A/36/PV.45 General Assembly
THIRTY-SIXTH SESSION
PClg('
34. Question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia (concluded) I. Mr. de FIGUEIREDO (Angola): The people and the countries of Indo-China, like those of southern Africa, have known the most vicious fonn of colonialism and im- perialism. The parallel continues, for peace and stability in both areas are fragile and tenuous and vulnerable to the conspiracies and machinations of regional hegemonism, military adventurism and neo-colonialism. 2. It is the duty of the international community to en- courage and support regional and subregional initiatives aimed at genuine peace, stability and co-operation. I em- phasize "genuine" bec~use so many ~roupi!1g~ are J.10th- ing more than a cosmetic cover-up for Impenahst deSigns, multilateral military pacts whose ultimate aim is to secure the area for colonialist imperialist interests. The genuine- ness of such initiatives can be gauged from the history of the participating peoples themselves, their struggle against exploitation and oppression, their opposition to all fonns of colonialism, their sacrifices in the cause of liberation- their own and those of fraternal peoples-and their stand against sectarianism and genocide imposed either from without or from within. 3. The dichotomy between foreign policy and domestic policy cannot be maintained for ever. A people that fights oppression at home fights oppression abroad. A people committed to justice and freedom for itself gives support to other progressive forces in .. pursuit of the same. And regional opposition to extraregional oppression is the nat- ural extension of the fight against colonialism and hegemonism. It is against this background that my dele- gation views the initiatives which are being discussed un- der this agenda item. 4. The threats to peace and stability being experienced by the countries of South-East Asia today are olosely con- nected to the wars waged there by colonialism and impe- rialism; their existence today is rooted in the events of yesterday. Having got rid of imperialists after long and bloody wars, the countries of South-East Asia are now trying the path of negotiation among themselves. This ini- tiative deserves the support of the international commu- nity, just as counter-moves to sabotage peace and s~ability in that area should be thwarted by all of us. In thiS con- nection I should like to refer briefly to the Declaration of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non- NEW YORK Aligned Countries, held in February 1981 at New Delhi [see A/36/1l6 and Corr. J]. which called on all States in South-East Asia to undertake a dialogue which would lead to the resolution of differences among themselves and the establishment of durable peace and stability in the area, as well as the elimination of the involvement and threats of intervention of outside Powers. 5. This non-aligned decision should be respected.by the international community, especially since the overwhelm- ing majority of South-East Asian nations are members of the non-aligned movement, which also fonns two thirds of the membership of the United Nations. 6. This year, as we observe the twentieth anniversary of the first conference of non-aligned countries at Belgrade, in 1961, we are reminded afresh not only of the principles behind non-alignment, principles which protect medium- sized and small nations and which give them a collective ~ Jice and ensure their rightful role in international affairs, but also of the convergence of the aims of our movement and the United Nations. Therefore the United Nations as a corporate body should also encourage and promote the regional initiatives and dialogue, to eliminate the tensions which engulf the area, and support the spirit of co-opera- tion which can make South-East Asia truly a region of peace and stability. 7. In this regard I should like to refer to the ideas con- tained in the memorandum presented by the Foreign Min- ister of the Lao People's Democratic Republic [see A136156J], ideas which are in keeping with the approach of the non-aligned movement and with the spirit of the principles behind the Organization. The memorandum could lead to an exemplary partnership between two re- gional groupings which would benefit all the countries of South-East Asia. As interested comrades and as support- ers of all initiatives aimed at peace and stability, we in the People's Republic of Angola wish to register our support for the proposals contained in the memorandum; we think it would benefit both the countries of Indo-China and the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEANl, and we support the call for negotiations. 8. We are from another continent, but when danger and catastrophe loom, war is just next door and the conflagra- tion cannot be contained. We.wish the sponsoring coun- tries well in their enterprise and hope that their call will be heeded and answered by all their neighbours. The lib- eration and reunification of Viet Nam contributed to the liberation of Indo-China, as did the liberation of Laos and Kampuchea. Now the co-operative efforts of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries could contribute to the well- being of Asia, non-alignment and the third world as a whole. A united stand against imperialism is the only ef- fective way of combating it. A united stand against hun- ger and poverty is the only long-tenn remedy. A united stand against outside intervention is the only guarantee of pennanent peace. 9. Until final victory for all regions and people, the struggle continues; victory is certain. 11. This debate is indeed related to a region of great importance for world peace, for as long as we do not have peace in South-East Asia there will be no peace in Asia, there will be no world peace. That is why any gen- uine effort, including the one implied in the question now under consideration; aimed at stabilization in that part of the globe, is also important for the world at large. 12. South-East Asia has known war and conflict for decades. Throughout the entire period following the Sec- ond World War the region as a whole has not enjoyed even a single year of peace. Its nations have been con- stantly haunted by wars-colonialist at the beginning, hegemonism-inspired in the most recent past-wars which have taken a heavy toll in death, human suffering and material losses. That is why those nations badly need peace and stability. For that reason their Governments are focusing their international efforts on ensuring that the genuine aspirations of their peoples are realized, first of all on a regional basis. 13. The important proposals made by the Governments of the three Indo-Chinese States in this respect are well known to members of the Assembly. They testify un- equivocally to the tireless efforts of their authors to solve all the problems between them by way of constructive di- alogue, on the basis of the principle of peaceful coexis- tence. That is in fact the crux of the proposal to hold a regional conference between the Indo-Chinese countries and the members of ASEAN on regional matters of mu- tual concern; to continue regional consultations between them on a bilateral or multilateral basis to discuss and reach agreement on regional issues of mutual concern and to establish the principles governing relations of peaceful coexistence between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries. 14. We consider that negotiations between the countries of the region directly interested, based on the principle of equality and without any outsirle interference, are the only way to establish peace and stability in South-East Asia. In our opinion the proposals formulated by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Demo- cratic Republic, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam at the meeting in Ho Chi Minh City in January 1981 (see A/36/86] ana reiter- at~d in June 1981 at their Conference in Phncm Penh (see A/36/328] constitute a solid platform for the development of a broad political dialogue and the speeding-up of the process of normalization of the situation in South-East Asia. 15. In calling for the establishment of a zone of peace, stability, friendship and co-operation in the region, those proposals testify to the goodwill of the three Indo-Chinese States and confirm their readiness to develop good-neigh- bourly relations with the ASEAN countries. The readiness to sign bilateral treaties on peaceful coexistence with the People's Republic of China and the appeal to People's China to enter into diplomatic talks, as declared by the three Indo-Chinese States, also constitute an important supplement to those proposals. 17. The United Nations could certainly contribute to helping those countries solve their problems peacefully. That being so, we cannot but deplore once more the ab- sence from our midst of the legitimate representatives of one of those nations, namely, of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, a country which pursues a policy of peaceful coexistence with all States, regardless of their political and social systems; a country which pursues a policy based on respect for independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, equality, mutual benefit, and peace: stability and security both in South-East Asia and in the world. 18. Poland's consistent support for the proposals of the three Indo-Chinese States is based on the principles of our foreign policy, on its well-known record of struggle for peace and to enhance constructive relations among na~ tions; it "derives from our experience, understanding of and familiarity with the problems of the region in ques- tion. Poland is no stranger to its history. For many years we have taken an active part in international efforts to- wards peace in Indo-China. During their struggle for in- dependence we were in solidarity with the peoples of the area. We have rendered them our assistance and support. Poland was twice a member of the International Commi3- sions for Supervision and Control ii1 countries of lndo- China. Following the victory in'their struggle for indepen- dence we have developed friendly relations and fraternal ties with all three Indo-Chinese States. 19. We know well that peaceful solutions to the contro- versial problems of South-East Asia can be sought and found only on the basis of dialogue, respect for the sov- ereignty of all States and~the right of each country of the region to decide its destiny by itself, without outside in- terference. Poland is firmly convinced that only a realistic approach can contribute to solving the problems of the region. Such an approach is contained in the proposals of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Kampuchea, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Viet Nam. 20. We believe that convening a regional conference would create the proper conditions for the restoration of an atmosphere of peace, stability and good-neighbourly co-operation among the States of the region. It would serve to promote mutual understanding and confidence and to develop much-needed dialogue. The recogni~ion of the irreversibility of progressive social and political changes in Indo-China, including those in Kampuchea, and the cessation of any interference in the internal affairs of the countries of the region constitute the basic condi- tions for building the solid structure of peace and security in that area. Such a conference would undoubtedly con- tribute to the lessening of thee tensions which are being created as a result of the policies pursued by the hegemo- nist and imperialist forces, using political, economic and military instruments to stop the process of normalization and stabilization. 22. May the friendly hand extended by thr:. three Indo- Chinese- States to their neighbours not be left suspended in mid-air. 23. .Mr. SOUKA (Congo) (interpretation from French): In the view of the Congolese delegation, the _question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia con- cerns a fundamental matter, since it deals comprehen- sively "and systematically with a problem facing one of the regions most affected by the persistent troubles char- acterizing international relations today. We must therefore seek adequate means of relaxing the atmosphere and re- lieving the tragedy of the people of Indo-China, who for more than .1.0 years have had to fight to safeguard their independence against all sorts of hegemonism and imperi- alism. 24. As the Secretary-General emphasized in his report on the situation in Kampuchea, after many years of war ·'the people of Indo-China are still denied a stable peace and prosperity to which they so desperately aspire" [A/36/583, para. 10]. In the view of the Congolese dele- gation this situation is ihe result above all of the too par- tial way in which the problem of peace, stability and co- operation in South-East Asia is discussed. 25. The importance and delicacy of the problem should lead us to look for the best approach to enable the peo- ples of Indo-China and their neighbours on the one hand and foreign nations on the other hand to reach agreement on a minimum of principles to govern international rela- tions between States, whatever their ideology or their po- litical or economic system. 26.. The basic problem now dividing t1it" countries of Indo-China and the members of ASEAN is Ihat of Kam- puchea, where the people, with the welcome aid of Viet Nam, have ousted the bloody dictatorship of Pol Pot, which was characterized by the genocide of the peoples that it was supposed to govern, genocide practically un- precedented in contemporary history. 27. The People's Republic of the Congo, which has rec- ognized the new legal Government, that of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, has always refused to associate itself with the manoeuvres of certain States which say that all that is bad in South-East Asia results from the Viet- namese assistance to Kampuchea. That is why the Congo refused to endorse the International Conference on Kam- puchea held last July, in which only just over half the Members of the United Nations took part. 28. My country's position is based on the nonnal princi- ples of international law, including non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. No study, no serious in- quiry, has ever convinced us that the people of Kampu- chea regret having ousted Pol Pot, having acquired demo- cratic institutions and having decided to banish for ever the haunting nightmare from which they 'ha'Je extricated themselves, thanks not to the lip-service to freedom which is heard too often in this Hall, but to the brotherly, concrete aid given by Viet Nam. 30. Thus, the problem is usually not discussed in the proper perspective. For example, during consideration of the agenda item entitled "The situation in Kampuchea" there was a political hold-up which forced the General Assembly to violate one of the basic principles of the Charter, that of keeping the Secretariat out of the internal· affairs of a Member State. In the view of my delegation the problem of Kampuchea exists only in the minds of those who persist in discussing it as an international prob- km. . 31. The most serious matter is that they are seeking once again to deliver the people of Kampuchea to the Pol Pot regime, this time with the appr~:>val of. Prince Sihanouk, even though the fallen dictator decimated his family. That is our interpretation of the unnatural declara- tion made in Singapore after an obviously forced meeting between Prince Sihanouk, Mr. Son Sann and _Mr. Khje1;1, Samphan. 32. Those who favour interfering in the internal affairs of Kampuchea claim that "no effective solution to the humanitarian problems can be achieved without a . . . political settlement of the Kampuchea conflict". That was stated peremptorily in resolution 36/5, adopted this year in this very Hall. 33. We are surprised that a group of Member States can take it upon themselves to state publicly that they will continue to interfere in the affairs of Kampuchea and to sow the seeds of insecurity and desolation there for as long as their special interests are not satisfied. It is cer- tainly not the present Government of the People's Re- DlIhlic of Kampuchea or the people of that country that ~rc keeping the so-called problem of Kampuchea still in existence. And the international organizations providing humanitarian aid, until intolerable pressures were put on them, never said there had been anything but an improve- ment ill the situation in Kampuchea following the well- deseFVed forced departure of Pol Pot and the efforts made by the Phnom Penh authorities to rebuild their country. 34. The situation must be viewed objectively. Instead of ~ embroiling the Secretariat in a collaboration with a non- representative committee set up by the so-called July Conference, we would be wiser to encourage the initia- tives now being undertaken by the countries of Indo- China on the one hand and the ASEAN countries on the other to assess the situation in a way closer to the real facts and the needs of the peoples concerned. 35. The Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Kampuchea have for more than two years been putting forward a series of concrete proposals to improve relations between the three countries of Indo-China-no one can deny their right to organize their own future-and the countries··of ASEAN, most of which are members of the non-aligned movemeIa and which, we are sure, are well aware of the danger that would confront South-East Asia as a whole if it wele transformed into a prime area for strategic East-West am- bitions. . 37. That is the thrust of the action we support because we do not want to encourage the puppet movements and activist groups, the sole aim of which is to delay the es- tablishment of peace and true co-operation between the countries of the region and to encourage the premeditated destabilization of the legal Governments of sovereign States. 38. The entire international community, which is repre- sented here, is duty bound to do everything possible to ensure that South-East Asia does not remain a pocket of permanent tension. On the contrary, we must strive to seize the most propitious occasions to assist those States that history and culture have brought together to build conditions for true independence, without which there can be no real peace and stability. 39. The economic, human and cultural resources of the countries of South-East Asia must provide the basis for political and other structures, without foreign interference, in order to ensure the endogenous development and pro- gress of which they are perfectly capable.
Consideration of the question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia is a very important element in the work at this session. It enables us to make a thorough analysis of the situation in the region in the context of the ideas and the specific proposals aimed at a just and lasting settlement of the problems there, in con- formity with the vital interests of the peoples of the re-
~oo. .
41. There is-and we are all well aware of this-an- other approach to these problems-as evidenced, during the ft.cent discussion in the General Assembly, by the adoption of a sterile resolution without the participation of the countries directly concerned. and against their will. Such an approach is inappropriate because it does not contribute in any way to the fulfilment of the aspirations of the peoples of the region to live as good m~ighbours and to encourage mutually advantageous co-operation, and also because it can further increase tension in South- East Asia and can pit States against each other.
42. Clearly, that approach reflects a certain degree of misunderstanding about the true problems of the region. Nevertheless, in my delegation's view the deep-rooted cause of the situation in Indo-China is the long-term strat- egy of the imperialists and hegemonists whose forces at- tempt to destabilize the situation in the region and to es- tablish their supr\..macy there.
43. It would be pointless to mention all the details of the strategic aims of the imperialists and hegemonists in South-East Asia, nor is it necessary to prove all the con- crete facts relating to their realization. It is sufficient to mention the continuous pressure exerted on the ASEAN countries with a view to preventing the restoration and normalization of relations between those countries and the States of Indo-China. Thus, today the peoples of South- East Asia, not yet having recovered from the effect~ of the wou~ds and the destruction inflicted on them by
44. That policy is replete with danger not only for the peoples and countries of Indo-China but also for the ASEAN States. By simultaneously stirring up the tensions which already exist in the region, that policy diverts the attention and the resources of those countries from the pressing needs of their development to confrontation and the ever-increasing burden of military expenditures. That being the case, it is difficult, if not impossible, to en- visage any viable alternative other than the gradual estab- lishment of a climate of trust and co-operation among all the countries of the region.
45.' That is why we believe that the continuous and tire- less efforts made by the countries of Indo-China-Viet Nam, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Lao People's Democratic Republic-Lo change South-East Asia into a zone of peace, stability and co-operation are the right approach. We greatly appreciate those efforts.
46. The initiatives of the Governments of the three countries are fully in keeping with the purposes and prin- ciples of the Charter and with the legitimate aspirations of the peoples of the region to live in peace among them- selves, in a spirit of good-neighbourliness. In my delega- tion's view those initiatives point to the only viable way to the normalization of the situation in South-East Asia, which should begin with the elimination of the specific cause of tension and confrontation-the interference of the imperialistic and hegemonistic forces in the internal affairs of the peoples of that region.
47. The core of those proposals is the establishment of lasting co-operation among the States of the region. To open up the way to such co-operation, all pending ques- tions and problems should be settled at the regional level in a spirit of good-neighbourliness and peaceful coexis- tence, without any external interference.
48. It seemed to us that the proposals and ideas that were put forward by the high-ranking representatives of the three Indo-Chinese countries during the general debate at this session were extremely timely and topical. They showed realism and a constructive spirit as regards the normalization and stabilization of the situation in the re- gIOn.
49. It would be a measure of the greatest importance if all the countries concerned would pool their efforts in support of the seven principles set out in the memoran- dum of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Lao Peo- pie's Democratic Republic as a solid foundation for future co-operation. The proposals contained in that memoran- dum are aimed at promoting multifaceted co-operation in that region.
50. The consultations and bilateral dialogue which have begun among the States of the region are worthy of en- couragement and support, given the contribution they will make to engendering a spirit of mutual understandjng and greater trust among the countries concerned. In this con-
52. All these realistic and just proposals also provide for the forms and modalities for the settlement of the question of the presence of Vietnamese troops on the ter- ritory of Kampuchea. The three Indo-Chinese countries, furthermore, have reaffirmed their willingness to sign pacts of non-aggression and peaceful coexistence with China. It is to be regretted that those constructive and reasonable proposals have been rejected by that ~ountry.
53. The Bulgarian delegation is firmly convinced that the discussion on this agenda item could bring about the necessary conditions for a constructive settlement of the pressing problems of South-East Asia. That is the way to bring closer together the positions of those countries. With such an approach the General Assembly could con- tribute effectively to the establishment of a zone of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia, which would undoubtedly contribute to the maintenance of peace and to the strengthening of security throughout the world.
For almost four decades South- East Asia has been considered to be one of the most dan- gerous pockets of conflict in the world. Imperialist inter- ference from outside and tensions among the States con- stantly prevent peace and stability in that region. Even today these factors are the source of a tense and explosive situation there.
55. The national interests of the peoples of South-East Asia have always been alien to the imperialist forces, which today are intensifying tension. Those forces are guilty of countless crimes against the peoples of Indo- China and the present members of ASEAN. They are guilty of waging vile aggressive wars against Viet Nam. They support the ousted SuppOl:ters of Pol Pot, who are guilty of genocide, as well as other reactionaries. They bear the responsibility for the sufferings of tens of thou- sands of Indo-Chinese refugees.
56. Intensified international confrontations and the stir- ring up of conflicts by Washington and Beijing have very negative cons(~quences for all countries. It is becoming increasingly clear that the so-called strategic partnership recently knocked together between imperialism and hegemonism poses a very real, tangible danger.
57. The Pentagon is inciting the Chinese hegemonists to expansion, giving them access to arsenals of the most dangerous weaponry; it is virtually giving them the mate- rial means for the implementation of th~ir hegemonistic plans, which are also aimed against the countries of South-East Asia. There are entirely justified fears that those means will be utilized sooner or later.
58. By thwarting the aspirations of the peoples of South-East Asia to peace, stability and co-operation,
59. The artificially inflated so-called question of Kam- puchea risks being converted into a permanent factor of increased tensiDn. In addition, renewed attempts are being made to force the United Nations to spend its time and effort on fruitless discussions of non-existent problems. It is quite obvious that gross external interference runs counter to the national interests of the countries of the region; it benefits only those who want to force an im- perialistic and hegemonistic diktat on the peoples of South-East Asia.
60. Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Kampuchea won their freedom and independence by fighting against foreign aggression and internal reaction. Their victory consolidated peace in that region a11d signif- icantly strengthened the forces of social progress. How- ever, the colonial heritage and the consequences of wars which continued for many decades, as well as natural dis- asters, are still a heavy burden on the peoples of Indo- China. The complex problems of economic and social de-
velc;~ment have to be resolved, and that is an enormous task. In order to implement their plans, peace is needed, stable and constructive relations with neighbouring coun- tries must be established and humanitarian international assistance provided.
61. It is noteworthy that it is· precisely those that de- stroyed Viet Nam with napalm and incendiary bombs that are blocking the granting of aid to that long-suffering country under the World Food Programme. At the s:\me time, dollars for supplying gangs of murderers with weap- ons are flowing in a broad stream to the bands that are operating in the regions bordering on the People's Re- public of Kampuchea. Could anything show more clearly the false ethics of those in imperialist circles that speak so much about human rights? The peoples of Indo-China have not forgotten that historic experience. They, like any other people, are entitled to peace and security. However, the kmperialists and hegemonists are refusing to grant them that right. Therefore they must ·be on the alert. No State in that region shou!d disregard the legitimate se- curity interests of the peoples of Indo-China. The policy of the imperialists and hegemonists is dangerous, es- pecially since they possess forces which should not be underestimated. However, we are happy to note that more and more people are aware of the danger and are express.. !ng their determination to prevent the wOr&t from happen- mg.
62. There is no doubt that fruitful co-operation in South-East Asia would benefit all countries of the region. There have long existed close links in the sphere of econ- omy, trade and culture. Unless those links are restored, :.mless stable, good-neighbourly relations are established it will be impossible to achieve the goal reaffirmed by rep- resentatives of the ASEAN countries in these debates- that is, the transformation of South-East Asia into a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality.
~f a treaty.
64. Peace, and security in South-East Asia can be at- tained. only on the basis of all-round agreement and co- operation between all countries of the region. This refers first an~ foremost to the groups which encompass almost all the countries of. the region, those of Indo-China and .ASeAN. The States of Indo-China have already proposed , a way to secure· the relaxation of tension in that region. The problems in the region-.-and this is the basic thrust of their· proposal-must be resolved by agreements be- . tween the States of South-East Asia, on the basis of
equality and mutual respect. without outside interference.
65. It was in this spirit that in January 1981 the Foreign
Minist~rs of the three States of Indo-China put for- ward proposals regarding the convening of a regional con- ference t~ conclude a whole range of multilateral treaties on questions of peace, stability and co-operation in South- East Asia. In June of this' year a proposal was made to hold a regional conference with the participation of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and possibly other countries. The Lao Foreign Minister, having set forth the well-known seven points on behalf of the three friendly countries, has once again submitted a programme of principles and practical questions that would make it possible .for dialogue to begin immediately.
66. For those who are really striving for fruitful co-op- eration in. the most varied spheres, the programme con- tains sufficient starting-points. For those who answer trust with trust, a sense of responsibility should be an essential for holding such talks. For those who do not want tension and inst~bilit)' in the future, those seven points offer a real alternative.
67. The initiative by the three countries of Indo-China is fully in line with the appeal mad~ in the Declaration ;Jopted. by. the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Af- fairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in 1981, to all States of the regian "to undertake a dialogue which would lead to the .resolution of differences among themselves and the establishment of durable peace and stability in the area, as well as the elimination of involve- meot and threats of intervention by outside Powers" (A/36/1/6 and Corr.l. annex. para. 851. '
68. The International Herald Tribune calls the proposals put forward by. the Lao PeopI(f's Democratic R~public. Viet Nam and Kampuchea'''a chance which should be ·used. The best opportunity", as the paper says, "to break the paralyzing Cambodian deadlock". In the opinion of the· newspaper, this could be the start of action whereby the damage caused as the result of giving support to .Pol Pot could 'be remedied.
71. A speedy, joint search for ways to normalize the situation can be carried out only through dialogue be- tween all sides concerned. The prior conditions men- tioned by some representatives during the discussion are not an invitation to dialogue. They are but an attempt by them to force their win and to exert pressure on other States. Of course, this cannot lead to mutual understand- ing..The efforts deployed can be successful only if they are not undermined from outside bm~ are encouraged; this refers to all States which border directly on the region or are present there in whatever form.
72. In order to establish a stable peace in South-East Asia, the countries of the region must be free from the
constan~ threat of aggression, the expansionist policy of interference and gross violation of national sovereignty.
73. Let us help blJild the conditions which serve univer- sal peace, security and mutual understanding in the re- gion. Dialogue instead of confrontation is and will remain the only sensible altcL'iative to improve the political cli- mate in South-East Asia, which the United Nation~ is in duty bound to support. .
Papua New Guinea has a particular interest in item 34. We are lo- cated on the fringe of the South-East Asian region and have close ties with member countries of ASEAN. We are therefore as concerned as the proponents of this item to see peace. stabHity and co-or...ation established and maintained amongst the South-r ;t ASI.. ·~ countries.
75. The proponents have given various reasons for the need to establish peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia. We agree that such a need exists. The region has been subjected to various wars and social tur- moil. The most heartbreaking episode is the exodus of thousands of refugees from Indo-China and the enormous burden that that has placed on neighbouring countries and the world.
76. The area still faces the ramifications of these diffi- cult times and continues to be under pressure. Underlying all this is the continued friction. suspicion and uncertainty in dealings among the South-East Asian countries profess- ing different social orders and political philosophies. It is therefore essential to find solutions to such problems in order to bring about the peace, stability and co-operation that are envisaged by Viet Nam and the Lao 'People's Democratic Republic. Such a goal can be achieved only if the root cause of all these prol1lems is resol·ved.
77. In our view the main cause of instability and suspi- cion is the invasion of KamplJchea by Viet Nam in 1978 and its contmued occupation of that country. This" action and the presence of Viet Nam in Kampuchea has caused
78. Viet Nam has entangled itself in a situation which has brought untold misery to its own people, to the peo- ple of Kampuchea and to most of the South-East Asian region. It seems to my delegation that the only honour- able way open for Viet Nam in this entanglement in Kampuchea is to enter into direct dialogue with those in- terested .in and concerned with the situation in Kampu- chea. This will include countries of the region, the big Powers and other members of the General Assembly. The opening has been provided by the United Nations in reso- lution 36/5. -
79. The Declaration and resolution adopted by the Inter- national Conference on Kampuchea and endorsed in reso- lution 36/5 left the door open for discussion of all the important elements which will allow Viet Nam to with- draw with honour. The Declaration also provides for reso- lution of most of the issues that Viet Nam and its support- ers have cited as stumbling-blocks to United Nations resolutions.
80. Issues such as the so-called Chinese hegemony and American imperialism and the ever-present doubts of Viet Nam's true intentions can be the subject of discussion and even solution under resolution 36/5. There are others, like the refugee problem, the continued fighting in Kam- puchea, the Thai-Kampuchea border clashes and the ever- present threat to peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia. These have caused suspicion and are obstacles to lasting coexistence, friendship and co-opera- tion amongst South-East Asian countries.
81. It is our contention that once the situation in Kam- puchea is normalized in accordance with resolution 36/5. the worries and concerns which are keeping countries of the region apart will no longer be present. Once that hap- pens, trust and friendship can be built on a solid basis. The proposals put forward by the Lao People's Demo- cratic Republic and Viet Nam on peace, stability and co- operation should then provide al) excellent beginning for building a new era of peace in the area.
South-East Asia has been and remains one of the most inflamed regions of our planet, and this situation has been going on for many years. It lies at the crossroads of maritime routes from the Indian to the Pacific Oceans, is a rich source of raw mate- rials and manpower and constitutes an enormous and al- luring market. It has whetted the greedy appetites of the imperialists, particularly the Americans, and the Chinese expansionists. The former, with their characteristic braz- enness, have declared South-East Asia to be a sphere of their "vital interests", while the latter consider themselves entitled to "teach" other peoples lessons, including mili- tary ones.
83. It would appear that in this case. the interests of American imperialism and Chinese hegemonism are in- compatible. Nevertheless, they are united by the presence of a common obstacle, in the form of the powerful Iibera-
84. Washington and Beijing, with the support of anum,,: ber of member countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Or- ganization [NATO], have been exerting gross pressure on the members of ASEAN and have been pushing them into confrontation with Viet Nam, the Lao People's Demo- cratic Republic and Kampuchea. They are the ones that have been placing under the black banners of counter-rev- olution all the enemies of the peoples of Indo-China, irre- spective of their political colouring either in the past or at present.
85. These same aims are served by the undignified clamour surrounding the so-called "Kampuchean prob- lem", in which the United Nations has unfortunately been embroiled. However, the stability of the political situation in the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the improvement in the economic situation in that country and its growing authority in the international arena have shown that the attempts of American imperialism and Chinese hegemo- nism, with the help of the bankrupt politicians, to thwart the construction of the bases of a new society there have been fruitless.
86. These. in general, are the main factors whictt we feel are having a destabilizing impact on the situation in South-East Asia and have led to the emergence in the region of a crisis situation containing a threat to peace and stability.
87. In this situation, the efforts of the international com- munity must be directed towards finding real ways of re- solving the crisis in South-East Asia by peaceful means, without any outside interference. These aims are fully served by the well-known proposals put forward by the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Demo- cratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea in January of this year and reaffirmed in the declaration of the Foreign Ministers of those countries in Phnom Penh in June 1981.
88. Firmly convinced 'that the problems which compli-' cate the situation in South-East Asia can be solved only through consultation and negotiations based solely on equality and a renunciation of the policy of pressure and diktat, the Governments of those countries proposed that a regional conference be held with the participation of the States of Indo-China and the member countries of ASEAN. It was proposed that representatives of other countries and the Secretary-General of the United Nations be invited as observers. If the ASEAN States are not yet ready to hold a regional conference. the countries of Indo-China have suggested that multilateral and bilateral consultations on all problems of concern to the parties involved be continued. .
89. In the Phnom Penh declaration. the three countries of Indo-China reaffirmed their willingness to sign with China a bilateral treaty on non-aggression and peaceful coexistence on the basis of the principles of strict mutual
90. A priority question in the present situation is the restoration of peace and stability on the Chinese-Viet- namese border. On this there is a concrete and realistic proposal, which was made by the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. It stresses the need to attain in the near future an agreement on immediate measures to restore peace and stability on the border between China and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and to resume as soon as possible the third round in the Vietnamese-Chinese talks, which were unilaterally broken off by China. An agreement of this kind would be in accordance with the sincere aspira- tions of the peoples of Viet Nam and China, and we feel that it would not only promote a solution of the problem of bilateral relations but also ensure peace and stability in South-East Asia as a whole.
91. However, the goodwill and constructive initiatives of Viet Nam have thus far met with no response from the Chinese side. Furthermore, the ruling circles of China have been stepping up their subversive activities against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and have been at- tempting to exert political, economic and military pres- sure on it. Since the beginning of this year alone, the Chinese military clique has perpetrated more than 1,800 armed acts of provocation on the border with Viet Nam.
92. Naturally, the search for ways to eliminate tension in ~outh-East Asia requires a constructive approach and goodwill not only on the part of countries of Indo-China. A stable peace there can be assured only through the joint efforts of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Re- public and Kampuchea and the ASEAN States. The pos- sibilities and conditions for this do exist. We note with satisfaction that, notwithstanding the differences which still persist, dialogue between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries has recently yielded some re- sults ·with regard to strengthening mutual understanding, creating favourable conditions for further discussion and attaining agreement on regional problems without outside interference. That process has been significantly promoted by the visit of the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People' 's Democratic Re- public, Phoune Sipraseuth. to a number of States of South-East Asia.
93. The practical importance of developing a basis for talks would be recognition by the ASEAN countries of the seven principles set forth in the memorandum of the Lao Foreign Ministry which were deal.. with in some de- tail during the general debate at this session of the Gen- eral Assembly. We share the conclusion contained in the memorandum that "only continuation of the dialogue be- tween the two groups of countries will make it possible to promote mutual understanding and trust. to eliminate such divergences and to seek together means of settlement to' remove the causes of the threat to the States' indepen-' dence and sovereignty and in general to the peace and stability of the region". [A/36/561 , annex, p. 1.]
94. Unfortunately, the ASEAN countries, giving way to pressure from the United States of America and-JChina, have thus far not given a positive response to the repeated constructive proposals from the three States of Indo- China. That position will not help mitigate tension' in South-East Asia or create a favourable atmosphere for the
The General Assembly has heard several speakers on this agenda item and many of them have made reference to the Lao memorandum of 28 September 1981 on ..Principles governing relations of peaceful coexistence between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries, for peace, stability, friendship and co-operation in South-East Asia". The Thai delega- tion therefore wishes to share a few of its thoughts on this memorandum and on the question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia.
96. My delegation has carefully studied the prop~sal contained in the Lao memorandum and is disappointed to find nothing new in it. On its surface. the proposal may seem reasonable, citing as it does at great length the prin- ciples which are already enshrined in the Charter and which are cogent rules of international law. These are th~ principles which are generally recognized as applicable to inter-State relations, and not only at some particular stage or period of time. One cannot but pose the question why these principles were not applicable during the invasion of Kampuchea by Vietnamese forces in 1978 and why they are proposed only after the invasion, while Kampuchea
con~inues to be illegally occupied by foreign forces.
97. Indeed, the Lao memorandum entirely ignores the Kampuchea problem. To its proponent and supporters, the paper is a self-serving document which is intended to ac- complish what the foreign forces have so far failed to achieve, namely, the incorporation of Kampuchea in the Indo-Chinese group of countries-a point which is often emphasized in its pages, despite repeated denials of any intention to create a so-called federation of the Indo-Chi- nese States. Its acceptan.ce would compromise the long- cherished goal of the Kampuchean people to remain neu- tral and non-aligned.
98. Furthermore, the memorandum endeavours to mis- represent the situation in South-East Asia as one of con- frontation and conflict between the members of ASEAN and the Indo-Chinese States. however, the fact is that the only conflict is the one between Viet Nam and Kampu- chea and confrontation exists only between Viet Nam and its neighbour to the north. The ASEAN countries merely seek to avert a larger conflagration and to find a compre- hensive peaceful solution to both the conflict and the con- frontation.
99. To the supporters of the Lao memorandum, the sit- uation in Kampuchea is an irreversible fait accompli and the international community should desist from its efforts to find a peaceful solution to the conflict. Furthermore, the countries of South-East Asia are asked to accept this military fait accompli, as well as the puppet regime in- stalled by the foreign forces. Presumably, then, peace and stability would return to the region thanks to Pax Viet- namica. The reality of the situation, however, as most del- egations are well aware, is far more complex than that.
101. Secondly, Viet Nam's invasion of Kampuchea has dealt a severe blow to the process of good-neighbourli- ness, which the ASEAN countries had indefatigably tried to promote step by step with their neighbours. In fact, since the invasion of Kampuchea, mutual trust and confi- dence among countries in South-East Asia have been at their lowest point, despite Viet Nam's assurances to the contrary. Therefore, to rebuild mutual trust and confi- dence among these countries would necessarily require a comprehensive political solution to the Kampuchean prob- lem whereby the legitimate interests of all concerned would be taken into account.
102. Thirdly,- Viet Nam's invasion and occupation of Kampuchea have provided certain outside Powers with the pretext to become further involved in the affairs of the South-East Asian region, whether to Viet Nam's liking or not. It is only through a comprehensive political settle- ment of the Kampuchean problem that these major Powers can. be persuaded to play a more constructive role in the regIOn.
103. Fourthly, it follows that, while bilateral consulta- tions may proceed and diplomatic channels remain open-as they do in fact-the problem in all its aspects has international dimensions, thus requiring the active participation of the international community in the search for a peaceful solution. The Declaration and the resolu- tion adopted recently by the International Conference on Kampuchea and overwhelmingly endorsed by the Assem- bly in its resolution 36/5 offer the realistic and reason- able framework for such a comprehensive settlement and a durable basis on which to build a lasting edifice of peace in South-East Asia. My delegation would therefore like to urge Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic, and others avowedly concerned with peace, sta- bility and co-operation in South-East Asia which have not done so, to support the United Nations efforts in this re- gard.
104. Before concluding I should like to refer to the statement of the representative of the Union of Soviet So- cialist Republics at the 44th meeting, which contained a reference to the joint military exercise recently conducted in a remote maritime area of '(haiiai:Id. 1here have been massive and extended as well as frequent military exer- cises in recent months in large areas of Eastern Europe. Thus far my delegation has refrained from commenting or passing any judgement on those operations and will not do sn now. Suffice it to say that the exercise mentioned by the Soviet representative was a relatively small-scale training exercise, undertaken infrequently, at long inter- vals and in a routine manner for self-defence·purposes. My delegation is therefore amazed and somewhat flattered by the apparent concern attached to it by the representa- tive of a super-Power.
At the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, on the initiative of a group of countries that included Mongolia, the question of peace, stabilit~ and co-opera- tion in South-East Asia was discussed. Today the General Assembly is again taking up that question to which the Mongolian delegation attaches the greatest importance.
107. The situation in that region is also being worsened by the actions of those in imperialist circles aimed at tacking together a strategic alliance with the Beijing hegemonists. 'We must perforce be concerned by the deci- sion of the present United States Administration regarding the sale to China of a sensitive weapon in their attempt to push other countries towards militarization and confronta- tion. . 108. Various kinds of manoeuvres surrounding the so- called Kampuchea problem persist. That is the only way we can evaluate the attempts at gross interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State, the convening of the so-called International Conference on Kampuchea and the resolution adopted a few days ago in which the General Assembly was compelleJ to adopt the decisions of that so-called "Conference". All this is merely aimed at drag- ging out the conflict situation in the region, which is in the interest of China's expansionist plan to penetrate ever deeper into South-East Asia and plays into the hands of the imperialist and hegemonist forces which are trying to involve ASEAN countries in anti-socialist and anti-Viet- mmese policies. 109. Behind the attempts to create a so-called united front-that is, a coalition government formed from vari- ous groups of Khmer reactionaries which have been re- jected by the Kampuchean people-we must perceive the attempts to interfere in the internal affairs of Kampuchea and thus wreck the process of its rebirth and the building of a new life. All this is connected with the further dan- gerous worsening of tension, which can only delay the prospect of South-East Asia being transformed into a zone of peace and co-operation. 110. In contradistinction to this the three States of Indo- China-the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao Peo- pie's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea-have been consistently pursuing an active policy towards normalizing the situation in the region, de- veloping friendly relations with the countries of South- East Asia and creating the conditions for the re-establish- ment of a climate of good-neighbourliness, peace, sta- bility and co-operation. That is the thrust behind a whole range of constructive initiatives, which were reflected spe- cifically in the Declarations adopted at the Conferences of the Foreign Ministers of Kampuchea, the'Lao People's Democratic Republic and Viet Nam held at Vientiane in July 1980,1 at Ho Chi Minh City in January 1981 and at Phnom Penh in June 1981. They are suggesting that a regional conference should be held to resolve all the prob- lems of mutual interest to them. The participation of the Secretary-General of the United Nations in his personal capacity and of the representatives of certain other coun- tries as observers is not excluded. Ill. If the ASEAN countries are not ready to take part in a regional conference of that kind, the three countries 112. The possibility is also being examined of the United Nations convening an international conference of this kind, naturally if the United Nations ceases its recog- nition of the Pol Pot clique. 113. In the opinion of our delegation these proposa]<; open the way for the beginning of dialogue on the basis of equality between the two groups of States and create a real possibility for the peaceful solution of all the prob- lems that complicate the situation in that part of the world. They are also in line with the provisions of the Declaration adopted at New Delhi by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries in February this year [see AI361116 alld Corr. JI and the communique of the Meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs and the Heads of Delegations of Non-Aligned Countries to the thirty-sixth session of the General As- sembly in New York in September [see A1361566] con- taining an appeal to all States of the region to undertake a ~jalogue which would lead to the resolution of differences among themselves and the establishment of lasting peace and stability in the area, as well as the elimination of involvement and threats of intervention by outside Powers. 114. An important new;factor arising from the initiative of the countries of Indo-China was the proposals con- tained in th~ memorandum of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic dated 28 September 1981, which contains principles governing re- lations of peaceful coexistence between the two groups of countries-those of Indo-China and those of ASEAN- to bring about peace, stability, friendship and co-opera- tion in South-East Asia. 115. Dialogue on the basis of the principles mentioned in the memorandum-such as independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-aggression, equality and mutual advantage, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for the right of each country in lodo-China and ASEAN and other countries to individual and collective self-defence, the development of economic, technical, scientific and other co-operation-could, we feel, decisively help to reach agreements which would be in the interests of both groups of countries and which would serve the cause of establishing stable peace in that region of Asia. 116. The Mongolian People's Republic, as an Asian State, has always supported and tried to promote efforts aimed at improving the political climate in South-East Asia and in the Asian continent as a whole, in order to turn it into a zone of peace and good-neighbourliness. With that goal in mind, and with a desire to make what- ever contribution it can to the noble cause of creating uni- versal Asian security, my country recently proposed the conclusion of a convention on mutual non-aggression and the non-use of force in relations between the States of Asia· and the Pacific [see A/361586]. We believe that en- shrining in a treaty the principle of the non-use of force in relations between Stat~s in the region would create a guarantee whereby the basis of security in Asia could be strengthened. .
Mr. Kravets (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic), Vice- President. took the Chair.
Never before has mankind accumulated so·many means of destruction. endangering its very existence. The defence of peace is therefore our main duty.
119. There are haunted and cavernous minds which dream of an apocalyptic solution to the problems of to- day's world and hope to emerge victorious from the catas- trophe. They create and encourage conflicts, and. with their irresponsible and neo-Fascist policies. push the world towards war.
120. South-East Asia has for long been a stage for the rivalries between colonialist and imperialist Powers as well as for acts of aggression against the peoples of the region.
121. Against the Vietnamese people alone the United States, until a few years ago, used a quantity of explo- sives greater than all those used during the Second World War.
122. Another great Power-the very one which main- tains its minions in armed insurgency against several States of the region, which supervised and supported the largest operation of genocide and enslavement of our time against another people of the area, in order later to extend its domination over the whole of South-East Asia-sent half a million of its soldiers against the Vietnamese peo- ples.
123. Those two Powers, strange bedfellows in their present reactionary stand, are the main obstacles to the attempts to turn South-East Asia into a zone of peace, stability and co-operation. If that is not understood, if the States of the region do not see where the real danger is coming from and do not decide to engage in a dialogue which may open the way to coexistence based on mutual respect, good-neighbourliness and co-operation r:eneficial to all, they will make a dangerous mistake and create an opening which will allow the tigers to come in through the back door.
124. The three countries of Indo-China, joined as broth- ers in a common struggle for almost 40 years against colonialism and imperialism, a struggle for' independence and national sovereignty, have made serious and construc- tive proposals aimed at eliminating mistrust, consolidating peace and stability and promoting co-operation among the States of the area. We believe that that is the desire of all. In these days of dark omens the nations of South-East Asia can undoubtedly make an invaluable contribution to world peace and to the cause of the peoples of the so- called third world, if they are capable of turning confron- tation into dialogue and dialogue into co-operation.
The President resumed the Chair.
Mankind everywhere yearns for peace and amity. Nowhere else is this yearning felt more today than in South-East Asia, where the forces of reaction and tyranny are hard at work to turn back the wheels of history.
127. It has unfortunately become fashionable these days to talk about peace in public forums such as this one while at the same time sowing the seeds of discord and tension outside. This obviously is not going to serve the cause of peace. Instead, it heightens distrust and discord, from which no one stands to gain. It is in that light that all those involved in the affairs of South-East Asia must resist the temptation of trying to extract short-term propa- ganda advailtages at the expense of peoples striving for genuine peace and co-operation. It is our firm conviction that the countries of Indo-China and the member countries of ASEAN are able to resolve their differences on their own, and, I might add, to the satisfaction of all.
128. South-East Asia has over the past four decades had more than its share of tension and conflict. This has to a large measure been the result of incesstl.nt foreign inter- ference in the affairs of the region. Indeed, the people directly concerned have a great stake in peace and intend to strive to this end with resoluteness. They are now in a position, and are prepared, to sha~ their destiny on their own. But there are those who have chosen not to recon- cile themselves to this reality; hence the continued vio- lation of the cardinal principles of the Charter, to this very day.
129. As I have just stated, there is today a crying need for peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia, as in many other troubled regions of the world. That re- gion in particular has been plagued for far too long, by turmoil and wars which have been, and still are, the mak- ings of neo-colonialists and imperialists. All those who genuinely subscribe to a rational and lasting solution of the problem existing in the region today are convinced that what is needed most now is the speedy termination of all third-party, outside meddling in the affairs of South- East Asian countries. Short of that, all efforts to bring peace, stability and co-operation will be tfJ no avail.
130. That there are differences among countries of South-East Asia, as among those of any other region of the world, is a fact that can readily be acknowledged. The point is that this should be regarded as a family quarrel, so to speak, that could be solved within a regional con- text with no outside brokers, no matter how honest they may profess to be. The United Nations has an enormous role to play in encouraging that regional endeavour.
131. It is gratifying to note that encouraging steps are already being taken along the path of lasting peace and co-operation in South-East Asia. The Lao People's Demo- cratic Republic and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam have taken useful measures in that direction. This clearly bears out their genuine dedication to peace, stability and co-operation in the region. It is up to the other countries of the area concerned to join in this worthy endeavour.
Nearly two weeks have passed since our debate on agenda item 22, "The situation in Kampuchea". At the time of that debate the delegation of Albania ex- pressed its views on the problem and on the general situa- tion in South-East Asia [39th meeting]. At this time my delegation would like to make a few remarks in ttie con- text of the discussion of agenda item 34.
134. We understand the concerns that the lack of real stability in South-East Asia has brought to the peoples and countries of that region. Needless to say. for the re- gion of South-East Asia, which has not known peace and stability for 40 years, the establishment and safeguarding of peace and true stability constitute a major need and an objective towards which all the efforts of the peoples and countries directly concerned should be sincerely aimed. That would enormously please the democratic and pro- gressive peoples and countries, and would largely contrib- ute to improving the situation in a very sensitive area. But the debates on items 22 and 34 have shown once again that the situation in South-East Asia continues to be complex and tense.
135. It is well known that the situation in South-East Asia is the result of a very long chain of serious events which have taken place throughout the years. The peoples of South-East Asia won great victories by creRting na- tional independent States after the Second World War. However, their achievements were immediately en- dangered by American imperialism, which immediately began Jrolitical, economic and military penetration in that area. Resorting to the use oJ large amounts of weapons and great force, the United SUites tried to stop the process of political and social change and to stifle the struggle for national liberation. The aggressive policy of American imperialism culminated in the barbarous anned aggression against the Vietnamese, Lao and Khmer peoples. They were the victims during the 1960s and until the mid-1970s.
136. The many acts of intervention by the United States of America in the internal affairs of several South-East Asian countries, the American military bases in that area, the many other links imposed through treaties and al- liances by the United States, and above all the aggression against Viet Nam and other Indo·Chinese countries are among the factors at the root of the ills in that area. There can no longer be any doubt that American imperialism continues to be one of the most dangerous enemies of the peoples of South-East Asia.
137. The appearance of Soviet social-imperial·ism in the international arena has had very dangerous effects also in Sm.'th-East Asia. where the Soviet Union immediately be- gan many activities aimed at laying down and expanding the bases of its imperialist penetration. The Soviet social- imperialists continue to claim that they are the friends of the peoples of South-East Asia and that they support them against the other super-Powers. But they will never suc-
138. The same is true for social-imperialist China. Un- der the cover of being a friend of the peoples of Indo- China and other South-East Asian peoples, it has for a long time been laying down conditions: favourable to its hegemonist and expansionist policy. For the needs of that aggressive policy and its major-Power chauvinism, China has manipulated, used and incited the Pol Pot Fascist clique to turn Kampuchea into the bridgehead of its ex- pansionism. China acts openly like an aggressive imperi- alist super-Power, committing armed aggression against Viet Nam. It continues to threaten Viet Nam by applying for t! second time the mediaeval doctrine of teaching les- sons.
139. The peoples of the South-East Asian region have endured many difficult and dangerous situations, but their national liberation struggle has also been crowned with great successes. The Vietnamese, Lao and Khmer peo- ples9 during their long and heroic armed liberation strug- gle against the American aggressors, showed courage and Qetermination and stood together in solidarity. It was as a result of that struggle that they scored the great and his- toric victory that gladdened all peoples that cherish peace and freedom, ;\nd which was so warmly welcomed throughout the v. :>rld.
140. That victory on the battlefield brought about new possibilities for understanding, stability and peace in all of South-East Asia. The true friends of the peoples of Indo-China expressed the wish and cherished the hope that that would enable all the peoples of the region to devote themselves fully to the tasks of development, pro- gress and the achievement of well-being. Indo-China and South-East Asia continue to be a zone of tension, a hotbed of conflict and an area likely to become a bat- tlefield. The peoples of the region live under the perma- nent threat of political, and even military, complications. The anxiety and distrust that exist in relations between neighbouring States are, as can be noted from our de- bates, very deeply rooted. Whatever the local factors, that situation could not have been created and maintained had it not been for external factors such 3S the policies and the interference of the imperialist super-Powers.
14I. The United States of America, China and the So- viet Union endeavour to fulfil their ambitions and satisfy their greed in South-East Asia by exerting political, eco- nomic and military pressures, and by interfering with in- creasing openness in the affairs of that region, thus pre- venting the establishment of genuine peace and stability.
142. After its defeat in Viet Nam, Laos and Cambodia, American imperialism has continued its manoeuvres aimed at maintaining its influence in South-East Asia, at consolidating its position and at securing new bases of operations. To do this the United States relies heavily on its alliance with China and on the eagerness of the Chi- nese social-imperialists to join un efforts against Soviet influence. The assistance giver. by the United States and China to the remnants. of the Pol Pot regime are very sig- nificant in this. context.
143. The Chinese and Soviet social-imperialists, since the time of the national liberation struggle of the peoples
144. The Soviet Union is actively engaged in imple- menting its own plans in the framework of a counter- revolutionary and expansionist strategy in South-East Asia. After the defeat of the United States in Indo-China the Soviet Union intensified its efforts to expel American imperialism from South-East Asia and to establish its own zone of influence there. The Soviet Union also seeks to create political and military conditions that will permit it to carry on its competition with the other imperialist super-Powers for domination in South-East Asia.
145. Thus, there are several economic, political and military considerations that exacerbate the two-way and three-way rivalries among the United States, China and the Soviet Union in South-East Asia. In order to achieve their goals, the imperialist super-Powers do not want there to be peace, stability and co-operation among the peoples and countries of the region. On the contrary, they make every effort to sow discord among them, to pit them against each other and to inflame the wounds suffered by the entire region as a result of past colonial domination and the infamous policy of divide and conquer which the super-Powers pursue in South-East Asia and in other re- gions of the world. .
146. That is why we remain convinced that, to serve the cause of peace and stability in South-East Asia, we must first and foremost oppose the policies of the imperialist super-Powers, both when they act in open enmity and when they disguise themselves as the friends of one or other people or countr¥.
147. The people of Albania and its Government have supported and will continue to support the struggle of the peoples of that region against the pressure, the blackmail, the plots and the interference of the imperialist super- Powers. As we said in our 'statement on the situation in Kampuchea, we believe that a just solution to that prob- lem in conformity with the rights of that people and with the principle of respect for national sovereignty and ter- ritorial integrity would be of enormous benefit to peace and stability throughout the region. We earnestly hope that the people of K&mpuchea will be able to find that solution by itself, without the tutelage of others.
For the second successive year Viet Nam has proposed for consideration by the General Assembly an agenda item entitled "Question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia". This year we ai",- have before us a memorandum from the Lao People's Democratic Republic entitled "Principles governing relations of peaceful coexistence between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries for peace, stability, friendship and co-operation in South-East Asia" .
150. In 1975 the second Viet Nam war came to an end. During the period from 1975 to 1978 South-East Asia enjoyed relative peace. During that period efforts were made by the leaders of the countries of South-East Asia, through the exchange of visits and through other confi- dence-building measures, to reduce mutual suspiCion and misunderstanding and to increase mutual trus~ and confi- deIlce..This process reached its zenith with the visits of the Prime Minister of Viet Nam, Mr. Pham Van Dong, to the five ASEAN countries. During his meetings with our leaders the Prime Minister of Viet Nam assured them that Viet Nam would scrupulously respect the sovereignty, ter- ritorial integrity and independence of all the countries of South-East Asia. He also assured our leaders that Viet Nam would not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries in the region.
151. Less than three months after the Prime Minister of Viet Nam had given those assurances to the leaders of the ASEAN countries Viet Nam launched a large-scale mili- tary invasion of Kampuchea. Viet Nam continues to oc- cupy Kampuchea with more than 200,000 Vietnamese troops. By invading and occupying Kampuchea, Viet Nam has completely destroyed its credibility among its regional neighbours. How can Viet Nam expect to be be- lieved when it tells us that it would like to live in peace and friendship with its neighboul:s? Ho'" can we believe Viet Nam when it tells us that it will respect the sov- ereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its neighbours? How can we be sure that after Viet Nam has digested its conquest of Kampuchea it will not, under one pretext or another, seek to use its superior military force to overawe and dominate its other neighbours?
152. Kampuchea is therefore important for two reasons. First, it is important because it is the victim of aggression by its bigger and militarily more powerful neighbour. Sec- ondly, it is important because it is a test case of Viet Nam's sincerity and of its intentions towards its regional neighbours. If Viet Nam is sincere about wanting to live in peace and in friendship with its neighbours, then it can best demonstrate its sincerity by agreeing to withdraw its troops from Kampuchea and to allow the Kampucheans to recover and exercise their right to self-determination. If, on the other hand, Viet Nam persists in maintaining that its armed intervention in and continued occupation of Kampuchea are justified and that we must accept the real- i6es flowing from the use of force, then we must con- clude that Viet Nam's protestations of peace and friend- ship are nothing more than a cynical exercise in propaganda, designed to deceive international public opinion.
153. I will now comment briefly on the Lao memoran- dum contained in document A/36/56I. In that memoran- dum, as well as in the statements of the Lao and Viet- namese representatives it is said that there are two groups of countries in South-East Asia. The first group is ASEAN, which consists of Indonesia. Malaysia, the Phil- ippines, Thailand and Singapore. The second group of countries it describes as Indo-China, consisting of Kam- puchea, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Viet
154. The second point in the Lao memorandum on which I wish to comment concerns the root cause of the present state of tension in South-East Asia. The memo- randum states that "there still exists between the two groups of countries a number of divergences regarding the underlying cause of the potentially explosive situation in South-East Asia".
155. Reading the Lao memorandum one gets the im- pression that the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea· in December 1978 never happened. In the view of the ASEAN countries,the root cause of the present state of tension and instability in South-East Asia is Viet Nam's continued occupation of Kampuchea. Until Viet Nam is prepared to face up to this fact all its talk about the desir- ability of dialogue is hollow. Until Viet Nam is prepared to admit that there is a Kampuchean problem, Viet Nam's proposal for a regional conference or regional consultation is nothing but a diplomatic ploy. Its aim is to remove the question of Kampuchea from the agenda of the Assembly. The regional conference or consultations will be a dia- logue of the deaf because Viet Nam will insist that there is no such thing as a Kampuchean problem.
156. Finally, the Lao memorandum proposes that the ASEAN countries, o.n the one hand, and the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Viet Nam on the other should reach agreement on a number of principles. These princi- ples include respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of each country, non-aggression, re- spect for the right of the people of each country to choose and develop freely their political. social, economic and. cultural systems, and the settling of disputes by peaceful
means~ through negotiations and without the use or threat of use of force. These principles, which are already en- shrined in the Charter of the United Nations, are of ex- ceptional merit. The question is whether Viet Nam will adhere to them in practice. Judging by Viet Nam's action in Kampuchea, we are forced to conclude· that any agree- ment on paper made by Viet Nam to uphold those princi· pIes is vvorthless.
157. Until such time as Viet Nam agrees to join in the efforts, within the framework of General Assembly reso· lution 36/5, to find a comprehensive political settlement of the conflict in Kampuchea, Viet Nam's protestations of peace and of friendship will be heard with deserved scep~ ticism.
We have heard the last speaker in the debate. No draft resolution has been submitted un- der this agenda item. It has been proposed that cDnsidera- ' tion of this item be postponed and that the item be in- cluded in the provisional agenda of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. I take it that there is no objection to that proposal.
I have asked to speak to exercise my right of reply to the slanderous allegations made by the repre- sentative of China against my country.
161. The hackneyed calumnies of the representatives of China against Viet Nam are all too familiar. Just as the palm of one's hand cannot cover the light of the sun, so China's slander cannot in any way change the facts of history; it cannot in any way dim the light of the just cause of the Vietnamese people.
162. What I wish to say is that one cannot judge a book by its cover. It is in vain that the representative of China tries by all possible means to make the world believe that the Chinese leaders are profoundly interested in peace and stability in South-East Asia. We rather doubt WI,:'~ler they would be able to reply to the following questions.
163. First, who had a 180-degree about-face; who labels himself the NATO of the East; who pays service to its friends overseas, friends which only yesterday it declared to be its number one enemy?
164. Secondly, who has considered South-East Asia, rich in natural ~sources, to be its natural sphere of influ- ence; who continues the military occupation of tens of thousands of square kilometres of the territory of neigh- bouring countries; who continues to support and assist armed groups of pseudo-revolutionaries in their sabotage and subversion activities against the legal Governments of the sovereign States of South-East Asia?
165. Thirdly, who has sent tens of thousands of ad- visers; who has armed and equipped dozens of divisions of the Pol Pot clique to commit sinister genocide against the Kampuchean people; who is currently trying by every means to reinstall that clique of bloodthirsty criminals in power in order to counteract the renaissance of that mar- tyred people?
167. Are those facts fictitious threats, as was ,alleged at the 44th meeting by the representative of China? No quib- bling to free it of blame, no rhetorical efforts to defend it can conceal the fact that it is China's policy of hegemony and expansionism that constitutes the greatest threat to the independence, peace and stability of South-East Asia. We remain convinced that anyone who has truly at heart the interest of his own country, not only in respect of the immediate future but also in respect of future generations, cannot fail to perceive sooner or later the danger inherent in that nefarious policy of the Chinese authorities and therefore cannot defend that policy and justify it on the basis of the so-called legitimate interests of that Power, which is alien to the region.
168. Furthermore, it is to be deplored that in the course of the debate on this item some delegations of countries members of ASEAN have tried to revive confrontation be- tween the two groups of countries in the region. That is contrary to the wish of the majority of Member States to see established a climate of understanding and co-opera- tion among the countries of South-East Asia. The delega- tion of Viet Nam, interested in pursuing its consi~tent policy of peace, friendship and co-operation with the ASEAN countries, does not wish to be drawn into such sterile polemics. Nom
The meeting rose at 1.05 p.m.