarity, Smith's racist regime is endeavouring to impose a so-called internal solution and to prevent or pnstpone the transfer of power to the majority of the population of Zimbabwe. 308. Consistent with their aggressive nature, the racist regimes are launching, almost daily, terrorist raids into the territories of the peaceful and independent neighbouring States for the purpose of demonstrating force and strength- 309. This situation and the policy of the racist regimes are condemned by the whole international community and are meeting with ever-growing resistance from the peoples of southern Africa-resistance which, in spite of the escalation of terror and intimidation, is bringing the day of fmal reckoning ever closer. We believe that it is imperative to take, without delay, resolute measures with a view to eradicatingapartheid and racial discrimination. 310. The International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime ofApartheid, which has been ratified by 40 countries including .'my own, and the numerous decisions of the United Nations provide a legal basis for the elimination of this anachronism from the life of the international community. 311. The OAU at its session in Khartoum this year, and the non-aligned countries at their recent Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs in Belgrade, condemned the practice of apartheid and judged the continuation of the I economic, military and nuclear co-operation of certain States Members of the United Nations with the racist regimes as having had the effect of maintain'ing those regimes in existence and encouraging them to pursue their present policies. 312. The non-aligned countries emphasized the need to implement Security Council resolution 418 (1977) on the arms embargo against South Africa. They stressed' the necessity of terminating all forms of military co-operation with the Smith regime and insisted on the application of economic sanctions against South Africa, especially the oil embargo. 313. The non-aligned countries called upon all States. to give moral, political, financial and material assistance to the liberation movements recognized by the OAU and paid a tribute to ~he heroic role played by the struggling people of South Africa as well as to the pe.:>ples of the front-line countries for the sacrifices made by them in the common struggle for the liberation of southern Africa. Actually, the struggle the peoples of the region are waging constitutes the most valuable contribution to the struggle for the realiza- tion of the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Consequently we feel that the international community is ·in duty bound to lend all-out support. to the struggle. 314. Proceeding from these positions and from its consis- tent support for the struggle for the eradication of colonialism and apartheid from the world, socialist and non-aligned Yl.!goslavia has lent, and will continue in the future to lend, its unfaltering support to all measures taken by the United Nations to combat and eliminate colonialism, racism and apartheid, including the application of sanctions ag?Jnst the racist regime under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. Yugoslavia has maintained and will maintain its solidarity with the peoples and countries of 315. In conclusion I wish to stress that my delegation is ready to work actively for the adoption and implemen- tation of all measures and actions that the United Nations may take with the purpose of eradicating apartheid, racism and racial discrimination.

The ever-deteriorating situation in South Africa resulting from the policy of apartheid followed by the racist white minority regime and the continuing brutality and oppres- sion it ,practises in order to implement its racist policy are extremely dangerous and make it necessary for the inter- national coml1Junity to take decisive measures to end the threat resulting from the policies and practices of the Pretoria regime and to enable the peoples of South Africa to acquire their freedom and human dignity. 317. Continuation of the oppressive policy adopted by the white racist regime in South Africa against the indigenous population in violation of United Nations resolutions is an open challenge to the Organization and a serious violation of its Charter as well as of the Univer~al Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of which we are now celebrating. The best evidence of this IS its escalation of its barbaric oppressive actions against the indigenous population and the massacres of Soweto and Johannesburg, which still dwell in the conscience of the peoples and countries of the world, to say nothing of the organized assassination of political prisoners and the apprehension of thousands· of persons resulting from racist laws and the compulsory transfer of hundreds of thousands of families and deprivation of their basic rights; South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia, wltich is an aggression not only against the people of Namibia but also against all the peoples and countries of Africa and a challenge to the United Nations, which has the res,ponsibility for putting an end to colonialist rule in Namibia; and South Africa's repeated aggressions against neighbouring countries in its attempt to occupy Walvis Bay, an integral part of Namibia. 318. The paranoia re3ched a climax following the mas- sacres carried out by the racist regime in South Africa-the Soweto and Johannesburg massacres, in which many young and innocent men were killed by the ruling junta. It is a contradiction of modern history that a racist Minister of Police should adopt the strangest law known in the history of man-namely, that a prisoner has the democratic right to go on a hunger strike and to starve to death. That racist minister, Kruger, last year closed 18 anti-racist political ana social organizations as well as two newspapers, and he threw all the black leaders into prison. Those racist police forces use torture and brutality against the political prisoners until they die. That is what happened to Steven Biko, Lungelo Tabalaza and others. 319. Despite international denunciations and condem- nations of the brutal Acts adopted by the racist regime 4n South Africa and the demands of the international com- 320. In the fmal analysis, the plan is directed towards changing South Africa into what is called a "pure State", thus solving the problem of apartheid and racial discrimi- nation in an attempt to protect fully the interests of the racists. Matters of defence, security and the economy remain in the hands of the racists of South Africa. The South African racists plan to set up nine bantustans for the indigenous population and one State for the whites. 321. The dangerous behaviour of the racist white minority regime in South Africa threatens all the peoples of the area and this threat extends to the neighbouring African countries, where security, sovereignty and independence are endangered. The repeated acts of aggression carried out by the Pretoria regime against Mozambique, Angola, Botswana and Zambia are a result of the policy of the South African racists against the national liberation movements which those countries support. 322. My country believes that the United Nations and the international community should take speedy and effective action in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter in the light of the current circumstances in South Africa and its violation of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, as well as the continued deterioration of the situation caused by the use of oppressive mass measures. The United Nations and the international com- munity should also recognize that the brutal apartheid policies of racial discrimination of the white racist minority regime in South Afric2 constitute an increasing and dangerous threat to international peace and security. They should also recognize the legitimacy of the struggle of the oppressed peoples of South Africa to secure their inalien- able rights. Those peoples should be provided with all,the necessary assistance in their struggle for liberation. 323. The freedom of the oppressed peoples who f'~a still suffering under the yoke of imperialism and racism, and their right to self-determination, freedom and independence are the common targets which all of us try to achieve. But

. This year's debate on the question of apartheid assumes added significance by virtue of the fact that it takes place during International Anti- Apartheid Year. The General Assembly, in adopting unani- mously aresolutiotl proclaiming the Year endorsed a Programme of Action to achi~ve its objectives and to give meaning and substance to the observance of the Year {resolution 32/105 B, annex]. Reviewing developments over the past year it would appear that our expectations of concrete expression of opposition to the system of apart- heid and of solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa might well be disappointed. This can happen because those Member States that have it within their power to take effective measures are not prepared to translate their declared opposition to apartheid into positive action. In his statement in the· General Assembly on 29 September, Jamaica's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign AffAirs said: "There is no more indictable failure in the sphere of international co-operation than·our inability 'to end that most odious system of human and r~ci~ degradation which is apartheid. The evil of racist oppression-in South Mrica is evident to every decent individual: only the brutish can deny the duty of the international com- munity to eradicate it. But, instead, co-operation between South Africa and certain major interests has. contributed to intensifying the oppression:of blacks in South Africa. "Let those who have it in their· power to change the system now recognize that only a concerted and uncom- promising effort will remove the disgrace of racist opPlession in South Africa." {15th meeting, paras. 403- 404.J 325. That assessment reflects the reality which we face at this juncture. The United Nations has adopted numerous resolutions condemning apartheid and calling for its eradi- cation. There exists a consensus that the monstrous evil of apartheid represents a blot on the conscience of mankind and a mockery of the principles of equality and justice which constitute the very foundation of civilized human existence. What we fmd particularly intolerable about the apartheid system is that it continues to exist and stre~gthen itself at a time in history when the world is in a poSition to know and do better. Over the past two centuries profound changes have taken place in the values and principles on which human relations are based. ' 326. These transformations have stressed the unity and co-operative spirit of man. They have had as their common objective the freeing of man from oppression, domihation and exploitation. Political liberty, social equality, economic justice and national independence have been the main themes of recent history and they constitute the funda- mental elements in the contemporary world and in inter- national relations today. 332. My delegation has examit:ted the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid, which covers its activities over the past year and which once again confirms our highest expectations regarding its commitment and its dedication to the campaign against apartheid. We believe that the recommendations of the Committee contained in chapter II of the report provide a sound framework for effective international action against apartheid. We fully support the recommendations for the launching of an international mobilization to end collaboration with the apartheid regime and in' support of the liberation struggle. In carrying out its task it is desirable that the Centre against Apartheid be strengthened and the Committee expanded, as recommended in the report. 328. Many wars have been fought, and some quite recently, in the name of the defence of civilization, the defence of democracy and the defence of morality, yet no wars have been fought against South Africa. The racist regime in Pretoria has managed to bask in the comfort and security of the knowledge or belief, whichever it might be, that those countries with the capability of applying the necessary pressure are not prepared to forgo the economic benefits of the continued survival of apartheid. It expects and receives continuing sustenance and support from many quarters. Its economy and its military strength, resulting 333. As a member of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports, my delegation is aware of the circumstances in which the Committee was unable to present a draft convention to the General Assembly at the current session. In view of the importance of achieving the total isolation of apartheid from sports, we believe that the Ad Hoc Committee should continue its work and complete the preparation of a draft t~onvention without undue delay. We hope that the Genefiil Assembly will be able, at its next session, to adopt such a convention and thus take one more step in our collective effort to eliminate apartheid in all its forms. I from its linkages with the Western world, haVe grown rather ; than diminished. So long as those linkages continue, so long will the system of apartheid continue to thrive. So long, too, will the racist regime continue to commit acts of aggression against African states, as was the case in May of this year when the forces of the racist regime carried out a criminal aggression against Angola, murdering hundreds of innocent refugees. 329. The delegation of Jamaica reiterates its position that action by the United Nations, under Chapter VII of the Charter, is required to deal with the racist criInmals in Pretoria. In particular, we urge the imposition of compre- hensive economic sanctions within the framework of Article 41 of the Charter. Only by such action will apartheid be crushed and the African continent freed fre 1 the scourge of racism.

I take the floor to reassert our country's consistent and persistent stand against the sterile and evil political system of apartheid. We abhor and are totally opposed to the ideology which continues to deny 80 per cent of South Africa's population the right to exercise their basic human rights'in their own motherland. They are the majority whose future is determined for them by one of tile most ruthless and oppr,:ssive regimes in the world, who have been betrayed and dispossessed by people who have the impudence to call themselves civilized. 330. The Prime Minister of Jamaica in his address to the special plenary meeting of the General Assembly com- memorating International Anti-Apartheid Year, called for a fmal mobilization of the ~or!d community to achieve those ends. He said: "Let the nations of the world, acting under Article 41 , move now to break all air, sea and land links with South Africa. Let us instruct all airlines and shipping lines to eliminate South Africa as a port of call; equally, let us deny landing and berthing rights to all aircraft and ships which are either owned by South Africa or which have embarked from South Africa; and let us be prepared to invoke Article 42, which authorizes blockades if any action taken under Article 41 should prove to be ineffective.'t[30th meeting, para•. 50./ 335. The i~sue before this Assembly is one that arouses the bittcrest condemnation of my delegation. After all, we know what racial discrimination is all about. We represent ~ people who fought a bloody and bitter war for the freedom and independence of our country. 336. Apartheid as an ideology is a close historical ally of nazism. We all.' know how low nazism sank, and as a consequence it left in Its hour of greatest shame a tragedy that no human being, living or dead, can er3f~ from human history. For our purpose it is important to note that dUring that period the former Prime Minister of South Africa, the racist Vorster, was detained by the Government of the day That, he said, should be the first action in that mobili- zation. 337. The United Nations adopted the International Con- vention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, which came into force on 18 July 1976. The objective of that Convention is sound and we hope that it will receive the support it deserves. This Assembly first became involved in 1946 in the issues relating to racial discrimination and the manner in which the short-sighted and bigoted whites were treatiIig the black population. Since that time no ~elevant issues that have come before it have been resolved. United Nations efforts to deal with institutionalized racial discrimination in South Africa have been ignored by the regime, with the encouragement of their economic partners elsewhere :""1 the world. South Africa is committing an international crime. On 4 November 1977 the United Nations imposed an arms embargo under Chapter vn of the Charter, when it was agreed that the sale of arms to South Africa represented a threat .to international peace and security. It is quite obvious, however, to any intelligent observer that South Africa is already so well armed, thanks to the support it continues to receive from its well-known friends, that the embargo served no really useful purpose. At any rate, even if it did, nearly SS per cent of South Africa's armament requirements still flow in from the same sources. Either it is already a nuclear Power or it is about to be, and that with the connivance and support of its friends in certain European countries and elsewhere. This is a very serious cause for alarm for the continent of Africa and the rest of the world. A people armed, or about to be armed, with one of the deadliest of weapons, and which has no respect for human life is a threat to international peace and security. 338. In resolution 418 (1977) the Security Council called on all States: u ••• to review . . . all existing contractual arrangements with and licences granted to South Africa relating to the manufacture and maintenance of arms, ammunition of all 340. The economic support which that racist country enjoys from friendly countries is a direct contributory factor in the strengthening of the oppressive machinery of apartheid. Our delegation once again calls for total economic sanctions against the racist regime. We are aware that certain voices have counselled and continue to counsel selective sanctions, and claim that collective sanctions will hurt the blacks and result in some loss of material standards and serious losses for the economies of neighbouring States that are linked to the South African economy. In answer to this I quote from the statement of the Prime Minister of Jamiica, the Right Honourable Michael Manley, in this Assembly: "no loss in material standards could be meaSured in any scale of values against the prospect of the recovery of human dignity" [30th meeting, para. 43]. . 341. To counsel an oppressed people to have patience, as we have heard being done from certain quarters in the world, while at the same time those same couQsellors are strengthening the oppressor econQmically and militarily, is to us both hypocritical and morally indefensible. It has become quite evident that the oppressor is deteriorating morally. How else can his behaviour towards the black majority be explained? 342. It is our delegation's fervent wish to see the oppressive minority regime and its collaborators in general brought to their senses and to the realization that their game is up and the hour of liJeration of the black people cannot be long aelayed.