A/36/PV.76 General Assembly

The apartheid regime in Pretoria has often claimed to constitute an exposed bas- tion of Western civilization on a troubled continent of less-developed and unfriendly black countries, easy preys for outside influence. This claim has been put forward as a rationale for advocating various ideas about strategic al- liances around the world in which a status quo South Af- rica would constitute an important and stable element. Critics of apartheid inside and outside South Africa, rep- resenting democratic movements, media and countries, have been referred to as "decadent". Opponents of apartheid in the South African press were recently charac- terized by a member of the South African Government as "negative, destructive and anarchistic". He threatened that steps would be taken against the press if it did not put its house in order. 18. As a matter of fact, "order" means here exactly the opposite to what characterizes Western democratic civi- lization. It means a system which violates the very idea of a democracy itself. The bastion South Africa con- stitutes on its continent is not a bastion of democracy. The bastion of apartheid is a bastion of shame. The human degradation in which the majority of the country's population has to live is surpassed only by the human and moral degradation of the regime itself. 19. As for the pretension to stability, the systematic re- pression by a racist minority can only create increasing tension, expressing itself in occasional outbursts which eventually may trigger a cycle of uncontrollable and dire developments for the peoples of South Africa, of the re- gion and of the -world. There will never be peace in and around the apartheid society. To ensure social and racial harmony in South Africa itself, and normal relations with its majority-governed and independent neighbours the apartheid society must be scrapped, from its foundations. 21. The root of the conflict is nothing other than the apartheid system of South Africa, which casts its tower- ing shadow not only over the majority of its own popula- tion but also over its less well armed and equipped neigh- bours. South Africa's operations in Angola have been called a "secret war" by the information media. Few facts are reported about them. But we must not let this war go unnoticed just because the pattern of aggression hm; be- come so familiar. Let us be explicit about it: there would be no illegal o~cupation of Namibia, nor would there be a war in Angola were it not for the apartheid system in South Africa itself. The apqrtheid regime is increasingly at war, internally and externally, because it has built up a system which constantly violates the most fundamental human rights as well as the laws of international be- haviour. 22. During the past year, instead of bringing forth re- forms, the apartheid regime has further escalated its re- pression. The sad record comprises new death sentences for political activists, the detention under the suppressive security laws of hundreds of people, including journalists and student and trade union leaders, and alarming reports of unfair trials and the torture of detainees. One of the most spectacular expressions of human degradation of the apartheid regime is the regular practice of evicting black working people by force from so-called squatter camps. Another recent event, the murder of Mr. Griffith Mxenge. testities once again to the brutality and desperation of those defending apartheid. The kind of statistics that con- front me as Chairman of the Committee of Trustees of the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa are ex- emplified by the report of the South African commis- sioner for prisons which showed that as many as 67,000 people were given gaol sentences last year, an abominable figure by international standards. Also, the extensive use of capital punishment in South Africa can hardly be seen as a practice characterizing a civilized society of our time. At this moment, six members of ANC are facing death sentences under the laws of apartheid. It has been sadly noted that in South Africa every black person is a pris- oner, or about to become a prisoner, under the laws of the apartheid system. 23. It becomes increasingly clear that both the ruling minority and the suppressed majority are now at an important crossroads. For the whites the choice is to ac- cept either fundamental change or increasing tension and violence. At the same time. events that have taken place within South Africa during the year indicate that impor- tant sections of the majority increasingly see little alter- native to armed action to achieve fundamental change. This trend will undoubtedly be strengthened if the Gov- ernment does not embark on the total dismantling of the system, and to that end start a dialogue with the real leaders of the majority. My country has repeatedly ap- pealed for the release of Nelson Mandela and other im- prisoned majority leaders, who would have an important contribution to make to the transition of South Africa to a democratic society in which all the people of the country, 24. What can the outside world do to contribute to the efforts to abolish apartheid? What is necessary is to put strong international political, diplomatic, moral and eco- nomic pressure on the regime in South Africa. Much effort in this direction has been put in over the years by countries, collectively and unilaterally, by organizations and by individuals. But the fact remains that the Security Council and the leading Western Powers have a decisive role to play in this regard. They must take the lead in putting that pressure on South Africa which may bring about the neces5ary change by peaceful means while such an option still exists. 25. My Government believes that in order to become effective sanctions must be decided on by the Security Council in accordance with the Charter of the United Na- tions. Sweden has repeatedly supported the General As- sembly in requesting the Security Council to consider such measures on a comprehensive scale. In 1976 Sweden introduced a draft resolution in the General Assembly3 the text of which has since become traditional, urging the Se- curity Council to consider effective steps to achieve the cessation of further foreign investments in and fmancial loans to South Africa. 26. Moreover, Sweden has also taken a series of meas- ures outside the framework of the United Nations, both unilaterally and on the basis of the Joint Nordic Pro- gramme of Action against South Africa adopted in 1978. I should like to mention especially the law on prohibition of investments in South Africa and Namibia, passed by our Parliament in 1979. That law is now being reviewed in the light of its effects up to the present and of possible practicable supplementary measures, in the area, for in- stance, of the transfer of technology. It is encouraging that a number of countries are today taking unilateral measures of various kinds adapted to their own specific circumstances and possibilities. This drive for ever in- creasing international pressure against apartheid must and will continue. 27. Humanitarian assistance to the victims of the South African policy and to the liberation movements in south- ern Africa is an essential part of the- measures we have taken in the struggle to eliminate apartheid or to limit the damage it causes. My Government also assists the front-line States in their efforts to reduce their economic dependence on South Africa and their vulnerability in the event that international sanctions against South Africa should be adopted. The Swedish assistance for these dif- ferent purposes has continued to increase through the years. In the present fiscal year it amounts to more than 1 billion Swedish kronor-about $200 million-of which 960 million kronor are provided to the front-line States and 120 million to the liberation movements and the vic- tims of apartheid. It i~ our hope that other States will also increase their assistance for these various purposes. 28. As Chairman of the Committee of Trustees of the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa, I should like here to underline the importance of international solidarity in alleviating the plight of the victims of apartheid. As is demonstrated in the present report of the Special Commit- tee against Apartheid to the General Assembly [see A/36/22 and Corr.l], a large number of States are contrib- uting to various programmes established for such pur- 29. The Freedom Charter of South Africa adopted in 1955 by ANC, the South African Indian Congress, the South African Coloured People's Organization and the Congress of Democrats-that is, by an assembly compris- ing all races-states that "South Africa belongs to all who live in i~, black and white, and no Government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people."4 The realization of this ideal would mean the establishment of true democracy in South Africa in place of the present system of degradation. My country is deter- mined to make its contribution to the broad national and international efforts to achieve that goal.

Recent developments in southern Africa, one of the areas of the most acute tension in the world, have once again brought out the complexity as wc II as the gravity of the problem that we are debating. 31. The hateful policy of apartheid and racial discrimi- nation practised by the Pretoria regime constitutes an anachronism, .in complete contradiction to the realities of the African continent and of the world in which we live, and has repeatedly been denounced by the United States. 32. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid introduced by the representative of Nigeria, the Chairman of the Committee, Mr. Mail-ama-Sule, has once again confirmed the intolerable, unique situation which the international community is facing as a result of the policy of apartheid and practices of racial discrimination, considered quite rightly to be a crime against humanity and a particularly serious threat to international peace and security. The report once again denounces the repression and crimes perpetrated against the majority African popu- lation and the Namibian people, as well as the repeated infringements of peace and acts of aggression committed against independent African States in southern Africa. 33. For the United Nations and world public opinion the apartheid policy of the racist regime of Pretoria has long since become the symbol of injustice. inequity and legis- lative oppression, the salient features of which are, among other things, the flagrantly unequal distribution of the na- tional wealth between the white and the majority popula- tions and the brutal violation, in the most degrading ways, of elementary human rights. 34. As part of the efforts it exerts to promote one of its noble objectives, that of ensuring respect for human rights ' and the freedom and independence of all peoples, the United Nations has shown increasing concern about the grave situation that prevails in that part of the world. Strong condemnation of the policy of apartheid has been accompanied by measures aimed at stepping up efforts to abolish this obsolete system based on the most debasing forms of racial oppression and exploitation. The United Nations has exerted every effort to give increased as- sistance to the majority African population and to its tib- 36. The situation in southern Africa has been further ag- gravated by South Africa's manoeuvres to prolong at all costs its colonial sway over Namibia and to impose upon the country's internal structure a solution totally contrary to the will of the Namibian people and the requirements of the United Nations, with the obvious aim of continuing its exploitation of that people and Namibia's natural re- sources. 37. The external corollary of the policy of apartheid is constituted not only by the maintenance of the state of occupation of Namibia. but also by the policy of aggres- sion and subversion against independent African States through insidious acts of destabilization of those countries and the implementation of a programme of nuclear arma- ment for purposes of expansion and domination. 38. That policy of contempt for the most elementary norms of international law has found expression in many acts of aggression against neighbouring countries recently taking the form of large-scale military operations against Angola which gravely endangered international peace and security and have been vehemently condemned by the Ro- manian Government and the overwhelming majority of Member States. Such acts are a brutal expression of the policy of the violation of the norms and principles of in- ternational law, a defiant persistence in acts of provoca- tion against independent ~sovereign African States and a challenge to the United Nations and its resolutions with regard to South Africa. All these factors considerably ag- gravate the situation in southern Africa and add further elements of tension in the area and in international life in general. 39. The fact that the Security Council once again failed to adopt the measures called for against those acts of pre- meditated aggression by South Africa against Angola has given rise to deep bitterness. 40. The continuation of the policies and practices we have described demonstrates that the General Assembly is facing a particularly grave and complex problem. which cannot be approached through simple appeals to reason addressed to the South African Government. 41. The establishment of international relations based on equality and respect for the fundamental rights of peoples requires that the United NationCs take in future more reso- lute and more effective action to assist the population that is being subjugated and oppressed by the racist regime. The effectiveness of our actions ultimately depends on the 42. At the same time, those measures must hasten the exercise by the Namibian people of its inalienable rights to self-determination and independence; they must put an end to the acts of aggression and subversion perpetrated by South Africa against neighbouring independent States and must lead to the final liquidation of the vestiges of colonialism and racism, to the elimination of the sources of tension and conflict on the African continent. 43. We believe that in order to achieve that, it is partic- ularly important to increase and strengthen political, dip- lomatic. and economic action against the promoters of the policy of apartheid and to ensure the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. 44. As we have had occasion to stress repeatedly, in the Security Council and elsewhere, Romania favours the ap- plication without delay against the South African regime of firm measures in accordan.ce with the Charter, and sup- ports the proposals of African and other States to apply to South Africa the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. My country took an active part in the work of the Interna- tional Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, held in Paris in May this year which provided a good oppor- tunity to rally public opinion in favour of the application of economic and other sanctions against the illegal Pre- toria authorities. 45. Certainly, the implementation of firm measures re- quires that all Member States show their political will and act in a concerted fashion against the odious policy of apartheid. It is particularly necessary that the countries which conduct a policy of collaboration with the Govern- ment of Pretoria and, by so doing, in one way or another encourage the perpetuation of the practices and policy of racial discrimination and apartheid, cease all relations with that regime and associate themselves with interna- tional action against South Africa. 46. Romania, deeply committed to the ideals of national and social justice. has accorded and continues to accord resolute support to the struggle of the countries and peo- ples of Africa to abolish all imperialist, colonialist and neo-colonialist policies of racial discrimination and apartheid. We support their efforts individually and in the framework of the Organization of African Unity [OAUl, to consolidate their independence and their national sov- ereignty and to eliminate underdevelopment. 47. Romania's feelings of militant solidarity with the struggle for freedom of the African peoples, for the real- ization of their sacred right to be the true masters of their own destiny, have been firmly expressed by the President of Romania at frequent meetings he has held with heads of State and Government and with the leaders of the na- tional liberation movements of Africa. These have been occasions to reaffirm Romania's position of consistent support for the struggle of peoples against imperialist, colonialist and neo-colonialist policies of apartheid and racial discrimination, to assert their right to a free and dignified existence. 48. As was stressed by President Ceau§escu during the recent visit to Bucharest by the Prime Minister of the Re- public of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe: 49. Strictly complying with the resolutions of the Gen- eral Assembly and the Security Council r=oncerning the policy of apartheid of the racist South Afril.an regime and actively working for their implementation, socialist Ro- mania lends all its support to the struggle for the aboli- tion of the policy of apartheid and of racial discrimina- tion. At the same time, we express our full solidarity with the Namibian people who, under the leadership of their legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], are struggling against the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa, and for their right to free, independent and sovereign development. We are frrmly resolved to act both within the United Nations and in other international forums in concert with other Member States to agree on the adoption of effective and practical measures in order to support as fully as possible the struggle waged by the majority African population against the policy of apartheid and all other forms of ra- cial discrimination, which constitute a challenge to all mankind. 50. The racist authorities of Pretoria will not be able to survive even if they supply their policy of bantustaniza- tion, by which they are trying to deceive the world into believing that these are "independent States". We are con- fident that by our common action we can contribute to hastening the time when the cause of the freed~m of peo- ples and human dignity will triumph throughout the Af- rican continent, in the interest of peace and security in the entire world.

As members of the Assembly well know, Israel has always opposed racism and racial discrimination, including apartheid. As a direct result of our heritage and national experiences, Israel and the Jew- ish people abhor racism and racial discrimination in any shape or form. For over 3,000 years, the Jewish people's concept of mankind has always been that of a unit deriv- ing its character and essential dignity from a common ori- gin and a common destiny-the destiny of man. made in the image of God. 52. For those with eyes to see and with ears to hear, the Jewish people and the State of Israel have been in the vanguard of every struggle against the evil of racism in all its manifestations. It could not be otherwise, for our own national identity was forged in the crucible of persecu- tion. Our people were herded for hundreds of years into special quarters, called ghettos, in Europe and elsewhere. For reasons of bigotry, religious and otherw;se. we were subjected to unspeakable cruelty, to humiliating and dis- criminatory edicts, to vicious pogroms and to a painful SUcc{~ssion of expulsions. Within the memory of many in this Assembly Hall, the Jewish people were victims of the ultimate expression of racism and racial discrimination, the maniacal and methodical massacre of 6 million Jews whose only crime was to have been born Jewish. 53. I speak, therefore, from deep moral conviction, as well as from bitter experience, when I declare once again before the Assembly that Israel will give bigotry no sanc- tions, persecution no quarter. 55. In its opening paragraph this scurrilous special re- port reaches its conclusions even before it has presented its untenable case. Just as in previous years, the so-called special report contends in an unpersuasive manner that there is "Continuing and increasing collaboration between Israel and South Africa ... [which] has become system- atic and covers a wide range of political, military, nu- clear, economic and cultural relations". Yet nowhere in that so-called report does there exist even a shred of solid evidence for such sweeping and absolutely groundless charges. 56. The report purports to substantiate lts arbitrary as- sertions with largely irrelevant information and second- hand speculations almost exclusively based on newspaper articles, in which the authors seem to have blind faith. For instance, let us take the allegations about economic collaboration with South Africa. Assuming for the sake of argument the accuracy of the figures contained in para- graph 22 of the so-called special report, and comparing them with South Africa's tetal international trade, as re- ported by IMF, Israel's trade with South Africa for the first nine months of 1980 amounts to less than half of 1 per cent of all of South Africa's trade with the world-I repeat, less than one half of 1 per cent. 57. What, may I ask, has happened to the other 99.5 per cent of South Africa's trade? Only the lowest of politi- cal motives can explain singling out Israel for special treatment because of its trade with South Africa. The only thing special about it, if I may say so, is that it pales into insignificance in comparison with South Africa's trade with its other trading partners, which account for the re- maining 99.5 per cent, deemed unworthy of a special re- port. 58. If the aim of the debate on apartheid is to compile a compendium of trade transactions with South Africa, then let us have such a compendium. Few countries would be absent from the list. Israel would take a minor place even by comparison with those most vocal in their condemna- tion of apartheid, including some States represented on the Special Committee. The fact is that 46 out of 52 member States of the OAU have commercial relations with South Africa. Interestingly enough, their trade with South Africa went up by 39 per cent between 1978 and 1979. And how many Arab countries continue to trade billions of dollars worth of their oil against gold, dia- ' monds, foodstuffs and building materials from South Af- rica? And what about Europe? Yet the special report shrouds all these relevant data in silence and zeroes in OD Israel. How convenient[ 59. One of the more sensational parts of the report is on the alleged nuclear collaboration between Israel and South Africa, but anybody bothering to read the paragraphs in question can see that the authors have been unable ·to 60. Among its 35 paragraphs not once-not even once-did the Committee see fit to mention any state- ment by an Israeli official concerning the matters at hand. There is not even a single mention of the letters and notes which have been sent over the last years by the Perma- nent Mission of Israel in response to inquiries of appro- priate organs of the United Nations. Are there no limits to the Committee's eclecticism? 61. The clear and consistent position and practice of Israel was stated in a note verbale of 4 September 1979 from the representative of Israel to the Vice-Chairman of the Security Council Committee established by Security Council resolution 421 (977). In that note, it was stated that Israel "will comply with Security Council resolution 418 (1977), and accordingly Israel will not provide South Africa with arms or related material of all types, includ- ing the sale or transfer of weapons and ammunition, mili- tary vehicles and equipment".5 This position has been re- affirmed in notes verbales since then. All that however, was irrelevant to the Special Committee and was not deemed fit to mention in its so-called special report. 62. The Special Committee tried to justify its reason for submitting this essentially non-report to the General Assembly by citing the resolution adopted by the Assem- bly at the thirty-fifth session which instructs the Commit- tee to keep the matter under constant review and to re- port to the Assembly and the Security Council "as appropriate"-I stress, as appropriate. Well, if this white- wash which passes for a special report of the Special Committee has been deemed appropriate by its members, it is indeed a sad reflection on the Committee's dedication and discretion regarding its raison d'etre, namely, fighting apartheid. 63. If the Committee were serious about its work, it would have reported that there is no evidence of anything special in Israel's relations with South Africa which makes Israel any different from most Members of the Organization. In the light of this, the Committee should have informed the Assembly that it was not appropriate to submit a special report-and that should have been the end of the matter. 64. If the only consequence of this continued charade were unjustified damage to Israel's reputation, that alone would be reason enough for profound regret-at least on the part of those concerned with the integrity of the strug- gle against apartheid. However, the unfortunate fact is that the unending diatribes against my country which have been artificially inserted into this debate serve also to subvert and dhcredit the role of the United Nations in the genuine battle against racism. Those who persist in dis- torting the issues before us today by seeking to exploit for their own purposes the international abhorrence of apartheid belittle the injustices suffered by those living under the apartheid system, and also disrupt the interna- tional consensus needed to act ~effectively to remove dis- crimination and to restore human dignity. The specious singling out of Israel can only serve to undermine the efforts of well-meaning States to purge the world of the plagues of racism and racial discrimination. 66. As a multiracial people of all colours and back- grounds, we in Israel are bound to have nothing but criti- cism for a policy which humiiiates others on account of their race or colour. We would be unfaithful to our Jew- ish heritage and everything we stand for if we were not to express loud and clear our abhorrence for racism, racial discrimination and degradation in any form whatsoever.

Since the very first sessions of the General As- sembly, we have been discussing South Africa's policy of apartheid. Although there has been unanimous interna- tional condemnation of this racist policy, apartheid is still practised in South Africa. The judgement of future gener- ations on us will be harsh when they read of the thou- sands of victims-including old men, women and chil- dren-of this inhumane policy, and learn of our failure for more than a quarter of a century to eliminate this de- spicable practice. 68. The Pretoria regime has committed innumerable crimes. The Egyptian delegation draws the Assembly's at- tention to the discussion at the meeting of the Ad Hoc Working Group of Experts on Southern Africa held in London from 29 June to 3 July this year. Human rights c violations in South Africa were discussed at the meeting, and many innocent victims of apartheid gave evidence. 69. The situation in southern Africa is deteriorating more and more because the Pretoria regime is now inten- sifying its efforts to maintain its racist domination by pur- suing a'policy of aggression, repression and persecution, and by completely flouting the will of the international community and continuing its illegal occupation of Namibia. 70. All these policies are in open violation of the pur- poses and principles of the Charter, the Universal Decla- ration of Human Rights and the Declaration on the Grant- ing of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. As a result of those policies, the situation in southern Af- rica is fraught with the danger of bloody explosions. In- ternational peace and security are threatened. The best ev- idence of this is South Africa's aggression against the front-line countries, particularly Angola. 71. The Pretoria racist regime has completely dis- regarded the resolutions of the United Nations. In order to delude the world public, it proclaims that it is making changes in the policy of apartheid. But these are not real changes and they are an insult to the intelligence. We re- ject them, particularly when the racist regime is obstinately pursuing its inhuman policy and is accelerat- ing its plan to dismember South Africa by establishing bantustans in order to deprive the indigenous population of its most fundamental rights. For example, there is the current implementation by the Pretoria regime of its plan to declare the so-called independence of Ciskei on 4 De- cember, despite the universal condemnation of the policy of bantustanization. 73. When the Assembly was considering the question of Namibia I said, at the 66th meeting that approval by States of recommendations imposing sanctions gave them a binding character since ii: must be regarded as a legal international act. The fact th"t countries did not approve sanctions, expressed reservations about them or abstained during the voting means that the Security Council must adopt resolutions imposing mandatory sanctions to com- pel those countries to join the majority of the interna- tional community in imposing sanctions to ensure that South Africa abandons the inhuman policy of apartheid and complies with the will of the international community by granting true independence to Namibia. 74. Sanctions are the only practical and peaceful way of demonstrating solidarity with the people of the African continent and giving real meaning to the rhetorical decla- ration in support of the struggle of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia. We wish to emphasize that so far only six countries, including Egypt, have replied to the Secretary-General's letter to Member States <!n 21 Sep- tember 1981 calling on them to communicate to him the measures they have taken with regard to the imposition of sanctions. 75. Some countries have put forward arguments explain- ing why they have not adopted legislative or administrative measures against their nationals and the bodies corporate under their jurisdiction owning or administering corpora- tions in South Africa. One of those reasons is the separa- tion of the Government and the corporations; they also state that foreign capital is not responsible for the situa- tion which prevails or will prevail in southern Africa and that capital has no influence over South African policy and that the activities of transnational corporations are playing a role in raising the living conditions of the black population and are a means of effecting gradual change in the policy of apartheid practised by the Pretoria Govern- ment. 76. These are theoretical arguments based on false ideas that have been rejected in various studies and at various symposiums, including the one organized from 29 June to 3 July this year by the Special Committee against Apartheid, in co-operation with the Commission on Human Rights, to study effective ways of preventing co- operation between transnational corporations and South Africa. 77. We should like here to draw attention to the study published last August by the Centre against Apartheid on the role of transnational corporations with regard to the policy of apartheid. We can sum up the conclusions ar- rived at by that symposium and the study as follows: there is unanimous agreement that the policy of apartheid could not have survived without the support of transna- 78. From what I have said it can be seen how important it is to put into practice what has already been proposed by the General Assembly-that is. to mobilize at the in- ternational level opposition to apartheid. In this respect we should like to emphasize the recommendations of the International Seminar on Publicity and the Role of Mass Media in the International Mobilization against Apartheid, held from 31 August to 2 September this year in Berlin [see A/36/496]. It is obvious that the concentration must be on the countries collaborating with the Pretoria regime. This international mobilization must be aimed at parlia- ments, political parties, trade unions, religious institutions and organizations of students, youth and women. so that they urge their political leaders to sever their relations with the racist regime and ensure its complete isolation to force it to abandon its policy. 79. We should like to reaffirm our commitment to sup- port the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa. under the leadership of their national liberation movements. We shall continue to provide all possible material and moral assistance until that most despicable policy is completely eradicated, power is transferred to the black majority and Namibia gains true independence. 80. In conclusion, I wish to pay a tribute to Mr. Mai- tama-Sule, representative of Nigeria and Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, for his efforts aimed at putting an end to this criminal policy. We also wish to express our appreciation to the members of that Committee for their continued efforts in co-ordinating the action of Member States and movements against apartheid in order to put an end to this crime against the human conscience and the dignity of man.

In recent years the national liberation movements have continued to grow, dealing more and heavier blows against the anachronistic system of colonial domination. This successful development of the liberation struggle of peoples and the growing support for their just cause on the part of the international community lead us to the conviction that the day is not far off when the last rem- nants of the shameful system of colonialism. racism and apartheid will be wiped off the face of the earth once and for all. 88. It should be emphasized once again that the main obstacle to carrying out the relevant decisions of the United Nations. to applying comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa and to ensuring recognition ,of the legitimate rights of the peoples of Namibia and . South Africa to self-determination. freedom and indepen- dence is the policy of encouraging the racist regime of South Africa pursued by the United States and other Western countries. It is thanks to the econonlic. financial and military assistance and support given by a number of Western countries and the activities of a broad network of their transnational corporations that the Pretoria racist re- 82. The elimination of the inhuman policy and practice of apartheid has been and remains one of the most impor- tant tasks of the United Nations. The international com- munity has frequently taken decisions strongly condemn- ing the policies and practices of apartheid and calling for their elimination. But the Pretoria racist regime. com- pletely disregarding the decisions taken by the'-United Na- tions and the demands of the world community. continues 83. It is not surprising that in that citadel of radsm and racial discrimination there is growing opposition to the policy of terrorism and repression. The events in Soweto and the subsequent mass demonstIations by the indige- nous population bear witness to the fact that increasingly broad sectors of the people are showing that they will not tolerate the policy and practice of apartheid and that they are firmly resolved to struggle by all possible means for their inalienable rights. 84. The growing struggle of the South African people and the increasing condemnation of the policy of apartheid throughout the world are forcing the racists to resort to all kinds Qf tricks and manoeuvres to preserve their domina- tion. They have proclaimed so-called reforms and they are granting so-called independence to separate bantustans. But this cannot mislead the world community or conceal the true nature of the policy of bantustanizatiol1. 85. The Mongolian delegation condemns the intended declaration on 4 December this year of the so-called inde- pendence of the bantustan of Ciskei as a standard ma- noeuvre of the racist regime of Pretoria. There is no doubt that all these actions by the South African racists are intended to preserve and. indeed. to consolidate the apartheid regime. 86. The existence of this racist regime of Pretoria is a clear source of tension in southern Africa and indeed cre- ates a serious threat to international peace and security also. The South African authorities are building up their military potential now. As is indicated in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid. the military budget of the racist regime rose from· 36 million rand in 1959-1960 to 2.465 million rand this year. Where does all this money go? It is not difficult to answer that question. As was reported in The New York Times of 13 August 198]: 'The South African Government today increased its military spending by 40 per cent in 1981-1982 to counter what it described as external threats."'* 87. What this money is used for is to crush the libera- tion struggle of the peoples of Namibia and of South Af- rica. to carry out active armed aggression and subversive activities against Angola. Mozambique, Zambia and other front-line States and to establish South Africa's own nu- clear potential. 89. In talking about the apartheid policies of South Af- rica, we must pay due tribute to the impOitant contribu- tion made to the final liberation of that area by SWAPO and ANC, the recognized leaders of the just struggle of the peoples of southern Africa. On behalf of the Mongolian del~gation I should like to take this oppor- tunity to congiatulate ANC most warmly on its seventieth anniversary and to wish it all success in its struggle against apartheid, racism and racial discrimination. I should also. like to pay a tribute here to the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid for the tremendous amount of work it has done in mobilizing international efforts in support of sanctions against racist South Africa. My dele- gation fully supports the decisions adopted by the Interna- tional Conference on Sanctions against South Africa. In our view, proclaiming 1982 the International Year of Mo- bilization for Sanctions against South Africa is extremely important and deserves all-round support from the United Nations. 90. The growing aggressiveness and terrorism of South African policies recently reflected in its attempts to de- < stabilize the progressive regime in the Seychelles requires us to take effective measures urgently now, above all dIe introduction of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. Accordingly we join in the appeal made to the United States and other Western Powers to stop their obstructionist policy and to comply with the demands of the international community for comprehen- sive mandatory sanctions against the Pretoria racist re- gime. It is essential that all the Members of the United Nations without exception should comply with the em- bargo on the delivery of weapons and military ammuni- tion, and that they should put an end to all their collusion with the South African racists. 91. The Mongolian People's Republic will in the future remain true to the cause of national and social liberation and will continue to stand side by side with the just strug- gle of the peoples of Namibia and of Soull! Africa against imperialism, colonialism, racism and apartheid. Mongolia agrees with the recommendations of the Special Commit- tee against Apartheid on the importance of efforts to en- sure political, moral and material assistance and support for the peoples of Namibia and South Africa. 92. In conclusion I am sure that at this session the Gen- eral Assembly, having considered the question of the pol- icies of apartheid of South Africa, will adopt the recom- mendations made by the Special Committee against Apartheid on the taking of effective measures against the Pretoria racist regime.

Jamaica's views on the apartheid policies pursued by the racist regime of South Africa have been stated and reaffirmed on many previous 94. We recognize, however, that opposition to the racist regime is assuming more and more significance and that the forces for national liberation continue to gain mo~en­ turn, causing the regime to become more and more des- perate. In order to survive, it has to resort more and more to brute force and terror, not only against opposition in South Africa itself, but also to create conditions of in- stability in the neighbouring States in the region. Jamaica believes that the international community has a serious responsibility to eliminate this menace to peace and to assist the oppressed people of South Africa. Our efforts must continue to be focused on removing all forms of outside support for the racist regime. It should receive none of the benefits of international contact. It must be totally isolated, as it stands alone and condemns itself by adopting policies and practices which are repugnant to the rest of mankind. Regrettably, the United Nations has not measured up to its responsibility owing to the use of the veto by the Western Powers in the Security Council, which has frustrated all efforts to impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of ..the Charter against the apartheid regime. 95. We believe nevertheless that there should be a sus- tained effort to arouse Governments, organizations and people of conscience to action against apartheid. We therefore support the proposal of the Special Committee against Apartheid for the designation of1982 as the Inter- national Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. The programme for the year should concentrate on promoting concrete action by Governments to end col- laboration with the apartheid regime and encouraging wider public action, such as a consumer boycott, a sports boycott, a cultural boycott, and divestment of transna- tional corporations and financial institutions in South Af- rica. Jamaica, which long ago prohibited by law any rela- tions with South Africa, remains ready to do its part in this campaign. 96. We have studied the report of the Special Commit- tee against Apartheid and are satisfied that the Committee is doing commendable work in guiding the campaign against apartheid, and we continue to give it our full sup- port. Clearly, the work of the Committee is assuming new importance in the light of the increasing scope of inter- national action against apartheid. We believe it is there- fore important for the Committee to have wider participa- tion by Member States in its work. Accordingly, we believe that the Committee should be expanded. 97. Finally, we have studied the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on Apartheid in Sports [A136136 and Corr.l] and we are satisfied and encouraged by the progress achieved. Jamaica is therefore in agreement that the man- date of the Committee should be renewed to allow it to 99. The establishment of the Special Committee against Apartheid 20 years ago included the United Nations deter- mination to monitor and denounce all aspects of the pol- icies of apartheid. More important, the decision to set up a Special Committee constituted a breakthrough in the United Nations approach to combating apartheid, the most pernicious form of racism. For the first time in con- temporary history an international organ was created in order to defy a system violating the elemental tenets of that new world order which the founders of the United Nations sought to establish and preserve. This step ac- companied a successful decolonization process. 100. Yet, despite the progress achieved in the field of decolonization, apartheid remains a stumbling-block, the ugliest and most inhuman relic of the colonial era. Nor should we forget that long before it was known by this name the practice of apartheid had a de facto existence, perhaps as early as when the first colonialist set foot on African soil. Protected by his army, the white settler ar- rived with a master's mentality and, as Fanon put it, a relationship of inequality was immediately established be- tween him and the native. This inequality among human beings made into a system of government, irrespective of the perverted ideology which motivated it, can best be described as internal colonialism. Colonialists have risen and fallen, but the white man of South Africa, descendant of the same European colonial system, has decided to dig in and govern through the institutionalization of the des- poliation, exploitation and enslavement of the black masses, all against the logic of history. 101. The principle that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity is reversed, culminating in the sys- tem of apartheid. What is apartheid if not a political, economic and social regime which cannot function with- out mdlifying liberty and equal dignity'! Racial segrega- tion is essential for the operation of a regime by which the white minority rules and exploits the vast majority; and the so-called separa~e development is in fact a philos- ophy where~y the exploiter recognizes the fruits of labour as accruing only to him, not to the labourer. 102. Yet, no wall of separation exists between the settler colonialists of South Africa and their colonial background and heritage. The umbilical cord between the settler colo- nialists and their home countries is unsevered, making the Pretoria regime a dependent of and an appendix to the ancestral colonialist mother system which sustains, feeds, ,md defends it. 103. The current report of the Special Committee con- tains alarming information, corroborated by facts and fig- ures, regarding the intensification of South Africa's mili- tary capabilities and economic growth, mainly thanks to the foster mother's defiance of the will of the international community, so strongly and systematically expressed in United Nations resolutions, conferences and seminars. In particular, five points made in the report require the iinme- diate attention of the General Assembly as well as that of the Security Council. r tary capabilities. 104. The first point relates to the grave consequences and implications of the escalating progress of the 105. The second point is that the report draws our atten- tion to a higher qualitative stage of open collaboration between the United States and the Pretoria regime, speak- ing of the latter hailing the new United States Administra- tion as one more favourable to South Africa and expect- ing close military co-operation between the two. Visits by South African military and other officials to the United States of America led them, we are told by the report, not only to the riches of the United States death arsenal, but also to the offices of the Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations. A conclusion to be drawn is that South Africa, Israel and others are concoct- ing a grand design of strategic co-operation to iW70se United States hegemony on both Africa and the ~i ;Jdle East. 106. The third point is that the escalation of military incursions by Pretoria into neighbouring African States, particularly Angola and Mozambique, is described by the report as an ominous development. The Security Coun- cil's paralysis over the large-scale invasion of Angola in August 1981, thanks to the veto of the United States,6 constituted a violation of a permanent member's responsi- bility under the Charter and furthered the protection and encouragement of the racist minority regime. We call upon the United States and other NATO countries to right this wrong, which entails a threat of wider conflict, with grave repercussions on world peace and security. 107. The fourth point is that, despite the nume.rous United Nations resolutions requesting States, particularly the Western ones, to refrain from economic co-operation and trade with the Pretoria regime and to suspend invest- ments, and despite calls to impose sanctions against South Africa, the report indicates that trade, investments and economic co-operation in an fields, including the flow of technology, have been on the increase. The Spe- cial Committee reiterates that this collaboration, along with the increasing role played by the transnational corpo- rations, is an essential cause of the continuation and esca- lation of South Africa's acts of aggression and oppression, as well as its illegal occupation of Namibia. 108. The fifth point is that yet another similar develop- ment comes in the form of a flow of white immigrants to South Africa. The number, as the report states, reached 30,000 in 1980 and, according to our estimates, is ex- pected to reach 40,000 in 1981. This new wave of settler colonialists is bound to strengthen the industrial, military and agricultural potential of South Africa. The arrival of every new colon deprives the indigenous population of its job opportunities, and perpetuates the shortage of trained black technical and managerial personnel, and skilled and semi-skilled labour, while enhancing South Africa's mili- 109. The Syrian Arab Republic fully endorses the con- clusions and recommendations contained in chapter III of the report of the Special Committee [A/36/22 and Corr.]J, three of which .are essential to the eradication of apartheid and should be heeded Cby all States, particularly the NATO countries. The first such conclusion concerns the urgency of imposing comprehensive mandatory sanc- tions under Chapter VII of the Charter. The second con- 110. The special report entitled "Recent developments concerning relations between Israel and South Africa" [A/36/22/Add.l], is a valuable document since it unmasks the collaboration of the two racist regimes of Pretoria and Tel Aviv.· Israel, which has been posing as an island of democracy and claiming to be a source of assistance to certain African countries, is revealed by the report as Pre- toria's closest friend and ally. This co-operation, particu- larly in the nuclear field, between the two settler/colo- nialist regimes should awaken us to the fact that the security of Africa and the security of the Middle East are threatened by one and the same force, the two racist en- tities being a territorial extension of Western colonialism and American imperialism, with a common history and similar destinies. Ill. Substitute Tel Aviv for Pretoria and substitute the Palestinians for the native Africans; substitute ~yria and Lebanon for Mozambique and Angola; and then reread the report before us today. Read it over and you have read the report of the Special Committee to bvestigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories. 1'12. The ominous objectives of the military and nuclear collaboration between Israel and South Africa are best il- lustrated by the following quotation from a United Press International dispatch from Jerusalem, dated 17 August 1981: "In August 1981, Mr. Jaacov Meridor, Minister of Economic Affairs of Israel, announced that Israel hoped to increase its arms exports as 'proxy anns salesman of the United States, by more than $2 billion, to politically sensitive areas such as South Africa and Taiwan'. Mr. Meridor said that Israel was going to ask the United States 'not to compete with' Israel; and fur- thermore, 'Israel will be your [the. United States] proxy. And this would be worked out with a certain agreement with the United States where we will have certain mar- kets'. According to Western military publications, Is- rael's weapons sales totalled $1.45 billion in 1980 and were expected to total $2 billion by the end of the cur- rent year." 113. The Government of the Syrian Arab Republic is totally committed to the struggle for liberation of the peo- ples of southem Africa and will spare no effort to' extend all the necessary support to the people of Azania and of Namibia in their heroic struggle to eradicate the apartheid t:.egime once a~d for all and sever its tentacles wherever they exist. Moreover, we believe that apartheid is a crime against humanity and therefore those who commit this crime, as well as their accomplices, will be fought, sup- pressed and punished. We salute the struggle of the trade unions, student movements, women's movements and churches in South Africa, as well as the anti-apartheid movements throughout the world. We salute also the efforts of the front-line States to accelerate the liberation

The question of erad- icating the system of racial segregation and discrimination in South Africa-also known as apartheid-and of assist- ing the South African people to establish a non-racist so- ciety, has for many years been in the limelight of the United Nations and the international community. Actually, this question has been on the agenda of the General As- sembly six times for consideration in plenary meetings. Indeed, it has been high on the agenda, in one form or another, ever since the inception of the United Nation~. 116. This fact is quite meaningful. It obliges us to con- sider why apartheid, which is universally acknowledged to be the most abhorrent social phenomenon of our time and a crime against the conscience and dignity of man- kind, continues to exist although it is universally con- demned and rejected. This question logically leads to an- other: can the international community afford further delay in acting to destroy apartheid and to enable thl~ people of South Africa, as a whole, to exercise their in- alienable right to self-determination? 117. Beyond any doubt, those questions are not easy ones. In order to give a satisfactory answer to them, one has to take into consideration the essence of the pmblem of apartheid, as well as present developments in South Africa. 118. The numerous United Nations documents and reso- lutions provide an exhaustive and thorough characteriza- tion of the apartheid phenomenon as a State policy of domination by one race over another in its vilest and most monstrous form. As a result of that policy, over 3 million people in South Africa have been uprooted from their homes and suffered untold misery. The apartheid regime has denied the vast majority of the population its right to equal education, health services and other benefits. It has consistently escalated the repression of all those opposed to the system of apartheid and has even resorted to the indiscriminate shooting of unarmed men, women and children, to the torture and execution of patriots and to the banning of national organizations of the oppressed people. 119. Apartheid in South Africa is, over and beyond that, a system of capitalist exploitation in its most blatant form. Eloquent testimony to that fact is that, whereas the whites in South Africa constitute only about 16 per cent of the entire population, their share in the gross national product totals more than 76 per cent. The ratio between the aver- age incomes of white and black workers in South Africa is 11 to 1, and in Namibia it is even worse, 12 to 1. Although the gross national product in South Africa in- creased 32.5 per cent in 1980, that has not bettered the lot of the majority of the population. On the contrary, the cost of living for the average black family increased 20 per cent. 120. On the international scale, the system of apartheid is accountable for major violations of the norms of inter- national law and decisions of the United Nations. It suf- fices to recall the case of the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa and its flouting of all decisions i22. A careful scrutiny of the report and other relevant documents shows beyond any doubt that during the period under review there is not a single fact that adds any new element to the essence of apartheid in all its aspects. This conclusion is especially important since, during the pe- riod under review, the racist regime and its advocates have spared no effort to prove that "internal reforms" of the system of apartheid are being introduced to make it ac- ceptable to the oppressed people. As the report of the Special Committee rightly points out, those so-called re- forms were "intended to preserve the basic system of apartheid while making the necessary adjustments in the context of changing economic and political circumstances. Those initiatives, however, have failed to stem the tide for demands for political liberation" [see A/36/22 and Corr.I, annex I, para. 96J. • 123. The growing resistance to apartheid which has en- compassed all segments of the oppressed population is ev- idence of the fact that the black. people in South Africa reject all attempts at cosmetic adjustments of the regime. Despite the brutal repression by the racist regime, the or- ganized struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movement has gained new momentum. Of special importance is the progress of the armed struggle of the oppressed people, whose legitimacy has been reaffirmed by the General Assembly and by the International Conference on Sanctions against South Af- rica, held last May in Paris. The black people of South Africa have resorted to armed struggle not for its own sake but because they have been prevented from using peaceful fDrms of resistance to protest against and remedy their desperate plight. Their armed struggle is the ultimate effort to end a shameful era of human history. 124. Alongside its cosmetic "reforms". the apartheid regime is enhancing and reinforcing its capacity to repress resistance and defend its position. A wide range of forms of oppression are being used-from intimidation of peo- ple attending meetings to direct physical violence, deten- tion, torture and physical elimination of freedom fighters. The other day we learnt about a new wave of arrests made without charges of trade union leaders, students, re- searchers, political activists and other patriots. 125. Especially sinister is the danger which the racist regime poses to peace and security in Afric&c, as well as to international peace and security. In order to preserve its system the racist regime, with the help and assistance of its Western allies and in defiance of both the letter and the spirit of Security Council resolution 418 (1977), has created a huge military arsenal and continues to intensify its military build-up. The data contained in paragraph 256 (e) of the report indicate a spiralling growth of the re- gime's military spending, which jumped from 36 million rand in 1959-1960 to an incredible 2,465 billion rand in . the current year. Thanks to the generous help of the 127. The existence of a new United States -regional ap- proach with regard to southern Africa is beyond any doubt. As is well known, on 29 August of this year it was officially stated that "the Reagan Administration does not intend to destabilize South Africa to please others". Re- cent events, such as the visit by a South African military intelligence team, the visit by Mr. Botha in May 1981 to Washington for consultations, and many others, have con- firmed the existence of a new strategy. The sole uncer- tainty about it is just how new this strategy really is. President Reagan himself expounded the basis of this pol- icy by declaring that between the United States and Pre- toria there had always existed and there continued to exist a de facto union, thus setting the whole problem in its right perspective. 128. The picture would, however, be incomplete if one did not take into account the basic reason for this strat- egy, namely, Western economic interests in SQutb Africa and Namibia. Over 2,000 Western companies have eco- nomic interests in South Africa and more than 540 of them are American. In Namibia over 88 foreign com- panies plunder the mineral resources of the Territory while a number of others are prospecting for new depos- its. All those companies are taking full advantage of the system of apartheid and the illegal occupation of Namibia. American compani~s control the commanding branches of the economy of the apartheid regime, namely, 33 per cent of the motor vehicles market, 44 per cent of the petrochemical products market and 70 per cent of the computer market. 129. In the light of those facts, we can more readily grasp the motivations and the concealed intentions behind the manoeuvres around the settlement of the question of Namibia. They also shed light on the triple veto in the Security Council on the proposal to impose comprehen- sive mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. They also explain the ma- noeuvres of the so-called contact group, which under pressure from the United States is trying to modify the United Nations plan for Namibia in order to guarantee to the white minority and the transnational corporations the opportunity to continue to exploit the population and the rich natural resources of the Territory after its formal in- dependence. 130. I do not think it is necessary to give a specific answer to the question I asked at the beginning of my statement, namely, why, despite its universal con~emna­ tion and rejection, the regime of apartheid continues to 131. The apartheid regime is not going to abandon its inhuman policies of its own free will. It must be com- pelled to do so through constant pressure on the part of the international community and through struggle in the country itself. A crucial step in that direction could be the imposition by the Security Council of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter and the provision of all necessary as- sistance to the national liberation movement at this de- cisive stage of its struggle. 132. My delegation wekomes and fully endorses the de- cisions of the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa and the conclusions and recommen- dations of the Special Commi~ee against Apartheid. 133. In cO:1clusion, I should like to reiterate the firm and steadfast support of the People's Republic of Bulgaria for the right of peoples to self-determination and indepen- dence, against all forms and manifestations of racial dis- crimination and oppression.

The Special Com- mittee against Apartheid, of which the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic has the honour of being a member. has submitted to the General Assembly reports which show quite clearly that the invidious system and practic~ of _ap~lrtheid and mass terrorism in respect of the African 'population of South Africa have this year become even more evil and \videspread. The so-called reforms of apartheid have in fact turned out to be new measures de- signed to strengthen the racist regime. 135. The Ukrainian delegation agrees with the statement in the report that "It ha:. now become clear, except to those who prefer to profit from the crime of apartheid. that humanity confronts an unparalleled and unique chal- lenge in South Africa as a result of policies and actions of the apartheid regime" [A/36/22 and Con:]. para. 256]. The apartheid regime has elevated racism to a state pol- icy of the entire country. It consistently intensifies the policy of repression against all those who oppose apart- heid, resorting to the mass shooting of Jefenceless peo- ple, the torture and execution of patriots and the banning of the activities of national organizations of the oppressed people. According to a July issue of The Times. at the present time. South Africa is Carrying out the most ruthless and cruel repression of political opponents of the apartheid regime since the Botha regime came to power. The Ad Hoc Working Group of Expcns on Southern Af- rica provided documentary proof in support of that conclu- sion at its London meeting. where new evidenee of the rampages of the South Af~ican racists was provided. 136. The racist regime is guilty of cam'ing out ioanv acts of terrorism, s~bversion~ and aggression ~agaiTlst the independent African States of Mozambique, Zimbabwe. Botswana. Zambia and the People's Republic of Angola. It continues illegally to occupy Namibia. subjecting its population to terrorism and using the Territory as a bridgehead for acts of aggression against neighbouring African countries. \Vith it~policy of bantustaniz'ation. th~ 137. Apartheid is the cruelest form of tyranny, a blot on the conscience of mankind and a flagrant challenge to the peoples of the entire world. It is also a serious threat to peace and international security. And this monster has been described by the President of the United States as a natural strategic ally of the United States. 138. We thus have grounds for asking ourselves how long and until what point will the racists of South Africa go unpunished and flout with impunity the nonns of in- ternational law, cynically and insolently ignore the will of the international community and the decisions of -the United Nations, which has so properly condemned the policy and practice of apartheid as a crime against man- kind and the cruelest form of flagrant and mass violations of human rights. When will these arrogant criminals meet their proper punish:nent? 139. We are firmly convinced that it is only the support from certain leading Western Powers which have opposed the application of international sanctions and in particular the policy and actions of the new United States Admin- istration. that have kept the apartheid regime alive and encouraged it to commit further crimes. The continuing political, economic and military co-operation of certain Western Powers and their transnational corporations with South Africa are the main obstacle to the eradication of the system of apartheid and to the attainment by the peo- ple of Namibia of their self-determination, freedom and independence, This conclusion was reaffirmed--by the In- ternational Conference on Sanctions against South Africa. 140. We are indignant at the fact that in the face of frequent breaches of the peace and acts of aggression on the part of the apartheid regime the Western Powers and the permanent members of the Security Council continue to refuse to allow the Security Council to take decisions on the application against the South African regime of comprchensive and mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter-a measure. which has been urged upon it by virtually all the Members of the United Na- tions. Such an attitude and such actions on the part of the permanent members of the Security Council are a vio- lation of the obligations entered into under the Charter. What they are in fact doing is protecting the criminal re- gime of the racist minority and virtuaiiy encouraging them in a further escalation of crimes against r:ankind and peace. 141. Thanks to the deal with separate Governments and transnationa~ corporations, the South African regime has been able to ensure for itself not only supplies for the maintenance of its military equipment but also new. so- phisticated military systems and technology. The estab- lishment of the nuclear military potential of South Africa represents a terrible threat to international peace and se- curity. All of this is a crude violation of Security Council resolution 418 (1977), which imposed an arms embargo on South Africa. 142. Manv delegations in their statements here have ex- pressed deep and legitimate concern over press reports that an idea is being hatched for a so-called South Atlan- tic alliance. The Ukrainian delegation would appeal to the "Strongly condemns the present United States Ad- ministration for rf'viving manoeuvres to create the South Atlantic Treaty Organization which includes the racist South African regime and appeals to the United Nations to undertake such measures as would ensure that this sinister organization is not established". [See A/36/534, annex I.] 143. Preserving this hotbed of colonialism and racism in southern Africa is in keeping with the long-term politi- cal, economic and strategic interests of the United States of America and a number of other members of NATO. They see South Africa as thenr foothold for carrying out their neo-colonialist plots and plans. 144. The international community can no longer delay the adoption of effective measures to eradicate apartheid, to enable the South African people to exercise its inalien- able right to self-determination, to ensure the indepen- dence of Namibia and thereby to eliminate this most se- rious threat to international peace and security. 145. We support the idea that 1982 should be pro- claimed the International Year of Mobilization for Sanc- tions against South Africa, and we hope that the Security Council will take effective and practical steps against these criminal racists, in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. 146. The Ukrainian delegation declares its willingness to co-operate closely with all delegations that are inter- ested in ensuring the adoption of concrete measures to eliminate as swiftly as possible the system and practice of apartheid.

At its thirty- fifth session in 1980, the General Assembly adopted a number of resolutions under the agenda item relating to the policies of apartheid of the South African regime. Those resolutions, like the myriad of others that had been adopted in preceding years, underlined the over- whelming opposition of the Assembly and of the interna- tional community as a whole to apartheid and set out a multifaceted programme of action to eliminate that odious regime from southern African society. 148. It is sad and regrettable that barely a year since those noble decisions of the Assembly were taken the lat- ter not only is once again considering the same item but is doing so at a time when the apartheid regime appears to be solidifying racism rather than loosening its op- pressive stranglehold on the black people of southern Af- rica as a whole, in a continuing show of spite and ar- rogance towards the Assembly. 149. Sierra Leone, like other African countries, ap- proaches the consideration of the agenda on apartheid with profound anxiety. To us, this is more than a routine discussion. In fact, we wish that there were no need for such an item. However, the realities, grim as they are, have to be faced. The sufferings of our brothers and sis- ters, not only in South Africa but in the entire southern African subregion, as a result of South Africa's apartheid policies and practices, are an unacceptable affront and challenge to the dignity of the black race as a whole, and we in Sierra Leone accept that challenge and conse- 150. At the same time, we note that Africa is not an island. Its problems and potentials cannot be seen in iso- lation from those of other regions. In an increasingly in- terdependent age regional concerns need to be examined within a broader international framework. That is why we have always supported and applauded the General Assem- bly's description of apartheid as a threat not only to re- gional but also to international peace and security, be- cause we see a destabilized Africa as a threat to world peace and security. 151. In this regard, the delegation of Sierra Leone has always expressed similar sentiments with regard to the call for confidence-building measures, but our outlook as regards this call is being thwarted by the real, clear and present danger being posed by the racist terrorist regime of South Africa and its supporters. Less than a week ago the First Committee adopted a draft resolution dealing with confidence-building measures. Among other things this draft resolution recognizes that "confidence reflects a set of interrelated factors of a military as well as of a non-military character and that a plurality of approaches is needed to overcome fear, apprehension and mistrust between States and to replace them by confidence", and also regards "the concept of confidence-building measures . . . as a useful approach in reducing and eventually eliminating potential causes for mistrust, misunderstand- ing, misinterpretation and miscalculation."7 152. How can confidence be built if the regime in Pre- toria is bent on destabilizing the Governments in the re- gion, with its ability to disrupt and dislocate the social, economic and political structure of those. Governments? How can confidence be built if the racist Government vi- olates the independence, sovereignty and territorial integ- rity of States by the invasion by· its marauding troops of the territories of Botswana, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Zambia and Angola? How can confidence be built, after the aggressive invasion by the racist troops of Angola when the Security Council is prevented from condemning such barbaric actions by the casting of a veto by a super- Power, indicating double standards and double-talk? How do we in Africa curb these apprehensions and this mis- trust and build confidence when we can see through the hypocrisy surrounding the call for confidence-building by a super-Power? 153. Having said this, my delegation is deeply con- cerned about the apparent disparity between the interna- tional community's overwhelming support for resolutions calling for action against apartheid and the actual imple- mentation of those measures when adopted, while almost all members of the Assembly are on record as opposing racism and apartheid and supporting its elimination. It is clear that South Africa could not continue to violate As- sembly resolutions with impunity unless it maintained re- lations with certain powerful members of the Assembly. The end result of this dichotomy between words and deeds is not only the perpetuation of apartheid but also the loss of credif?ility for the Assembly before the world public. Simply stated, if all those who voted for the reso- lutions in the Assembly designed to bring freedom and non-racial government to South Africa had fully imple- mented them, apartheid surely would have been deNated and eliminated by now. JSS. If the l;.iited Nations is to be taken seriously by the world public it is up to· all of us, as Members of the Organization, to act in a manner that will enhance its credibility. We must be consistent in our actions and res- olute in our defence of the endangered ideals of the Char- ter. There is something slightly inconsistent and question- able when one of us loudly condemns one proven case of aggression but refuses to condemn another proven case of aggression in similar circumstances. Is the underlying motive raciai? Such inconsistency in behaviour hardly contributes to the positive enhancement of the image, con- science and credibility of the Organization. 156. The delegation of Sierra Leone does not intend at this stage to go into detailed descriptions of the crimes of apartheid. Those inhuman crimes are fully recorded in various United Nations documents, including the compre- hensive reports of the Special Committee against Apartheid, which reports my delegation supports and en- dorses. In fact, reports appear daily throughout the world on one crime or the other perpetrated by the tyrannical minority clique of Pretoria. The problem facing us here is not a problem of information. We have had, for more than three decades, ample information to enable us not only to condemn but, indeed, to act effectively to eradi- cate the tumour of apartheid from mankind's conscience. 157. The problem we face is one of commitment and political will to act in conformity with our declared objec- tive. We hope, therefore, that when the draft resolutions under this agenda item are put to the vote in the Assem- bly, all members will support them. We could not possi- bly ever understand why anyone should abstain, in the voting and much less oppose measures against savagery and brutality. What could possibly justify a vote for in- 158. We have noted the decisions of the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa. We fully support the Declaration which was adopted at that Con- ference. 8 We seek the application of Chapter VII of the Charter as the only measure by which South Africa's abominable racial policy could be halted, reversed and eliminated. 159. In conclusion, the Sierra Leone delegation would like to applaud the Special Committee against Apartheid and its Chairman for having produced the comprehensive report now being considered by the Assembly. The meeting rose at 1.25 p.m. NOTES I See NAC.115/L.547, p. 15. 3 Adopted as resolution 3116 K. 6 See Vfficial Records of the Security Council, Thirty-sixth Year, 2300th meeting. 7 See resolution 36/97 F, subsequently adopted by the General Assem- bly. 8 See NCONF.107/8, sect. X.