A/36/PV.21 General Assembly

Mr. President, your well-deserved election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is a tribute to your personal qualities and, through you, it constitutes unanimous recognition of the important role that your country is playing on the international scene. I am pleased, therefore, on behalf of my delegation to join those who preceded me on this rostrum in addressing to you our warmest and most sincere congratulations. We are convinced that, thanks to your qualities as a statesman, as well as your profound knowledge of international affairs, you will be able to conduct our proceedings to everyone's great satisfaction. It is my sincere wish that the high mission which has been entrusted to you will be completely successful. I should like to assure you of my delegation's full and frank co-operation. 2. On behalf Qf my delegation I should also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, who displayed his typical wisdom, devotion and dynamism in directing the work of the thirty-fifth regular session, as well as that of the eighth emergency special session, devoted to the question of Namibia. 3. .It is particularly gratifying for me to reiterate the deep appreciation of the Government. of the Rwandese Republic to the Secretary-General for the skill and devotion with which he has discharged his noble and onerous mission. The tireless efforts which he continues to make to further the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations have always claimed my country's attention and deserve our gratitude. . 4. May I also avail myself at'·this auspicious occasion to welcome among us the representatives of the Republic of Vanuatu and of Belize, whose admission to" membership of the United Nations undoubtedly strengthens the universality of the Organization and contributes to acpieving NEW YORK one of its fundamental goals, that of freeing peoples from the yoke of colonialism. 5. The current session is being held at a time when the international political situation does not give much ground for optimism in view of the continuing factors of tension and instability, which we have already had occasion to depiore last year. 6. Furthermore, the international economic situation is continuing to deteriorate to the detriment of the least-developed countries, and the multilateral negotiations to establish a new international economic order are still deadlocked. 7. Over a year ago we welcomed from this rostrum the independence of the people of Zimbabwe and their entry into the great family of the United Nations after a long and heroic 'iberation struggle. At that time, it was our opinion that Zimbabwe's accession to independence represented a further step towards decolonization, and at that time we expressed the hope that it would provide encouragement for other peoples still subject to colonial oppression and domination. 8. Although there are reasons today for being pleased at· the progress which has been achieved in the field of decolonization we cannot, at the same time, fail to observe that, unfortunately, many peoples are still suffering from the aftermath of colonization and are the victims of domination and racial discrimination. This is particularly true in Namibia, South Africa, Western Sahara and elsewhere where obsolete conditions continue to exist and dangerously threaten international peace and security. 9. Therefore, we deeply deplore the present situation in southern Africa resulting from the arrogance and intransigence of a regime which has raised colonialism, 'racism, aggression and' repression to the level of government policy in contempt of the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations, which has unambiguously condemned apartheid as being a crime against humanity, and has unreservedly expressed moral, political and economic support for the oppressed people of Namibia and South Africa. 10. In Namibia the racist and regressive Pretoria regime continues to defy the. international community by refusing to implement the United Nations plan for that Territory's accession. to independence in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The efforts which have been undertaken continuously in many quarters to put an end to South Afiica's illegal occupation of Namibia have always come Up against Pretoria's dilatory tactics and intransigence. 11. The aggressive posture adopted by, the .SPuth AfricaIt' Government, which is the root cause of thft·failure . . ....... p~c\llarly the People's Republic of Angola, Botswana and Mozambique. The international community is dutybound tQ. condemn these acts unambiguously and vig-- orously.. 12; . Rwanda fully supports the Namibian people's right to self-determination and independence. It cannot be sacrificed on th~.~tarofthe selfish interests of certain States Members of.the United Nations which, despite the repeated appeals made to them, continue to co-operate with South Africa in economic, military, nuclear and other areas, thus encouraging the racist Pretoria regime to con- ~inue to hold theAecisions of the international community 10 contempt. 13. The Rwandese Republic continues to believe that the Western countries belonging to what is known as the contact group still have a primary role to play in ensuring the success of the United Nations efforts to compel South Africa to withdraw from Namibia and to secure that Territory's .accession to independence. My delegation once. again solemnly appeals to the Assembly and to the entire international community to do everything possible to impose the enforcement measures needed to compel the racist South African regime to slacken its grip on Namibia. 14. The delegation of Rwanda would like to reaffirm its unstinting support for the valiant people of Namibia who, under the leadership of its sole authentic representative, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], are waging an heroic struggle for the liberation of their country. 15. We should also like to reiterate our support for our brothers of the African front-line States for the sacrifices which they are continuing to make to help the freedom fighters in southern Africa in their struggle to free their territories. 16. In South·. Africa itself the racist regime of Pretoria continues its ignominious policy of apartheid and racial discrimhl-:4tion, which strikes at the black population in particular, and sees fit to defy the resolutions of the United Nations enjoining it to put an end to that inhuman and criminal system. . 17. The acts of violence and of oppression which have been perpetrated by those in power in South Africa, the barbaric massacres of innocent people who are only claiming their right to life, freedom, eijuity and human dignity, are not merely a flagrant violation of human rights and a'crime against mankind, but also a factor ma.Jcing for instability in 'the regi~n, as well as a real threat to inteffl"·:-",::,l oeace and security. 18. My aelegation remains fi!1l11y convinced that all countries which cherish peace anu justice should exert strong pressure, both political and economic, to force the Pretoria regime to put an end to its racist and oppressive policy and to its illegal occupation of Namibia and to end its flagrant violations of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of neighbouring African States. 20. The Rwandese Republic, which continues to give its unflagging support to the just cause of the Sahraoui people, hopes that, since'Morocco, at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity held at Nairobi in June 1981, accepted the idea of organizing and holding a referendum in Western Sahara, the Sahraoui people will this time be able fully and without impediment to exercise their right to self-determination and to choose their future freely, 21. Elsewhere in Africa the persistence of fratricidal conflicts and the proliferation of hotbeds of tension dangerously imperil peace and stability in the regions affected. They often provide fertile ground for foreign interference. 22. In the case of all these conflicts, my delegation remains convinced that strict respect for the principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and in that of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] should induce the parties concerned to seek a solution to their disputes. 23. For more than 30 years the Middle East has been one of the most dangeroufl hotbeds of tension, constantly threatening international peace and security because of. the aggressive and expansionist policies of Israel, which stubbornly refuses to recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. 24. The recrudescence in recent months of barbaric attacks by Israel against its neighbours has made the simation even mo~ explosive in that part of the world and provides grounds for disquiet. 25. The Rwandese Government remains convinced that no settlement of the Middle East problem as a whole can be achieved without the full association of the Palestinian people, who, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PW] , their sole and authentic representative, are seeking to recover their legitimate rights. 26. In this connection, I should like to say again, on behalf of the Rwandese Government, that a just and lasting peace will only be achieved in that area when Israel has unconditionally withdrawn from all the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967, including the city of Jerusalem, and has recognized the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, particularly their right to self-determination and to set' up their own independent and sovereign S~e. . 27. The situation which at present prevails in Lebanon is a matter of serious concern to my delegation, because the ~at hanging 9)'er tha.t country's unity and integrity, exacerbated' by Israel's aggressive actions against Palestinian camps in Lebanon, constitutes a factor of instability in the region and a serious threat to world peace: We' hope that the efforts of the international community to restore peace to that country, so sorely tried by years of fratricidal wars, will lead to lasting results and that the Lebanese people will one day recover the peace and tran- 28. Turning to the delicate problem of Cyprus, which sees its unity and territorial integrity threatened, my country deplores the fact that the numerous resolutiolls adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly with a view to restoring peace to the island have not so far yielded all the expected results. 29. We appeal to the consciences of both communities on the island and urge them to find ways and means of helping to promote the re-establishment of peace in the country and the consolidation of the unity and territorial integrity of that State, the non-aligned status of which should be respected. 30. Rwanda cannot remain indifferent to the situation which persists in Afghanistan and the tensions which prevail in South-East Asia. The persistence of such hotbeds of conflict remains a factor of instability and a serious threat to peace and security in :hat region. 31. Therefore a political solution should quickly be found on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign troops and respect for the sovereignty, national independence and territorial integrity of all States in the regions affected. 32. The Korean question is of the greatest concern to the intemational·community. The Rwandese Republic follows with interest and strongly supports the efforts made by the parties concerned to bring about a peaceful and independent reunification of the Korean nation. This ap- . proach to the problem presupposes the complete withdrawal of foreign troops from that area to enable the Korean people freely to solve their problem of reunification. 33. The Government of Rwanda has constantly made known its views on the subject of divided nations. It has always believed that the peoples involved have the in.:. alienable right to find ways to end such a tragic situation. 34. That being so, we are gratified by the spirit of d~~­ tente which prevails in relations between the two Gel1;'~;~';\ States. It is our earnest hope that the co-operative rela~ tions established between these two States will b!.~ ~;{" ploited as thoroughly as possible in attempts to find a peaceful and freely agreed solution to the problem of the reunificanon of the German nation. 35.' Among the major items on the agenda of the present session is disarmament. The first special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament succeeded in alerting the international community to the dangers threatening mankind because of the proliferation of weaP9ns of all kinds, and particularly nuclear weapons and 'weapons of mass destruction. Following that session a number of important initiatives were seen, such as the signing by the two major Powers of the SALT I and SALT 11 agreements on the limitation of strategic arms. 36. Unfortunately, three years after that special session little progress has been made towards disarmament, and detente has given way to rivalry and the intensitic.ation of the major Powers' games of influence, thusgravefy compromising peace and security in the world. ' I~ is scandalous that while two thirds of-mankind live in abject poverty fabulous sums are being spent each day on the manufacture of arms and on building up arsenals of weapons for the destruction of human life. 38. The Rwandese Government repeats its appeal that those sums should rather be devoted to increasing assistance to the least developed countries to improve the standard of living of their peoples. 39. The increased fliY'l~ign military presence in the indian Ocean, despite the General Assembly Declaration-of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], also causes great concern. Rwanda would encourage any initiative designed to make the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. 40. That is why we are among those. who believe that an international conference on the Indian Ocean should be held, with the participation of representativ~sof the major Powers and of the littoral and hinterland cou-ntries of the Indian Ocean region, in the hope that this will make possible specific measures to make the Indian Ocean a·genuine zone of peace. 41. I should like to make some remarks about the present international economic situation, which is characterized by recession, unemployment, deterioration in the terms of trade, inflation, disorder 'in the international monetary system, the growing indebtedness of the developing countries and the depletion of energy resources, not to mention the food shortages which so seriously affect some pacls of the world. 42. The economic situation and the economic outlook are particularly gloomy fer the developing countries. The deficit suffered by all the non-oil-producing developing countries continues to increase and according to certain experts could well reach $100 billion in 1982. At the same time, off.~';;Ul aevelopment aid is no more than 0.27 per cent of the gross national product of the wealthy countries, where~s the target decided upon during the Second United, Nations Development Decade was 0.7 per cent. . 43. The result of such a situation is stagnation-indeed, a slump-in the economies of the developing countries, whose populations are condemned to malnutrition, sickness, poverty and deprivation. This persisting sickness in the international economic system is not a pmely transitory phenomenon. It is, rather, the symptom of deep, underlying, structural imbalances, which call for bold reforms in certain important and vital areas, such as food, energy and development aid, and the reform of the international monetary system and the primary commodities system. An effective remedy for the serious international economic situation would be the active participation of all countries, and particularly the developed countries, in the restructuring of international economic relations, but, unfortunately, it must be said that the attempts made so far have been doomed to failure because of·the selfishness and lack of political will of certain wealthy countries. 45. The action plans which were drawn up successively at Lima, Buenos Aires, Vienna and New Delhi, in the framework of UNIDO and UNCTAD conferences, have not yet even begun to be implemented. More than a year ago the eleventh special session (l~ the General Assembly, which was intended to initiate the resumption of the global .legotiations in the North-South dialogue, ended its work without having been able to reach agreement even on matters of procedure. 46. Today, as we enter the second year of the Third United Nations Development Decade, the economic situation is deteriorating more and more for the developing countries, which are the hardest hit by the effects of the international economic crisis. 47. In view of this list of failures and the grave dangers which threaten the world because of the inequality and injustice which are characteristic features of the present international economic situation, the developed countries should evince greater realism and understanding. They should realize that the future of the world cannot be built without taking into account the developing countries, . which make up two thirds of mankind. On the contrary, the time is now ripe for solidarity, for co-operation based on justice and equity and for interdependence among all nations. It is high time for the developed countries to reaffirm, today even more than in the past, their political will to work in harmony with the nations of the third world to bring about a new international economic order. 48. Rwanda, for its part, vigorously supports the continuance .of the negotiations which are at present under way within the United Nations with the aim of bringing about a new type of international economic relationship. It is our belief that those negotiations should be of a comprehensive nature and should focus particularly on important issues such as development aid, energy, basic raw materials and the reform of the international monetary system. It is our sincere hope that during the present session the General Assembly will be able to remove the last of the obstacles which have h!therto stood in the way of a North-South dialogue, so..that global negotiations may be initiated without delay. 49. In the course of such negotiations, special attention should be paid to the least developed and land-locked countries, one of which, unftJrtunately, is Rwanda itself. Those countries, above and beyond the difficulties which they experience because. of the present international economic situation, also have to overcome other problems which are due particularly to their enclaved location. 50. In this connection, we were very pleased by the convening of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris from 1 to 14 September 1981. It is our sincere hope that the measures drawn up by that Conference with the aim of promoting the ininterests of that category of countriesI will be transformed 52. Similarly, Rwanda is following very closely the negotiations taking place within the framework of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, although we regret the fact that certain issues have been reopened, thus impeding the work of the important Conference. My delegation would like once again to emphasize that the right of land-locked countries to access to the sea and freedom of transit through third countries should be reaffirmed and guaranteed in the international convention which will result from the negotiations on the law of the sea. 53. Furthermore, my country welcomed the convening of the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy at Nairobi from 10 to 21 August 1981. It wiJI provide us with some food for thought as to how to pursue the search for new sources of energy. 54. In the light of the present international economic crisis, which affects all countries but more specifically the developing countries, it is imperative that the developing countries initiate action in order to achieve collective autonomy. 55. In this connecdon, the Rwandese Republic will continue to give active support to all initiatives which are designed to promote economic co-operation among the developing countries, because this is the only hope of salvation in the face of continual obstruction by the wealthy countries, which hitherto have paid very little attention to the claims of the countries of the third world regarding the establishment of a more just and equitable new international economic order. 56. It is for this reason that Rwanda has very close links of co-operation with neighbouring and fraternal countries in both regional and sub-regional organizations. 57. Similarly, Rwanda considers the Lagos Plan of Action2 to be the vital and unanimous expression of the political will of African countries to undertake, step by step, concerted action to ensure endogenous, self-sustaining development leading between now and the year 2000 to the creation of an African common market, which would be the prelude to an integrated African economic community. 58. Finally, we are very pleased that specific links have been established between the European Community and more than 50 countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific. Those links will undoubtedly provide a model for viable and positive co-opet'ation between developed and developing countries. 59. To guarantee international security, to work to promote peace, to foster economic development and to help 60. The Rwandese Republic recognizes that the United Nations has a unique part to play in maintaining peace and justice and in the struggle to ensure the well-being of people throughout the world. We shall never fail to support its efforts in the search for solutions to the various problems of our time.

It is, Sir, a particular pleasure for me to convey to you our sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. 62. The Morocca!1 delegation feeis that that choice is a deserved tribute paid by the international community to the sister Republic of Iraq, one of the founding Members of the United Nations to which Iraq has not ceased to make an effective and constructive contribution. 63. It is, furthennore, a pleasure for me to welcome your electiQn because Morocco and Iraq have maintained close and trusting fraternal relations for many centuries, professing, both in the Arab and Islamic arenas and in the broader international arena the same ideals of dedication to the causes of liberty, justice and peace. 64. Your election also crowns a career during which your remarkable competence has served the Organization. The audience that you have thereby gained is the best measure of your success in discharging the nob1e task entrusted to you. 65. For its part, my delegation would like to assure you of its full co-operation in helping you accomplish that task. 66. I wish, at the same time, to express to your predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, our complete satisfaction and our appreciation for the skill with which he guided the work of the previous session. 67. It is also with great pleasure that I express to the Secretary-General all my thanks and high esteem for the tireless and perspicacious efforts he has undertaken and continues to undertaKe in seeking to ensure the application of the resolutions of the Organization, the defence of its ideals and respect for its Charter. 68. The admission of two new independent States, Vanuatu and Belize, which we warmly welcome, is a precious contribution to the Organization and strengthens its universal character. 69. Our curre~t session opens in an atmosphe~ charged with worry and tensions. Regional conflicts are constantly extending, and their causes are increasing more and..more. 71. Morocco, which belongs to the Arab family, has always attached great importance to the problem of the Middle East and in particular gives a special place to the Palestinian question, because it is at the heart of the problem of the Middle East. 72. The Palestinian question constitutes a striking example of political injustice in the international arena, aclear illustration of Israel's disregard for the pri.·ciples and ideals of humanity and a flagrant chaIlenge to the resolutions adopted by the international community represented by the United Nations. 73. Although the Organization has been seized. of this question for more than 30 years, we must note that the Palestinian people continues to bear the full weight of the occupation by Israel, which is attempting to appropriate its land and its goods [,'d is pursuing a policy aimed at obliterating the personality and changing the characteristics of the Palestinian homeland. We also note that the occupier is ceaselessly intensifying its policy of aggression perpetrated not only against the people and terri~ory of Palestine, but also against neighbouring Arab States, thus defying international public opinion and United Nations resolutions. 74. Despite a radical evolution of the Palestinian question in the international arena, as illustrated by the recognition by the great majority of States of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to self-detennination and the establishment of an independent State on its land, and bya growing international recognition of the PLO as the sole legitimate representativt~ of the Palestinian people, Israel is bent on pursuing its policy of aggression and the methodical colonial settlement of Palestine. Thus, Israel is pursuing a policy of extenninating the Palestinian people and seeks to distort Palestinian history, to destroy the religious and cultural institutions of the country, and to modify the demographic balance, seeking to eliminate Palestinian identity completely, with total disregard of int~:national opinion and the United Nations. 75. Morocco, which considers the question of Palestine as a priority item, reaffinns its commitment to give steadfast support to the struggling Palestinian people and to the other Arab States with territories that have been occupied since 1967. It reaffinns, moreover~ its adherence to the resolutions adopted by Arab summit conferences~ in particular those of the Seventh Arab Summit Conference held at Rabat in 1974 as well as those of the summits of Baghdad, Thnis and Amman. Any solution that does not 76~ ~'If the question of Palestine is a matter of high priority, the cause of the Holy City of Jerusalem is for us a sacred cause. lying at the very heart of the Palestinian question. Morocco, whose sovereign. His Majesty King Hassan 11. presides over the AI-Quds Committee of th.e Organization of the Islamic Conference. reaffirms in his own name and on behalf of the States of the Islamic community their total determination to defend the Arab and Islamic character of Jerusalem. to restore Arab sovereignty over the Holy City so that it will once again become whatlt has always been. a meeting place for believers of the three revealed religions. a centre where tolerance and creative coexistence among the different religions will he restored. 77. The indigr.ation that arose throughout the world following the cle~ision of the Israeli Knesset to annex' the city of Al-Quds and to turn it into "the eternal capital" of the Zionist entity. and the unambiguous condemnation of that measure by the Security Council which. in its resolution 478 (1980), deemed it illegal and called for it to be rescin~ed. has none the 'less not prevented Israel from pursuing its outrageous policy of judaization of the Holy , City. 78. Quite on the contrary: Israel's defiance of the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council has increased. Currently. the Israeli authorities are engaged in so-calloo archael~iogica1 work beneath and around the very foundations of the Ai-Aqsa Mosque. and the Sacred Dome of the ~I{ock. in flagr&nt violation of resolutions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and UNESCO. which have fIrmly called upon Israel to refrain at once· from such undertakings. 79. These criminal acts which, without any doubt, are designed to destroy the Islamic heritage of the Holy City, constitute another flagrant act of defiance of profound Islamic beliefs and international resolutions. The international community as a whole and. in particular. the United Nations. must adopt appropriate. mea~ures to put an end ~o this .continued flagrant violation of international resolutions and conventioqs. The protection of Jerusalem is an international duty and all States of the world must contribute to it without hesitation. 80. This continued excavation by Israel. represents a potential threat to international peace and security in the region, because the Islamic community. whose potential and energy is well known" will not long remain with folded anns feted. with such a flagrant challenge to the symbols and sacred instillJtions of its faith. 81. The Israeli policy, based upon violence and aggression~ is not carried out only against the Palestinian people in occupied Palestine, but extends its misdeeds into neighbouring Arab States. Over the last few months, Israel has intensifi~d its aggression against southern Lebanon. where it has destroyed towns and villages, killing or expelling 82. Moreover, the unprovoked aggression perpetrated against Iraqi nuclear installations in Tamuz represented an additional demonstration of Israeli arrogance ·and systematic resort to the policy of force in violation of international instruments and conventions. The international disapproval expressed after those acts of aggression was illustrated by the unanimous &doption of Security Council resolution 487 (1981) which once again condemned the Israeli policy of aggl'ession against Arab countries and l'eaffirmed the recognized right of Iraq to utilize nuclear energy to develop its national economy. In reiterating our condemnation of this aggression. I should like to emphasize its grave consequences for the international system established for the peacef!.~l utilization of nuclear energy and the non-proliferation ef nuclear weapons. and its consequences for international peace and security. We express the hope that £he consideration of this question in the General Assembly will lead to the unreserved condemnation of Israeli aggression and the reaffirmation of Iraq's right to access to the technology necessary to its development. 83. The Organization has adopted many resolutions con' cerning ilie Palestinian question and the continued Israeli acts of tlggression perpetrated against the Arab nation. It must n(M' adopt the necessary measures to ensure the respect of these resolutions and their implementation. The Organizatio/'; should not hesitate to have· recourse to the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter. 84. In January this year. the Third Islaraic SUlltm:· Conference of the Organization of the Islamic Conference {Ias held at Mecca-Thif. During that historic Conference, the Islamic community expressed in the Mecca Declaration. on behalf of its sovereigns and Heads of State. its determination to work for the establishment of a just peace and harmony among peoples and to guarantee human rights, and dt"~!t!ed to pursue '. ~ effort'" in favour of the advent of a new era characteri. j by ia., .,;rnational relations based on noble principles and not on the use of force. free from all forms of repression. expioitation and domination. On the same occasion. the Islamic community reaffirmed its commitment to combat Zionist aggression both in Palestine and in the other occupied Arab territories so as to mobilize all its energies to ensure the triumph of law and its restoration to those from which it has been confiscated. 85. The Arab community and tbe Islamic community have frequently reaffirmed during their summit conferences their will to achieve a peace based upon justice. while Israel has demonstrated by its acts that it does not seek peace but. rather; expansion and the acquisition.of new territories. Events have continually denwnstrated to the world that, unlike Israel, it is the Palestinians and the Arabs in general who aspire to security. 86. The initiative undertaken by His Royal Highness Fahd ibn Abdul Aziz. Crown Prince of the Kingdom of 87. The artificial tension in north-west Africa was created and has been maintained for nearly six years by hegemonistic ambitions which make use of interference in the domestic affairs of other countries and encroachment on the territorial integrity of States. 88. The problem of what is called Western Sahara is nothing other, in fact, than the result of attempts to impair the territorial integrity of Morocco so as to create an artificial entity in its southern part, in violation of the principle of respect for the territorial integrity of St¥tes. 89. The dismemberment of the Moroccan State by the colonial Powers at the beginning of this century was a good illustration of the colonialist appetites which the African continent haf' experienced, but of which Morocco was particularly a victim because of its strategic impor- . tance at the juncture of two continents, two seas and several civilizations. Morocco was thus progressively carved up by the colonial Powers which carved out for themselves different spheres of influence under the domination of various forengn Powers. 90. Since the beginning of colonization, Morocco has tirelessly struggled to regain its independence and to achieve its territorial integrity. It was thus that it eliminated the French and Spanish protectorates in 1956; it then continued the struggle to liberate its other territories still under colonial domination. 91. Later, in 1958, we regained the province of Tarfaya after negotiations with Spain. The Spanish authorities having shown reluctance and delay in returning the other Moroccan territories still under their domnnation, Morocco had recourse to the United Nations, which caned for new negotiations with Spain. Those negotiations led to the return to Morocco in 1969 of the province of Ifni which, in fact and in law, was an integral part of what today is called Westc::rn Sahara. 92. In its efforts to liberate the parts of its territory still under Spanish domination, Morocco turned in 1974 to the International Court of Justice, which reaffirmed, in an ad- Visory opinion of 16 October 19754 the permanent existence of legal links between the State of Morocco and the provinces of Western Sahara, as well as bonds of allegiance and Beia (fidelity) between. the Saharan population and the Kings of Morocco. Following that decision,· the Green March ~as organized, making it possitil~. for Morocco to recover the Saharan provinces, whose~turn to the mother country was welcomed with universal siltisfac- 93. That devotion to the Moroccan homeland had already been demonstrated when the Saharan tribes rose up to protest the deportation by the colonials of His Majesty King Mohamed V and his family, thereby strikingly expressing their devotion to the father of the Moroccan nation. 94. It was again demonstrated when the inhabitants of the Sahara joined the liberation army in the north, in 1958, to expel colonial armed forces from the Sahara. It took the collusion of the colonial Powers, in the operation known as "Ecouvillon", to put an end t.o that resistance and to re-establish colonial domination over the Saharan part of Morocco. 95. When the Moroccan people undertook their unifyirig march-the Green March-in 1975, the pop91ation of the Saharan provinces also undertook their own enthusiastic popular march to welcome their brothers from the north. 96. Then on 26 February 1976 the unanimous vote of the Jamall-the representative council of all the tribes and populations of the Sahara-came out in favour of the return of the Sahara to the motherland. 97. In the last five years, the inhabitants of the Saharan provinces have on several occasions had the opportunity to reaffirm their Moroccan identity through legislative, local and public-service elections. 98. Morocco's recovery of its Saharan provinces was, therefore, carried cut on the basis of international legality and responded to the aspirations of the populations involved. 99. Despite the evidence of Morocco's rights over its Sahara, and despite our respect for international law, the enemies of our territorial integrity resorted to acts of violence and destruction, subjecting our country to acts of aggression commanded, organized and financed from abroad so as to create a situation of artificial tension in the regi6n. 100. But Morocco has never strayed from the path of wisdom and reason and hss demonstrated cooJ-headedness in order to avoid any escalation that might lead to open war with serious consequences for the whole of northwest Africa. 101. The OAU has made frequent attempts to· find a reasonable solution which would put an end to the tension in our region. We all know that .the <>AU has narrowly avoided paying dearly for the blind policies pursued by those who .persisted i:-; maintaining this dangerous tension in north-west Africa. Manoeuvres designed to force the OAU to take positions running counter to its charter and its principles have nearly led to its break-Up. Morocco had always considered that the African organization had to be given all necessary latitude to resolve this conflict as it was the most quaIified-indeed,the only-.organization able to grasp the facts and their implications. Iq the framework of theOAU, Morocco's contribution to the !<~~t9um in July 1978. The OAU at once approved that Imtlative. 102. When the conditions necessary for the solution of the problem had been established, at the OAU Assembly at Freetown in 1980, His Majesty King Hassan II went to the Nairobi Assembly last June to announce Morocco's initiative of organizing a supervised referendum in the Sahara so as to give the population of the territory another opportunity to express their choice, in full freedom, with regard to their attachment to their Moroccan identity. i\ 103. Morocco, which tl10k that initiative fully convinced of the legitimacy of its rights over its recovered provinces, made that gesture to meet the wishes of a number of friendly States which regard the proposed referendum as the best way out of the crisis in the region. His Majesty King Hassan 11 sta,ted on 26 June 1981 at Nairobi: "Therefore, because we desire with the full force of our will to save our African community from that which might threaten its break-up and dissolution, because we have tirelessly desired to preserve the OAU's world image as a coherent, aware and responsible organization, we have decided to consider a supervised referendum, whose mechanisms will be in accordance both with the recommendations of the ad hoc committee-(he Committee of Wise Men-and with Morocco's belief in its legitimate rights.... "By deciding to turn to the solution of holding a referendum-which is highly esteemed in Africa, and which was advocated by the Wise Men, we are first and foremost responding to the request made of us by many friendly African, Arab and· European Heads of State." 104. We consider that because of its experience and its know-how the United Nations could contribute to the proper holding of that referendum. 105. The Implementation Committee on Western Sahara that was set up by the Nairobi Assembly held preliminary meetings from 24 to 2l' ,.A:Jgust and laid down the stages for the implementation of the decision to hold a referendum. We announced our willingness to co-operate fully with the OAU and its Implementation Committee by making available to them all the facilities necessary for the holding of the referendum. 106. In a letter addrersed a few days ago to Mr. Daniel ArjlP MQi, President of-the Republic of Kenya and current President of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, King Hassan II stated: "As we assured the Committee, we shall spare no effort to .facilitate, in the· context of Moroccan sovereignty, the holding of the proposed consultation, which should herald the return of peace to the Western Saharan region. 107. In view of the resolution that was adopted at Nairobi on Western Sahara, logic, legal considerations and wisdom all require that those States which previously held a position conflicting with that resolution, in that they recognized a non-existent entity, should withdraw that recognition in confonnity with the spirit of that African resolution. 108. In this connection Morocco hopes that the United Nations will join in this peacemaking effort on the part of Africa by endorsing the African resolution, which, we hope, will make it possible for se.:urity, peace and tranquillity to return to the Arab Maghreb and will usher in a new era based on co-operation and brotherhood and directed towards progress. 109. The African continent remains the theatre of antagonisms and struggles for political influence which seriously imperil its stability and threaten its economic and social development. Our African continent, however, is detennined to oppose any attempts at hegemony or seizure of its wealth, while remaining open to fruitful cooperation and equitable dialogue, with due respect for its special characteristics. 110. In southern Africa, the Namibian people continues its admirable and heroic struggle to free itself of South African colonial occupation. The manifold actions undertaken by the United NaHons in order to bring about Namibian independence have been thwarted by the manoeuvres and procrastinations of the Pretoria regime, which has given no genuine sign of accepting Security Council resoiution 435 (1978) and was responsible for the failure of the Geneva pre-implementation meeting. 111. My delegation commends the struggle of the fraternal Namibian people and would like to assure it of Morocco's support in its fight for total independence and territorial integrity. We would request the United Nations to take all the energetic measures possible without delay to enable that people to accede to independence and sovereignty. 112. The unprovoked aggressions which have been visited upon the territory of Angola by the troops of South Africa have given a new dimension to the struggle for Namibian independence. Those aggressions, which my delegation vigorously condemns, jeopardize the sovereignty of a member State of the OAU and through their repercussions may well further exacerbate the already tense situation prevailing in that part of our continent. 113. At a time when the world is becoming more and more aware of the need to respect the rights and dignity of all human beings in all latitudes, we have seen that the racist. regime of Pretoria is entrenched h. its policy of apartheid and collective repression of the people of South Africa. 115. We'Shall never cease to call on those who continue to help the South African regime economically and militarily to apply the decisions of the United Nations and immediately put an end to their collusion with the racist regime of Pretoria. 116. In Western Asia, the Moslem people of Afghanistan has for almost two years now been prey to foreign military occupation. 117. Morocco, whose concern it is to preserve the links of friendship and co-operation that have been forged with the Soviet Union, and which, with the rest of the Moslem world, shares responsibility for defending the heritage and the ideals of Islam, is in duty bound to reaffirm its support for the Afghan people and to assure it of its complete solidarity, in the context of the Islamic Conference and other international institutions, the first of which is the United Nations, 'in seeking a solution that will guarantee the Afghan people the right to choose the sort of regime it desires and also will guarantee its identity as an Islamic people and its status as a non-aligned country. . 118. Like the rest of the international community, the Islamic world is deeply disquieted by the destructive war, which has lasted for more than one year now, between two neighbouring Islamic States, Iraq and Iran. My country, which gave its full support to the resolution of the .Islamic Conference calling for a cease-fire and the start of constructive dialogue between the two countries, once again expresses its hope that peace will be restored between the two neighbouring States, a peace based on respect for the principles of State sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs and the rules of good-neighbourliness, while at the same time guaranteeing the historic rights of Iraq over its territorial waters and national territory. ' 119. As far as Democratic Kampuchea is concerned, Morocco believes that every measure should be taken to ensure the implementation of the Declaration and the resolution adopted by the International Conference on Kampuchea which met in New York in July 1981.5 120. In the Mediterranean region, Morocco has devoted itself for several years now to devising and establishing, with all the countries that border that sea, the foundations for the type of co-operation that will assure all. r.oastal States of permanent security and prosperity. W(, aa today deeply concerned by the ugly clouds of tension that can be described there. 121. Because of its geographic location and the strategic position that it occupies, Morocco is fully alive to the particular responsibilities it bears in seeking conditions guaranteeing the security of that sea, especially in the Strait of Gibraltar. 122. That is w~y we declare our readiness to join in the efforts of all those coastal countries which wish to turn the Mediterranean into a zone of,peace and security. 124. Morocco, which is pleased with the good relationships which it has with all the countries on the northern coast, would like to emphasize the particular ties that we have with one of those countries, because of a certain historical closeness. The positions which are occupied by Morocco and Spain both in the Mediterranean and in the Atlantic call for even more trusting and fruitful co-operation between the two countries~ But we must, on both sides, be aware that that sort of co-operation, if it is to develop further, must be protected froin certain vicissitudes which have been inherited from the remote past. I am referring to the enclaves of Ceuta and Mellila and the surrounding islands, in connection with which Morocco, my country, cannot give up its rights to sovereignty. Morocco remains wedded to the idea of seeking a frank and free exchange of views on that point in order to remove the after-effects of the past, which have been rejected by the international community and which Spain itself has constantly condemned when it has claimed, from this very rostrum, the rightful return of Gibraltar to Spanish national sovereignty. 125. International public opinion is jemanding with increasing assertiveness that conditions be brought about that will make detente possible in international relations, and will ensure peace and guarantee international security. We note with some distress that the few results that were achieved by that tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, have had no impact on the headlong race to develop all types of armaments. 126. The continuance of nuclear tests, apart from violating the non-proliferation regime, indicates the absence of any political will on the part of the main nuclear Powers to conclude a treaty prohibiting such tests. 127. The unprecedented accumulation of the means of waging war is undoubtedly not likely to preserve peace. It is regrettable that the great Powers have been indulging for more than four decades now in a rivalry in which considerable effort has been devoted to armaments research. 128. Instead of gi'Jing rise to an atmosphere of security and hope, scientific and technological progress only leads to anxiety and distress. 129. Morocco, which has always been a staunch supporter of disarmament, both internationally and regionally, hopes that the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament which is to be held next year will tackle this problem in a determined fashion and lead to the conclusion of international conventions, particularly in the fields of nuclear testing and of chemical weapons. 130. International relations, which are marked in general by uncertainty and the state of the world economy, continue to deteriorate. 131. This situation has a particularly alarming effect on the developing countries. Their growing indebtedness, 132. International economic institutions and various conferences have taken up the situation and have recognize<Pthp.': there is a need to examine the world economic order. Partial and unilateral solutions are merely expedients and in fact hold up the application of a remedy that will have more lasting results. Faced with economic injustice, the appeals of the third world have Ir1t with a total lack of political will on the part of their interlocutors, who obstinately reject equitable solutions. Indeed, the most developed countries are stepping up their protectionist policies, reducing their foreign aid and adopting measures which have a negative impact on growth and employment ill the developing countries. 133. The hesitancy which has been shown by certain developed countries with respect to the rather moderate goals of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, which was initiated this year, has increased our fears, particularly since the Second United Nations Development. Decade was a total failure. 134. The United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi in August 1981, did agree on a programme of action,6 but this may well remain simply a pious wish if there are no specific financial commitments. More recently, the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris in September 1981, simply took a few first-aid measures, with no precise timetable for their implementation. 135. That series of deadlocks in partial and sectoral negotiations makes it even more essential that the global negotiations which have been demanded by the countries of the third world be started. Those negotiations shouid result in genuine international co-operation and the effective implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Third Decade. The forthcoming International Meeting on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries at Cancun should be the occasion for a frank and, we hope, fruitful exchange of thinking that will help to remove the obstacles pn::venting the initiation of global negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations. 136. Although the same reasons for concern are always encountered at each of these sessions, it is nevertheless heartening to see that every year the Assembly echoes with voices that are almost unanimous in their desire for friendship and co-operation among peoples and for peace in the world. Our sincere wish is to contribute to this in the best way we can, and it is our undying hope that an era of harmony and prosperity will dawn to the benefit of mankind as a whole.

May I first extend to you my country's sincere congratulations on your election as President of the thirty..sixth session of the General Assembly. In view of the difficult tasks we face in the coming months, we are particularly happy to see the General Assembly guided by such an experienced diplomat, whose 139. To the Secretary-General I wish to express my Government's sincere gratitude for his untiring work for world peace. We feel that it is precisely at a time of increased tension, of world-wide political and economic crises, that his experience is an invaluable asset to the community of States. 140. With the admission of Vanuatu and Belize, the Organization has increased its membership to an impressive total of 156 States. We congratulate very cordhilly the delegations of the new Member States and express our hope for close and fruitful co-operation. 141. At the thirty-first session [27th meeting] I had the honour to present Austria's position on the world situation to the General Assembly for the first t'me. The political climate at that time was still marked by the common desire of the United States and the Soviet Union to continue the policy of detente. Therewas good reason to hope th.at the principles adopted by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held at Helsinki in 1975, would be respected in practice and would permeate all areas of international relations. 142. Meanwhile, East-West relations have gravely deteriorated. Distrust of each other's plans and intentiofd weighs heavily on the relations of the two super-Powers, creating a world-wide feeling of insecurity. We hope, however, that both the talks between Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko and United States Secretary of State Haig arad the beginning of the theatre nuclear force negotiations this year at the end of November will lead to the resumpt\on of a substantive dialogue between the parties, based on the full realization of our common interests and their joint responsibility for world peace and survival. 143. We also hope that the follow-up conference to the He~sinki Conference, which has now been in session for more than a year, will be favourably influenced by the beginning of bilateral talks between the United States and the Soviet Union. Se far, the negotiations in Madrid have taken place in a strained political climate. There exists a widespread pessimism on the possibility of solving the problems, still pending with respect to the substantive final document. 144. I do not share this pessimistic assessment. What has already been achieved, particularly in the areas of e.conomic co~operation, humanitarian issues and information, is so imputant that it must not be lost. Moreover, the Helsinki process is too essential to Europe and to the world to be jeopardized. We should, therefore, devote all our energy to solving the remaining problems. Austria, in 145. The reasons why I am placing so much emphasis 00 United States-Soviet relations lie in our conviction that the aims of the United Nations can be accomplished only if there exists a necessary minimum of co-operation and trust among all of its Members and, in particular, the major Powers. 146. An objective analysis of world political developments further strengthens our conviction that there is no meaningful alternative to a constructive, world-wide policy of detente, based on a stable balance of forces. This is the only sensible way to achieve secure coexistence and fruitful co-operation among States and peoples. It is the prerequjsite for the gradual building of a world order in which the interests of the North, South, East and West are balanced and harmonized. 147. When we speak of detente we mean a continuous, dynamic process in which conflkt and co-operation among States with different political, economic and social systems interact. It does not mean the end of all conflicts. . 148. The expression "detente" is perhaps misleading in so far as it gives rise to unjustified hopes. Perhaps in the future we should speak rather of a "modus vivendi for coexistence and co-operation". But, whatever expression we choose to denote this policy. we do not in any case see it as something abstract and remote. For us it is a concrete and tangible matter. We experience its consequences right on our doorstep, a few miles from our capital. 149. Our relations with Switzerland, Liechtenstein, the Federal Republic of Germany, Hungary and Yugoslavia are close and essentially free of problems. Our relations with Czechoslovakia, unfortunately, have not yet reached this stage and R."'C overshadowed by a number of problems and events~ However, our long common border and our human and cultural ties commit us to seek good-neighbourly relations through pragmatic talks. Austria has a very great interest in good and friendly relations with Czechoslovakia. We understand from statements made by Czechoslovak leaders, confirmed yesterday [19th meeting] by the speech of the Foreign Minister, Mr. Chnoupek, that Czechoslovakia is guided by the same interests. On the basis of this common desire for l!nd~rstanding, it should not be difficult to find satisfactory solutions to existing problems. 150. In our relations with Italy, a country to which we are linked by good-neighbourly and friendly relations, the problem of South lYrol is of particular importance. It is now 12 years since Austria and Italy agreed on autonomy for South lYrol. Nevertheless the full implementation of that agreement is still pending. At the thirty-fifth session [20th meeting] I informed the Assembly of the impatience of the South lYrolean people and the increased concern of the Austrian Government about that delay. I ,regret that I must report tQday that the situation has nobimproVed since and that no further substantial progress haS been achieved. . 152. Prime Minister Spadolini, on assuming office, gave assurances before the Italian Parliament to implement the outstanding measures as quickly as possible and in close consultation with the representatives of the ethnic groups concerned. From those assurances and the efforts so far undertaken by the Italian Prime Minister we derive the expectation that, in the interest of all, substantial progress will be made in the near future. That would mean, in particular, the continuation of the prOCess jOintly initiated by the two countries in 1969, in consultation with the South Tyroleans. Otherwise, serious, doubts woul~ ati~e as to Italy's readiness and desire to comply with its commitments and to act in accordance with the guidelines set forth in General Assembly resolutions 1497 (XV) and 1661 (XVI). . 153. I am reporting on our policy of good-neighbourliness because we believe that efforts to promote peace must begin at home and in our immediate vicinity. However, that does not relieve us of the duty to contribute to the maint(~nance of peace and security in all other regions as well. fu view of today's realities and interdependence, destabilizing events in any part of the world have immediate repercussions around the globe. Austria is therefore greatly interested in the peaceful settlement of all conflicts and is ready to contribute actively to their solution. 154. The situation in the Middle East remains a major source of danger to world peace and alarms ,us greatly. The Arab-Israeli conflict has escalated to a new and dangerous point. The Israeli actions in the souUt of Lebanon, the bombing of targets in Beirut and the attack on the Iraqi nuclear reactor near Baghdad constitute new violations of international law. Israel's settlement policy ar..d its attempt to bring about a one-sided change in the status of Jerusalem continue to create serious obstacles to a peaceful arrangement. There is still no solution in sight to the key problem of the Middle East conflict-the Palestinian question. The fact that an agreement on a cease-fire in Lebanon, with the participation of the PLO, was possible and is still in force, establishes the validity of the basic tenets of our Middle East policy as presented to the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly by Chancellor Kreisky [49th meeting] and myself [9th meeting]. Today we are more than ever convinced that a peaceful settlement in the Middle East can only be achieved on the basis of direct titlks between Israel and the Palestinian people, represented by the PLO. Such talks might, at a later stage, lead to negotiations in a larger forum under the auspices of the United Nations. 155. The illegal occupation of Afghanistan continues to threaten the stability of the region 3;l)d gravely hinders the policy of detente. In accordance with the position expressed by the overwhelming majQQty of the Men\bers-,of the United Nations, Austria urges the withdrawal of all foreign troops and advocates a. political solution which ensures the right to self-detetminationof the people of Afghanistan. 158. South Africa's military invasion of Angola, which we condemn as a gross violation of the principles of the United Nations, has demonstrated once again the urgency of a solution to the problem of Namibia. The emerge~~y specif.\l sessi~n of the Ge~erai As~e!Dbly on. ~~mlbla again emphaSized the Secunty Council s responslblhty ~or the implementation of the United Nations plan for the 10- dependence of Namibia, endorsed by the Security Council in res()lution 435 (1978). While we understand and share the impatience of the African States, we still hope that the effOl1s of the Western contact group will yield results as soon qS possible. It will indeed be a great day for the Organization when we can welcome an independent Namibia as a new Member State. 159. The ·tragic conflict between Iraq and Iran continues. We should like to encourage our Secretary-Gener.al and his Special Representative, as well as the Islamic and the non-aligned States, to continue their efforts to promote an equitable settlement. 160. The importance of negotiations i~ res?lving tensions and crises has been clearly underhned m Cyprus. We welcome the fact that the intercommunal talks, through the mediat~on of the Secretary-General and. his Special Representative, have been resumed ~nd cont~m:e on a regular basis. We hope that on the baSIS of realistiC proposals progress can be achieved towards a comprehensive settlement. 161. Hotbeds of international tension do not exist only in Asia and Africa. Events in Central America also cause particular concern. Social justice and political pluralism are conditions for improving the situation in that part of the world. Those conditions will only be achieved in cooperation with all the social and political forces of a country, including the opposition. That applies, in particular, to El Salvador:. I hope that there too one of the most important principles of our Charter will be respected: the right of every people to determine its own future without outside intervention from any sourc~ whatsoever. . 162. The principles .that apply to Central America apply to Europe as well. Full respect for the princ.iple of selfdetermination and non-interference is also urgently required with regard to the situation in Poland, a country whose fate is of particular concern to us. We are confi- 163. This brief review of the gravest international crises demonstrates how far removed we are from the,'declared goals of the Organization-peace, security and justice. The failure to achieve substantial results in three main areas-diL "rmament, development and human rights-is primarily responsible for our not having reached those goals. 164. In his annual report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General rightly expressed his deep concern about the escalation of the arms race [see A/36/1 , sect. V]. It is indeed a most disturbing fact that in the three years since the first special session of the General Assembly on disarmament we have failed to achieve any substantial progress, despite universal agreement on the urgency of the problem. 165. Here we are facing a dilemma to which we have so far found no solution: the same Governments that advocate disarmament and arms control have no inhibitions about following the opposite course in their actual behaviour, when they feel that their security so requires. Everybody agrees that in the long run disarmament would increase security. But, for the present, every State attempts to enhance its security by military means. 166. Nevertheless, there appears to be general support for disarmament as a process of progressive and balanced lowering of the level of armaments. In this context the verification of the actual military strength of the States concerned is of critical importance. The problem is how to determine and define military strength. 167. I believe that uncertainty about the true military strength of States is one of the main reasons for the continuing arms race and for the failure to achieve balanced disarmament. If we succeeded in developing objective procedures for assessing and verifying the true level of armaments in the world, we could achieve tangible progress towards a balanced arms reduction. Existing international practice and institutions provide sufficient mechanisms for the establishment and evaluation of relevant facts. I should therefore like to propose that the United Nations study the possibility of making use of those or similar mechanisms in order to verify and evaiuate the actual state of armaments on an objective basis. My delegation would appreciate reactions to this proposal and wishes to reserve the option of offering more specific details during this session. 168. Austria is convinced that North-South issues are a central element of world politics today. Even though at present the East-West conflict seems to be the focus of world public, attention, it would be wrong to view the North-South problem as a secondary one. 169. In dealing with the problems of development we should not look back to the past but rather towards the future, for which we all bear a common responsibility. 170. In view of the unsatisfactory progress made in recent years, we fully understand the impatience and frustration of the developing countries. We therefore consider 172. The Meeting, which is to be jointly chaired by the President of Mexico, Mr. Lapez Portillo, and the Austrian Chancellor, Mr. Kreisky, is not a forum for negotiations. It is intended to provide an opportunity for an exchange of views at the highest level on the entire range of North- South issues. We should not expect immediate substantive decisions from the summit. Instead, it is the idea of the summit to create a more positive political atmosphere for North-South relations and thus to establish the political will needed to begin and conduct negotiations on a comprehensive policy for development and co-operation. 173. Austria has always held the view that global economic questions can be considered in a meaningful and action-oriented manner only if we also address the problems of energy. We therefore welcome the Programme of Action which the UniteCl Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy6 agreed on as a first important step by the United Nations in dealing with this question in the over-all context of North-South relations. We support all ideas and initiatives aimed at strengthening international energy co-operation. We therefore also favour the establishment of an energy affiliate of the World Bank. 174. It is our hope that this session of the General Assembly will also be able to contribute significantly to the promotion of the interests of the least developed countries. We support the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s adopted by the United Natbds Conference on the Least Developed Countries. I •. 175. The United Nations plays a very important role in our quest for a world in which human rights and human dignity will be respected. His Holiness Pope John Paul 11 underlined this issue in his fundamental statement before the Assembly at the thirty-fourth session [17th meeting]. There is growing recognition that peace and human rights are indivisible. When human rights are not ensured, peace is endangered, and when there is no peace, human rights are jeopardized. 176. Violations of human rights in various regions of the world, caused or aggravated by political and military conflicts and unrest, clearly illustrate this interrelationship. Human suffering often assumes catastrophic proportions. We are all aware of the growing tragic flows of refugees, of the spread of acts of senseless violence and terrorism, of arbitrary violations of human dignity, unjustified arrests, torture, the taking of hostages, forced re- ~ttlements and summary executions. 177. In this connection, I should like to submit to the General Assembly a proposal which was discussed in de.. tail and generally endorsed by the Fourth Armand Hammer Conference, held at Aix-en-Provence in ,.August of this year. It deals with the creation of an international corps of trial observers to· be set up within the"'United Nations system, whose duty would be to be prese~ and 178. Among the many violations of human rights which we are witnessing, let me refer to two in particular. 179. We are witnessing today a resurgence of the death penalty, the most inhuman punishment, which is also only too often applied in contravention of the basic principles of criminal procedure. We fully support all efforts to abolish that penalty and congratulate France on the decision recently taken in this regard. 180. Likewise, we note a growing and alarming tendency to religious intolerance in many parts of the world. We welcome any action to counter this inhuman· trend. All those advocating intolerance are obstacles to peace. 181. I am firmly convinced that the problems of today can be resolved only be peaceful change. This principle is enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and is at the basis of all peace efforts. All of us-States, Governments, international organizations and individuals as well-must accept this challenge.

I should lik~ at the outset to offer you my warm congratulations, Sir, on the occasion of your election as President of the General Assembly at its thirty-sixth session. Your wide experience and valuable contribution to the work of the Organization over many years will be of great benefit to the work of this session, which we hope will succeed in serving the cause of peace and international co-operation, in affirmation of the principles and goals of the United Nations. Your presidency is a positive indication of the increasing role played by our brother State of Iraq and by the Arab group as a whole in contributing to the attainme,nt of the goals of the Organization and the strengthening of its efforts for the prosperity and well-being of the world. 183. I also wish to offer my thanks and appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, for conducting the work of the General Assembly at its previous session with ability and dedication. I should not fail to pay a tribute, in the name of the delegation of Bahrain, to the efforts and the performance of the Secretary-General, who has contributed so much over the last 10 years to the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in the accomplishment of its goals and in facing the many serious challenges that have confronted it. This praiseworthy effort deserves our deepest gratitude. 184. I should also like to welcome the admission of both Vanuatu and Belize to membership in the Organization. We hope that it will not be long before we see the national liberation movements, that sit with us now as observers, QCcupying their seats as Members, after their struggling peoples have triumphed over imperialism, occupation and racism and obtained their legitimate rights to 185. The thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is meeting In a world beset by burning international issues which threaten international peace and security, where serioUs. i~ternational crises may break out at any moment in the m~t sensitive areas of the world. World economic conditions are in no better state than the political situation-and they are no less important. 186. Under such circumstances, it is incumbent more than ever upon the United Nations to play a greater role in the resolution of the international problems which confront mankind, so that international relations may be maintained in order to meet the serious challenges which face our world. We therefore consider it the duty of the General AssemBly to review and examine carefully the events of today's world in order to assess their effects on the life of mankind and their implications for the future, and so avoid their possible dangerous consequences. In this context, we face many questions which require satisfactory answerr: with regard to the problems that confront mankind, and foremost among these are the following. How are we to eliminate hotbeds of tensk., and conflict in the world, maintain detente, increase confidence between the two super-Powers and strengthen international peace and security? How are we to stop the arms race, particularly in the field of weapons of mass destruction, put an end to all forms of hegemony, domination and subjugation by the 'great Powers and narrow the gap that still exists between the rich and ttpoor? And how are we to put an end to imperialism in ID. its forms, particularly the colonialist and racist imperialism practised by Israel and South Africa? 187. These and other questions require, in our opinioh~ careful and thorough scrutiny by the frmily of nations in this troubled period in the history of international relations. No effective and satisfactory solutions can be found to such problems except through constructive dialogue .and a genuine tlesire to abide by the principles of the United Nations and respect for the right of peoples to self-determination.. 188. We live in critical international conditions marked by turbulence and ambiguity. It is no overstatement to say that we live in a world in which terror arising from the arms race and confrontation between the two super-Powers prevails. Relations between"the two super-Powers over the last year have been marked by a return to the policy of the cold war and rivalry over spheres of influence in the world. The policy of recourse to the use of force has again taken the prominent place in modem international life-a matter which is of concern to the world, and particularly to those States which have not aligned themselves with either of th~ two super-Powers. The two super-Powers are seeking to impose their policies of hegemony and to at~act the developing countries both politically and economically, sa as to use them as pawns in their game of power politics. There are still many areas in the world, including Europe itself, which are considered to be probable regions of wide-scale confrontation between the.two super-Powers if a radical change were to occur in the balance of power between them. Therefore, the developments which have occurred in the international 190. We consider the establishmer..t of the Gulf Co-operation Council by the Arab Gulf States an important and positive historic event in our region and a great step towards the fulfilment of the aspirations of the peoples of the region to strengthen their present and f\lture ties. Following immediately upon the declaration establishing the Gulf Co-operation Council, the six States members of the Council-the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain-confirmed that the Council was not a group directed against anybody, and that it had been set up in conformity with the principles of the United Nations Charter and the nonaligned movement. The Gulf Co-operation, Council represents a political, economic and social grouping of the six member States designed to face up to the challenges and external threats which confront the region and to keep it away from spheres of influence and international strife. 191. The leaders of the six member States of the Gulf Co-operation Council emphasized in their fmal communique issued after their first conference, in Abu Dhabi on 26 May of this year, that the security and stability of the Gulf is the responsibility of the States of the region, that those States are capable of assuming that responsibility and that nobody has the right to interfere in their internal affairs. The rejection by the leaders of the region of any foreign intervention, whatever its source or nature, reaffirmed the determination of those States to resist aU endeavours to link the region to international conflicts that are inconsistent with the principles of non-alignment and the Charter of the United Nations. The Gulf Co-operation Council, which reflects the hopes and aspirations of the peoples of the region and highlights the historical, social and economic ties existing among them, is not only aimed at facing up to external challenges and. threats, but also at developing self-sufficiency among those States in various fields of economic and social development, to strengthen peace and stability in the region arid to contribute to the prosperity of the peoples of the Gulf and of the world at large. 192. The question of Palestine and the dispute in the Middle East have occupied a central place in ~nternational events this year. We do not need to repeat the details 'of the Palestinian question or its implications for the different elements involved, but it is necessary to highlight the import~nce of finding a rapid, just, lasting and comprehensive solution to this problem, considering its decisive 194. The cor.:tinv,ed profanation of the holy places by the Zionist occupation authorities, in particular the continuation of excavation 1Jnder the Mosiem Sanctuary of the Mosque of AI-Aa.~a, proves the evil and aggressive intentions of the Ziol1ists towards the holy places. It is a challenge to the feeHngs of all ~oslems and a flagrant violation cf Ltc: resolutions of the United Natic.fs and UN- ESCO, which have declared Jerusalem and its ancient walls to be part of the heritage of mankind. We appeal to the world community to recognize the gravity of the excavations being carried out by the Zionist occupying authorities under the sacred Dcme of the Rock, which are aimed at destroying one of the holiest places for Moslems in the Holy City of Jerusalem. The international community is therefore required to make an effective move to stop Israeli aggression against the holy places in the occupied Arab lands. 195. Among other new evidence of the expansionist and aggressive intentions of Israel in the region is its recent decision to proceed with the implementation of a plan to dig a canal linking the Mediterranean Sea to the Dead Sea, commencing from the occupied Gaza Strip and going across the occupied West Bank and the Jordan Valley. We should like to bring to the attention of the world the gravity of that plan which is intended to bring about fundamental geographical, demographical, environmental and economic transformations that would have serious consequences for ,the entire region, and in particular for the inalienable rights of the Palestinians and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. We call upon all States and peoples :to refrain from providing any assistance or support, financial or technical, for its implementation. Failure to heed this call would be regarded as a hostile act against the rights of the Arab natigns. 196. The international community 'has used all methods of condemnation, denunciation, censure and protest in re- Card to the continued Israeli aggression against Palestinian people and the neighbouring Arab States, but it has not imposed any sanctions regarding such continued aggression-a fact that has led Israel to perpetuate and expand its aggression. Unless the international communitycan restrain ~srael by imposing on it economic andpillitical 198. In accordance with those principles, Prince Pahd ibn Abdul Aziz, the Crown Prince of our brother country, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, put forward an eight-point plan for a just and comprehensive solution of this question3, which speedily met with a favourable response all over the world. The clearly formulated plan of Prince Pabd proves our deep conviction that our problems can be settled by peaceful means within the framework of the United Nations and international legality. Nevertheless, Israel remains silent and refuses to respond to any move towards peace. A further complication has arisen out of the announcement by the United States, which is considered to be a pillar of the Organization and a leader of the Western countries, that it intends to conclude an agreement on strategic co-operation with the Israeli aggressor, which is occupying the lands of others by force of arms and rejects all international values and principles. Undoubtedly, this will complicate matters further in that sensitive area of the world. We therefore call upon the international community to support th~ eight-point plan and upon the Security Council to adopt it as a framework for a just and comprehensive solution to this question. 199. For this purpose we support the call for the convening of an international conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations, a conference in which the PLO would pa.-ticii>ate on an equal footing with the other parties, particularly in view of the fact· that events in the Middle East have proved be~nd any doubt the importance of the participation of the PLO in any process for the establishment of genuine peace in the region. 200. Israel is responsible for the serious ten.sio"!!"p!cyail=- ing in Lebanon which is exposed daily to Zionist.aggression and its destructive effects. While we emphasize our concern for the independence of Lebanon, the integrity of its land and people and its sovereignty over all its territories, we see that this cannot be achieved unless an end is put to Israeli aggression which aims at setting fire to and destroying Lebanon. It. has been learnt by experience without any doubt over the last six years that·.Israeli aggression against Lebanon will intensify and increaae every time that efforts to bring about peace in Lebanon approach success. 201. to rescue Lebanon from the ordeal which it has been through over the last six years is an Arab and a human goal. But Arab attempts to reach that goal have always been thwarted by Zionist designs aimed at per..: petuating the ordeal of Lebanon in order to intensify domination over it and to keep the region continuously on the boil. In such circumstances we call upon all States and the Security Council to put effective pressure on Israel to prec~edent in international relations and a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and international norms. No.State in the world has ever perpetrated such an actof aggre~ion; Israel is thereby trying to replace international law by the law of the jungle. 203. In fact, the deliberate and barbaric aggression committed by the Zionist entity against Iraq is an indivisible part of a plan to weaken, threaten and destabili~e the Arab countries. It is a direct and serious threat to the present and future of the Arab natio:">. culturally, politically, economically and socially. The intention behind the Israeli raid on the Iraqi nuclear reactor is to prevent the Arab States from acquiring advanced technical knowledge. 'Israel intends by such aggression to convince the world that it is the supreme Power in the area and that it can force the Arab States to submit and surrender. 204. Bahrain, which has denounced and strongly condemned this unprovoked aggression, considered by all the States of the world, including the friends and supporters of Israel and those who defend it, to be an act of piracy and intimidation against our brother country, Iraq, would like to reaffirm once again its complete support for and solidarity with the Government and people of Iraq in their struggle against Zionist aggression. 205. 'This aggression has threatened the security and peace of the whole region and the international community should impose on Israel the sanctions prescribed in Chaptel" VU of the Charter. There is no doubt that the huge material and military support which is offered to Israel by the United States is the main reason for the perpetuation of Zionist aggression against the Arab States. The Zionist entity, in fact, would not have had the courage to perpetrate its aggression against our brother country,. Iraq, but for the. support Israel receives from some Western countries, particularly the United States. 206. The absence of international deterrence has encouraged Israel to persist in its arrogance and reliance on force to achieve its ambitions and expansionist goals. We call upon all States,particularly those that support the Zionist entity and supply it with economic, political and military as.sistance, foremost among which is the United States, to refrain from giving such assistance to Israel, in order 'for it to abandon its aggresSive policy in the Middle East. 207. More than a year has passed since war broke out in the Gulf between our brother State of Iraq and the neighbouring Moslem State of Iran. It is a matter which is of concern to our region and the whole world. We cannot hide our great anxiety and deep regret concerning that war waged between two Moslem countries with its excessive loss of life and the destruction of economic and architectural institutions and establishments in both coun- . tries. 208. Since the war broke out we have appealed to both Moslem neighbours to cease hostilities and enter into peaceful, negotiations to settle the issues that caused the war and to find a just and final solution to the painful 209. The Afghan people are still resisting and rejecting the Soviet occupation of their country, which took place almost two years ago. The United Nations and other international bodies have called for the withdrawal of the armed forces from Afghanistan. Unfortunately, the Soviet Union has not responded to the appeals of the internatonal community. 210. In this context I should like to reaffirm that the solution of the Afghan problem involves the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan and the recognition of the right of the Afghan people to have the system of government of its choice in all freedom and without external interference, the maintenance of Afghanistan as an independent non-aligned country and the creation of the necessary favourable conditions for the return of the Afghan refugees to their homeland in dignity and safety. 21 L The situation in southern Africa, and particularly in Namibia, is increasing in gravity and complexity. The hopes concerning the future of Namibia tha~ were pinned on the Geneva pre-implementation meeting held at the beginning of this year have Leen disappointed because of-the obduracy of the authorities in South Africa and their resistance to the efforts of the United Nations to secure the independence of Namibia in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). In this context, we should like to confirm. the support of Bahrain for the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its eighth emergency special session to give new momentum to the liberation of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, the sole authentic representative of the people of Namibia. I should like also to declare our support for the legitimate struggle waged by the persecuted majority in South Africa against the policies of apartheid practised by the racist minority regime in Pretoria. We also support the international call to impose mandatory sanctions agaiast that racist regime to compel it to abide by the United Nations resolutions and we strongly condemn the co-operation and alliance existing between the racist regimes in South Africa and Israel. 212. We should like, in connection with the recent developments in the continent of Africa, to welcome in the name of Bahrain the decision reached by the OAU on Western Sahara. We hope that the proposal for a referendum submitted by oJIr brother country, Morocco, on this problem at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity held at Nairobi in June last, will provide a favourable climate for ending that painful dispute. 213. The economic conditions and situation in the world are no less serious than the political situation referred to above. The world economic situation is in constant decline and only slight progress has been made towards the establishment of a new international economic order 214. The failure of the eleventh special session, devoted to global negotiations on the new international economic order, should not prevent efforts ooing made to carry out su~h_ negotiations. We hope that the economic summit meeting to be held this month at Cancun will produce positive results, leading to agreement between the advanced industrialized' countries and the developing countries on current economic problems. . 215. Among the encouraging initiatives in the sphere of development and humanitarian aid is the establishment in Bahrain of the Arab Gulf programme for Unit~d Nations development organizations, which aims at aiding developing countries by financing development and humanitarian projects to be carried out by the United Nations. This programme was initiated by the allocation of $40 million to UNICEF, whiCh is proof of the conviction of the founders of this programme, namely the Arab Gulf States, that it is necessary to supply developing countries with financial aid and support United Nations development institutions. 216. The tenth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which was held this year, has not resulted in the adoption of a general and comprehensive agreement on the law of the sea, but it has made progress in solving some of the hard-core issues. This leads us to hope that the Conference will be able to adopt the desired convention at its next session. 218. In this context, we should like to declare that the State of Bahrain is prepared to work with other peaceloving nations within and outside the framework of the United Nations for the achievement of these noble goals and purposes. NOTES ·See Report of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countritfs (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.82.I.8), part one, sect. A. 2 See AlS-1l/14, annex 1. 3Expounded in a radio interview broadcast on Riyadh Domestic serv- ice on 7 August 198I. For a transcription ,of the interview, see Foreign Broadcast Infonnation Service, Daily Report, FBIS-MEA-81-153, of 10 August 1981, vo!. V, No. 153, p. C.3. 4Western Sahara. Advisory Opinion. I.C.J. Reports 1975. p. 12. 'See Report of the International Conference on KampucMa (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.20), annexes I and n. 6See Report ofthe United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.24), chap. I, sect. A. Worth-Sollth: A program for survival: report of the Independent Com- mission on International Development Issues, under the Chainnanship c:K WiHy Brandt (Cambridge, Massachusetts, The MIT Press, 1980).