A/35/PV.108 General Assembly

The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly has been resumed at this crucial and decisive time in order to consider once again the Organization's primary responsibilities towards Namibia and express once again its firm solidarity with the deprived people of that Territory in the wake of the failure of the pre-implementation meeting held at Geneva from 7 to 14 January 1981, a failure caused in its entirety by South Africa's intransigence, duplicity and arrogance. 2. There were fears and doubts stemming from lack of confidence in the sincerity and honesty of the Pretoria regime, but some of us might have also entertained some hopes and expectations that perhaps the time had come for South Africa to perceive ageold injustices, amend its policy and act in accordance with the edicts of the international community as expressed in numerous United Nations resolutions. 3. It is indeed deplorable that once again the racist regime of South Africa has turned its back on the world and stubbornly refused to carry out the previously accepted United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. It is not the first time. We recognize once again South Africa's face of hypocrisy. We clearly see behind the new concept of "impartiality" put forward by South Africa the well-known dilatory tactics of the racist regime aimed at creating confusion and more difficulties in order to prevent the start of the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). NEW YORK 4. In the face of this constant provocation, which poses a serious threat to international peace and security, something has to be done and done as a matter of urgency. The United Nations cannot and must not any longer endure repeated contemptuous disregard of its decisions and challenges to its very credibility. 5. More than 14 years have elapsed since the General Assembly, by its resoultion 2145 (XXI) of 27 October 1966, decided to terminate the Mandate conferred upon South Africa by the League of Nations for the Territory of Namibia, declared South Africa's continued occupation of Namibia illegal and placed the Territory under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. A year later, in 1967, the General Assembly, by resolution 2248 (S-V), established the United Nations Council for Namibia charged with the administration of the Territory until independence. Since that date numerous other General Assembly and Security Council resolutions have followed, as well as an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice stressing that the continued presence of South Africa is illegal and that South Africa is under obligation to withdraw its administration from Namibia immediately and thus put an end to its occupation of the Territory. 1 6. Not only has the apartheid regime of South Africa flouted with arrogance and disdain the repeated appeals of the international community, refusing to recognize any authority of the United Nations over Namibia, but throughout all these years South Africa has procrastinated and continued its hideous maneeuvres to perpetuate its illegal occupation of Namibia, in flagrant violation both of the rights of the Namibian people and of the very authority of the United Nations. 7. Despite all efforts and the international moral pressure brought to bear on South Africa to withdraw from the Territory, despite the fact that the United Nations by repeated resolutions has whole-heartedly supported over the years the just struggle of the people of Namibia for their liberation and self-determination, South Africa turns a deaf ear to the world and continues to occupy Namibia illegally, aggravating repression in the Territory and resorting to acts of aggression against neighbouring African States. 8. Today, more than ever before, the General Assembly faces serious responsibilities. Namibia is the only Territory in the world which has so far been placed under the direct authority ofthe United Nations. Yet the resultant stalemate in the situation in Namibia quite obviously raises the question of the very credi- I Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1971. p. 16. A/35/PV.I08 11. The United Nations has the duty and obligation to discharge its responsibilities with regard to the people of Namibia. The Organization has set itself the sacred task of leading the Namibians to their independence. It is imperative that the international community intensify its support to bring about the realization of the legitimate aspirations of people that have suffered for. decades under colonialism, racism, foreign domination and oppression. 12. The position ofCyprus on the question of Namibia is consistent and very well known. Our age-old history has also been one of continuous struggle against innumerable conquerors, foreign domination and colonialism. The noble cause of the people of Namibia, the sacrifices of many generations, their admirable heroism and sacrifice give pain but are also a source of pride to all freedom-loving people in the world. 13. My delegation has always taken a strong and clear position on the question of Namibia. Cyprus is proud to be one of the 31 members of the United Nations Council for Namibia, and we have participated with enthusiasm in the work of the Council and have utilized every opportunity presented to promote the 23. Let us ask the question, from what source does the Pretoria regime derive its confidence? The answer is that the racists are well protected by members of the international community. Although democracy is espoused by many, it is not given an opportunity to manifest itself in Namibia, and the will of a minority is effectively given licence over that of the majority. Democracy by way of the United Nations institution is frustrated in that the will of the majority has been denied implementation. When it comes to sanctions, again we see the democratic process in limbo. A notso-simple veto does it. The arrogance and insensitivity of Mr. Botha and company are thereby encouraged in the sure knowledge that their allies will act in their behalf. 24. In the light of the dismal failure of the preimplementation talks and the resulting impasse, the international community is faced with no alternative but to review the entire question of Namibia. The international community must give active consideration to the adoption of measures which would force the Pretoria regime to terminate its illegal and oppressive occupation of the Territory. 25. In this connexion, the delegation of Trinidad and Tobago whole-heartedly supports the call of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity lOAUJ at its thirty-sixth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 23 February to 1 March 1981 27. The Government and people of Trinidad and Tobago wish to commend SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, for its statesmanship and the spirit of compromise which it exhibited during the pre-implementation talks, as well as for the positive efforts which it has made over the last three years through negotiations aimed at achieving a peaceful settlement of the situation in Namibia. We recognize also the positive contributions which the OAU, the front-line States and Nigeria have made in the past and continue to make to the Namibian struggle. 28. The United Nations Council for Namibia, under the chairmanship of Mr. Paul Lusaka of Zambia, must be applauded for its unswerving dedication and must be given every encouragement in the arduous task of fulfilling its mandate. We wish to assure the Council of Trinidad and Tobago's continued support. 29. Every Member of the Organization claims to espouse the principle of freedom and justice for all. It is the earnest hope of my delegation that they will put their words into action, in order to ensure the independence of Namibia with the minimum delay, thereby curtailing the deplorable and tragic waste of human resources in southern Africa.

At the opening of the present session the Government of Guinea, through its Foreign Minister, appropriately conveyed to you, Sir, its warm congratulations on your accession to the presidency of the Assembly [20th meeting]. It also expressed to you the feelings of friendship and co-operation which exist between your country, the Federal Republic of Germany, and our own, the Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea. By your leave, Mr. President, we should like to reiterate to you the same sentiments on behalf of our delegation. 31. My delegation IS convinced that under the guidance of such an eminent diplomat and efficient negotiator as yourself, the General Assembly, which has now resumed the thirty-fifth session to continue its work on the question of Namibia, will arrive at bold and positive decisions whose immediate implementation should finally enable the Namibian people, under the leadership of its sole and authentic repre- 37. Why do we find such brazen obstinacy on the part of South Africa? Is it because the United Nations has been unable to induce South Africa and its allies to respect the decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly and thus put an end to the importa- . 39. As far as we are concerned, South Africa's refusal to initiate any genuine dialogue with the United Nations and SWAPO at the most recent Geneva meeting on Namibia is abundant proof of the desire of Pretoriato prolong its illegal occupation of Namibia, to continue to violate its territorial integrity, to perpetuate its frenzied exploitation of its natural wealth, and to disrupt the national unity of tile Namibian people. 40. In the face of this defiance, my delegation proposes to the Assembly: first, an intensification of the armed struggle; secondly, an increase in aid to Namibian refugees as well as to the front-line States which are victims of repeated acts of aggression by South Africa in order to strengthen their defence capabilities. For, as affirmed by the President of the Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea, Comrade Ahmed Sekou Toure, "Freedom is not negotiated: it is conquered. Independence is not given as a gift: it is conquered. Dignity is not given as a gift: it is conquered." In the face of a situation like that of the Namibian people, there are certain requirements which the nations represented here cannot avoid. 41. It is, to say the least, paradoxical, if not disturbing, to note that certain members of the international community, particularly the Western countries, which bear responsibility for world security, are at the same time the protectors of the selfish interests of the colonialist and racist minority in southern Africa. Is that not a betrayal of the trust of all mankind? 42. We have at our disposal means of dissuasion which need only to be used boldly to put an end to Pretoria's insolent attitude. The first of these radical measures ar mandatory economic sanctions, as provided for; - :Japter VII of the Charter. They are essential and vual. The arms embargo was a step which yielded rather dubious results. Since then, there has will continue to be aware of their continuing interest and responsibility and act accordingly. 49. The main obstacle to a peaceful settlement in Namibia has been and is the Government of South 58. That was not the attitude adopted by SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people. SWAPO came to Geneva to enter into a dialogue and negotiate seriously, bolstered not merely by its role as the vanguard of the just struggle of the valiant Namibian people for its freedom and full selfdetermination but also by the legitimacy conferred upon it by numerous resolutions of the United Nations and the OAU. 59. From a position of firmness and legitimacy that it holds by virtue of history and popular support, SWAPO from the beginning made clear its willingness to sign a cease-fire immediately and tu urrr-e to set a date for the arrival of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group [UNTAG:J provided for in the United Nations plan. At Geneva the statesmanlike and responsible attitude of SWAPO and its capacity to govern a free Namibia were fully demonstrated. 60. Are we to conclude, given this new chapter in the long history of South African intransigence with respect to Namibia, that only the path of armed struggle remains? Clearly, the South African regime believes so, because its contempt for the opportunity to bring about a peaceful transition to Namibia's independence is nothing but a diplomatic maneeuvre which forms part of a diabolical strategy to perpetuate by all possible means the domination of apartheid in southern Africa and to relieve the profound internal crisis in that inhuman system. 61. There is no clearer proof of Pretoria's intentions than the new escalation of acts of armed aggression 63. Similarly, Nicaragua notes and condemns the military co-operation between South Africa and certain States, which is in violation of Security Council resolution 418 (1977), which imposed an arms embargo against South Africa. No less of a stumbling-block for the independence of Namibia are the activities of those foreign economic interests that in partnership with the South Africans are facilitating and benefiting from exploitation of the human and material resources of Namibia. We recall and support Decree No. 1 of the United Nations Council for Namibia, which calls for action by States whose transnational corporations are continuing to operate in Namibia under the illegal South African Administration. 64. The same interests are now pleading for greater understanding of South Africa and other repressive regimes, while they characterize as terrorist the liberation movements, whether in Namibia, Palestine or El Salvador. The threat of violent assault by criminal armed forces is a daily reality for those peoples; for it is the peoples that are the victims of terrorism. But the peoples will not be the pawns of those who assert that they have vital interests or spheres of influence, nor are they going to be the victims of those who wish to unleash a new cold war. 65. Since the situation in Namibia is continuing to worsen rapidly, seriously threatening international peace and security, it is essential that the United Nations reaffirm its responsibility in the matter. As the Secretary-General has said in his report, "the outcome of the meeting at Geneva must give rise to the most serious international concern". 2 66. We would recall and reaffirm that Namibia is the direct responsibility of the United ~: uions until that Territory achieves genuine self-determination and that 68. We would conclude by reaffirming that the people and the revolutionary Government of Nicaragua will be equal to the challenge represented by the struggle for the liberation of Namibia. We fully associate ourselves with the words of the Observer for SWAPO at the 103rd meeting, who reminded us all that the struggle for Namibian liberation and its cause is the cause of the United Nations and of all progressive mankind devoted to peace and the protection ofjustice. It is the cause of decolonization, of the achievement of the right to self-determination, freedom and national independence. We would humbly add that it is ,,~so the cause of the Nicaraguan revolution and of the people of Sandino.

Once again urgent and weighty circumstances have compelled the General Assembly to consider the situation in Namibia. After the deplorable failure of the recent pre-implementation meeting at Geneva, it is both timely and appropriate for this body to take up this thorny issue and to ponder possible courses of future action. 70. The question of Namibia has for over three decades cast an ominous shadow on the otherwise historic accomplishments of the United Nations in the area of decolonization. The United Nations, which is directly responsible for promoting self-determination, freedom and national independence for Namibia, has seen its efforts time and again frustrated by the intransigence and duplicity of the Pretoria authorities. 71. Namibia remains illegally occupied by South Africa in open violation of the principles of the Charter and international law, as well as numerous Security Council arid General Assembly resolutions and in callous defiance of international opinion and outcry. The unfortunate history of the South African occupation of Namibia is replete with inhuman acts of. subjugation and depredation, plunder and pillage by the occupying Power. The atrocious policy of apartheid and shameless exploitation of Namibia's natural resources only add to the long list of abominable crimes committed by South Africa against the Narnibian people. 73. The right to self-determination of all peoples is surely one of the most fundamental rights vested in mankind. It is all the more deplorable that in certain parts of the world today there are peoples who share a plight similar to that of the suffering Namibian people. 74. In such situations involving illegal foreign occupation and deprivation of that right, there is inevitably a serious threat to international peace and security as the occupying forces proceed to commit deliberate acts of aggression or intimidation against neighbouring countries. For instance, South Africa's aggressive acts against front-line African States have been launched from the illegally occupied Territory of Namibia. 75. Furthermore, world peace is in jeopardy because ofthe involvement ofmajor Powers and their increasing rivalry in such trouble-spots. Moreover, such situations give rise to the problem of refugees and displaced persons, which increases the burden on countries of first refuge, as well as on the international community as a whole, not to mention the enormous human suffering which accompanies such developments. 76. Therefore, with regard to Namibia, as well as in similar situations, the occupying Power must be compelled to withdraw all forces, to cease repression of the local population, to desist from disrupting their economy, to halt demographic changes in the occupied Territory and to stop plundering its natural resources. 77. The people of Namibia must be guaranteed their freedom to exercise their right to self-determination in United Nations-supervised elections. It should be recalled that; in 1978, South Africa was engaged in thwarting United Nations peace efforts by organizing illegal elections in Namibia, in defiance of the relevant United Nations resolutions, particularly Security Council resolution 439 (1978). Those so-called elections were held in the presence of the occupying armed forces in an attempt to legitimize their occupation of Namibia as well as the installation of the puppet regime by the force of foreign arms. However, the international community was not fooled by those devious manoeuvres. Instead, South Africa's perfidious acts were strongly condemned by the world. 78. The natural resources of Namibia are the inviolable heritage of the Namibian people. South Africa and other parties concerned must refrain from exploiting such resources for their own enrichment, to the detriment of Namibia's sovereign rights over those resources. All parties must refrain from any economic activity or collaboration with South Africa, which can only serve to impede progress towards selfdetermination, freedom and independence for the Namibian people. Thailand, for one, voluntarily imposed a trade embargo against South Africa several years ago, and it has consistently supported other

We recently rejoiced at our success in fulfilling our objective of a free and independent Zimbabwe. We shall not sit idly by while Namibia struggles for its independence. 83. The Namibian people have suffered under an illegal, repressive and oppressive regime for six decades. It is indeed unfortunate that we should again have to gather here to grapple with the issue of Namibian independence, which should long since have been an accomplished fact. There is no doubt in any of our minds, except that of South Africa, that Namibia should take its rightful place in the free comity of nations. 84. The economic, political and social conditions of black Namibians under South African Administration have been far from enviable-in fact, they have been deplorable. The inhumanity of South Africa's repressive and discriminatory practices in Namibia is compounded by the very real threat those practices pose to international peace and security. South Africa uses Namibia as a base for aggression against its neighbouring States, and the volatile conditions prevailing in Namibia as a result of guerrilla warfare could easily spread and involve more than just SWAPO and the South African forces. Apart from this, South Africa is illegally exploiting Namibian natural resources, particularly uranium, the exploitation, processing and random marketing of which increase the threat to international peace and security. 86. In pursuance of that responsibility, at its fifth special session, in 1967, the General Assembly, by resolution 2248 (S-V), established the United Nations Council for Namibia to administer the Territory until independence. At this point, I should like to express the appreciation of my delegation to the United Nations Council for Namibia and its President, Mr. Paul Lusaka, for their untiring efforts towards achieving the goals of the United Nations. At the ninth special session, on Namibia, in April 1978, the General Assembly adopted a clearly defined programme for the independence of Namibia, including the territory of Walvis Bay [resolution 5-9/2]. 87. Invaluable as General Assembly action on Namibia has been, it was the Security Council in its resolution 385 (1976) that for the first time called for elections in Namibia, and all succeeding efforts to achieve Namibian independence under United Nations auspices have been predicated on that resolution. 88. South Africa's intransigence, however, has stymied any genuine moves towards free and fair elections. Negotiations between the five Western members of the Security Council and South Africa produced an agreement to hold free and fair elections under United Nations supervision and control, an agreement formalized in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). 89. However, the fact that South Africa is not really interested in co-operating has been proved once again. In spite of the fact that South Africa originally agreed to resolution 435 (1978), the latest round of talks on the pre-implementation meeting held at Geneva, failed as a result of South Africa's unwillingness to accept the implementation of that resolution. At the Geneva meeting, South Africa tried to hide behind the puppet regime that it has installed in Windhoek, Namibia, but there is no question as to who pulls the puppets' strings. They always seem to manufacture some excuse to block progress when matters are heading towards definitive action on Namibian independence. 90. Because of the failure of the pre-implementation talks, the Foreign Ministers of non-aligned countries, at the New Delhi Conference, issued a Declaration in which they called on the Security Council urgently to impose comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions, under Chapter VII of the Charter, against South Africa to compel it to end its illegal occupation of Namibia; and should the Security Council fail to impose such economic sanctions, the Ministers recommended the convening of an emergency special session of the General Assembly. It is the hope of my delegation that the Assembly will take action to this end. We 91. The Kingdom of Bhutan is a peace-loving country, and our position has always been to welcome and support all measures proposed and adopted by the United Nations to break down South Africa's intransigence by non-violent means. It has been our avowed contention that the only way for the Namibian people to exercise the right of self-determination without fear of reprisals would be if the South African army were withdrawn from the area and elections held under the auspices of the United Nations. Persistent efforts have brought us close to the goal, but its final achievement has been frustrated. Now South Africa is casting doubts on the validity of the impartiality of the United Nations itself. Such behaviour cannot be tolerated, and we must make a supreme effort to achieve our final goal-that of a truly independent State of Namibia, an equal and respected partner in our comity of nations.

The General Assembly at the resumed thirty-fifth session, is considering the question of Namibia at a time of great anxiety over the future of that Territory. Events in the last few months have moved swiftly, and the world body is now at a decisive point where its commitment to genuine independence for the people of Namibia is being put to the test. 93. The road to the independence of Namibia has been made amply clear by the various resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council, in particular by Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). The convening of the preimplementation meeting at Geneva early this year raised hopes that the long-delayed independence of Namibia would be achieved this year. The talks failed because of the characteristic intransigence of South Africa. The questioning of the impartiality of the United Nations and the demanding of an atmosphere of trust and confidence by the so-called representatives of the Territory and the Pretoria-appointed administrator have again laid bare the ultimate intentions of South Africa. 94. The Geneva pre-implementation talks have, once again. demonstrated the willingness of SWAPO, the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people, to enter into any meaningful search for a negotiated settlement of the Namibian question. We have always supported and continue to support the legitimate struggle for independence led by SWAPO. 95. My delegation wishes also to express its appreciation of the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General to find a peaceful solution of the question. I should also like to express my delegation's appreciation to the front-line States, Nigeria, the OAU and the contact group of the five Western countries for the efforts they made during the pre-implementation talks. My delegation fully supports the activities of the United Nations Council for Namibia and highly commends its efforts for the early realization of Namibian independence. 102. The Fascist and colonial regime in Pretoria is currently trying to fool the world by twisting facts and shifting the blame somewhere else as regards the 103. There is absolutely no element of truth in the empty propaganda now being generated by that racist regime. The repeated demand of the world community is for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of South Africa's illegal racist colonial Administration from Namibia. 104. Perhaps one needs to restate the events as they have evolved so far. In April 1978, the five Western countries then serving on the Security Council announced a settlement proposal in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which raised expectations that Namibia would at long last achieve its independence. The proposal was the product of lengthy discussions with both South Africa and SWAPO, as well as with other parties concerned, in particular the front-line States. In September that year, the Security Council endorsed the Secretary-General's plan for implementation of the settlement proposal and decided to establish UNTAG under its authority. The racist regime had bluffed the world body by accepting the settlement proposal of the five Western countries in April; on the other hand, it rejected the implementation plan of the Secretary-General. 105. My delegation is therefore deeply disturbed by the intransigent attitude of South Africa which led to the lack of agreement on a cease-fire. Thus the international community is now faced with a regrettable situation in which yet another round of endeavour has to be manufactured. It is the view of my delegation that the international community has no option left but to resort to more drastic undertakings against the racist regime. When the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries met at New Delhi in February, the Ministers reached the most opportune and correct conclusion on the course of action to be taken by the international community against South Africa. The Kenya Government fully shares those conclusions. I should like to (l'lote, therefore, the recommendation of the Foreign Ministers: .. As a result of the failure of the Geneva meeting, caused by South Africa's duplicity and arrogance, the Ministers called on the United Nations Security Council urgently to impose comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter against South Africa to compel the Pretoria regime to terminate its illegal occupation of Namibia." 106. The international community must therefore face the arrogance of South Africa directly. Comprehensive economic sanctions have also been supported by the Council of Ministers of the OAU, which met at Addis Ababa a week after the New Delhi Conference. 107. Kenya, as a country that went through colonial struggle to attain independence, believes it inevitable that Namibia will achieve independence. The writing is on the wall. South Africa had better listen or, at least, read the writing on the wall. Our African brothers are dying for liberty, which is their inalienable right. 112. South Africa must be forced out of Namibia so that the Namibian people can hold free and fair elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations. The international community has enough moral grounds to ensure that Namibia does not continue to be a colonial enclave of the racist regime.

The majority of the States Members of the Organization have, year after year, supported the right of the people of Nambia to independence and selfdetermination. We have affirmed the duty ofthe United Nations to enable that people to exercise that legitimate right. Throughout the past years, however, that support has not helped the people of Namibia to win its independence and self-determination. 114. The General Assembly, in the first part of this session, deferred consideration of the question of Namibia by its decision 35/450 of 17 December 1980, to allow the pre-implementation meeting, which was held at Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations, to proceed with positive negotiations. However, the Government in Pretoria did not take advantage of that opportunity and, with unprecedented arrogance, failed to respond to the United Nations with goodwill. It completely torpedoed the Geneva talks, despite the concessions and the goodwill offered by the other parties concerned, but not, obviously, by South Africa. 115. The League of Nations entrusted the Mandate for Namibia to South Africa, but unfortunately we have seen that the wolf has been made the shepherd and the offender has become the judge. The Namibian 116. It is also high time that the Western Powers and peoples that co-operate with South Africa faced up to their responsibilities. That is clear from the Charter and the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council and follows equally clearly from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Consequently, the time has come to commit ourselves to work on the basis of humanitarian principles. It is impossible to co-operate with injustice, to support the culprit and simply to rap the knuckles of the racist regime of Pretoria; instead, very clear-cut and specific steps should be taken against it. Lip service is of no avail against injustice and oppression. 117. It was only right that South Africa's participation here was rejected last week by the General Assembly, because the South African Government has failed to observe decisions taken by this body and has refused to apply the principles of the Charter. It was the least that could be done to express quite clearly our rejection of the racist policies pursued by the Government of Pretoria in Namibia and in southern Africa. Those who engage in legal quibbles about South Africa's participation in our discussions are fully aware of the true point of the issue, but they are attempting to ignore the fact that the presence of South Africa in Namibia is illegal and that the racist policies of South Africa are both inhuman and contrary to international law. 118. My delegation would like to thank the United Nations Council for Namibia, under the leadership of Mr. Lusaka, for the humanitarian efforts it has made on behalf of Namibia and its people. My delegation would also like to take this opportunity to express its support for SWAPO, which is the sole legitimate representative ofthe people of Namibia, now struggling for its freedom. 119. My delegation reiterates its appeal that Chapter VII of the Charter be applied against the racist Government of South Africa so that it will be forced to withdraw completely from Namibia, including from the region of Walvis Bay. 120. Mr. da LUZ (Cape Verde) (interpretation ji-011/ French): The resumption of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly should not be a mere technical 129. Accordingly, the United Nations drew up a plan, resulting from the joint proposal of Car. .da, 134. The maneeuvres and procrastination that we witnessed at the Geneva meeting and the attempts to impose on SWAPO direct negotiations with Dirk Mudge , the puppet leader of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance, bear clear witness to South Africa's intentions and to its total opposition to resolution 435 (1978). On this score and clearly in order to play for time, hoping for a possible about-face by his allies, "Pik" Botha declared that there was no need for South Africa to negotiate directly with SWAPO, and Dirk Mudge sought to present himself as the elected Prime Minister of the Namibian Government. 135. However, we feel that all the efforts made to organize the meeting were not in vain. Indeed, the meeting confirmed the seriousness and the goodwill of SWAPO, demonstrated when it went to Geneva. It denounced to world public opinion all the insolent delaying tactics used by South Africa, on which must fall the political and moral responsibility for the failure. But it particularly showed that SWAPO and its allies will never accept puppet independence, remotecontrolled from Pretoria, and that the freedom fighters are ready to make any sacrifice to build a Namibian fatherland in accordance with their political and economic options. I~I. Before concluding, we should like to pay a tnbute to the Secretary-General for the tireless efforts he has made in the search for a peaceful settlement of the problem of Namibia. 142. We should also like to pay a tribute to the United Nati~ns Council for Namibia, and especially to its President, Mr. Lusaka, for the work he has done in guiding the activities of the Council, which is the legal Administering Authority in Namibia until independence. Through you, Mr. President, we should like to pay a special tribute to the front-line States which on behalf of Africa and the whole international com~ munity, have made countless sacrifices for the liberation of southern Africa. 143. In this connexion, we condemn the brutal acts of aggression" against Angola, Zambia and Mozambique, which have resulted in loss of human lives and the weakening of the economies of those countries. We consider the ceaseless armed attacks on the People's Republic of Angola and the recent act of aggression against the People's Republic of Mozambique-which led to the death ofinnocent refugees-as attacks on our own country; they deserve to be most vigorously condemned. We call upon the international community to take consistent action to put an end to those acts. 144. Finally, we should like to reaffirm the inalien- ~ble rights of the Namibian people to freedom and Independence in a united Namibia, and we reiterate our unconditional and militant solidarity with our Namibian brothers in the struggle they are waging under the leadership of their sole and legitimate representative, SWAPO. 145. The struggle continues; victory is certain.

The history of South Africa's presence in Namibi~ is well known. Instead of working for the well-being of th~ population and promoting its economic and social development, South Africa has !mpeded the development of the country, depriving It of any chance of blooming. 147. South Africa has not tried to refute the data placed before the International Court of Justice which show that after more than 40 years of South African ~dministrati.o~, no member of the indigenous population of Na.mlbla has been trained as a lawyer, a doctor or an engineer. South Africa has deprived Namibian workers of the right to form trade unions which could negotiate on their behalf and safeguard their rights. It ha~ prevented them from occupying any post which requires experience and training. But South Africa has done even more than that: it has practised the policy of apartheid, which allows the white colonizers to profit from the rich natural resources and to confine i~dep~ndence..The General Assembly adopted a h!s~onc resolution [resolution 3/ / / (XXVIII)] recogmzmg SWAPO as the authentic representative of the Namibian people. It is clear that an indispensable prerequisite for the restoration of legitimate rights to the people of Namibia is the elimination of all those injustices and the complete withdrawal of South Africa from Namibia. All the problems and suffering endured by the Namibian people stem from the presence of South Africa in Namibia. No positive action can be taken as long as South Africa controls the destiny of that people. I~~. The Uni~e~ Nat~ons must have direct responsibility for Namibia until that country wins total indepe~dence ~nd self-determination. Up to now, the United Nations has been unable to fulfil its commitment to the Namibian people. The armed struggle of that people, under the leadership of SWAPO, must be supported completely, so that self-determination and national independence can be achieved in a unified Namibia. 150. South Africa's constant defiance of the will of the. international community is a form of aggression against the people of Namibia and its national liberation movement. It is the duty of the United Nations and of all peoples throughout the world to face South Africa's manoeuvres in Namibia, the purpose of which is to put all power into the hands of an illegal puppet group which serves South Africa's interests and which helps it to pursue its policy of dominating the Namibian people and maintaining its grasp on their natural resources. It is our duty to affirm that a just and permanent solution to the Namibian problem can be achieved only if SWAPO is fully involved in it. It should also be stated that Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia; South Africa must be foiled in its attempt to annex that part of the area. The territorial integrity of Namibia must be safeguarded. We should also like to say that the islands off the Namibian coast are integral parts of Namibia as well. 151. The international community must energetically demand the release of all political prisoners held in Namibia. We fully appreciate the sacrifices they have made in order to lead their country to independence. Th~ regime of terror imposed in Namibia by South Africa has gone beyond Namibian frontiers and has ~esulted in acts of. aggression against neighbouring independent countnes, To this must be added the policy of colonialist expansionism and the policy of apartheid pursued by South Africa, as well as its acquisition of nuclear weapons, which is indeed a threat to international peace and security. 152. The Security Council must adopt firm measures in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter so that Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, so that an