A/36/PV.78 General Assembly

The Organization has been well aware since its inception of t~e evils of the policy of apartheid practised by the racist minority regime in South Africa. This issue has been debated at length and many con- ferences and symposiums have been held on it, all of which have been unanimous in rejecting that invidious racist policy. 20. It is a tragedy that in the twentieth century, in which man has been able to achieve miracles in all fields and to reach the zenith of scientific and technological pro- gress, which he has harnessed for his prosperity and wel- 21. The Pretoria regime, which was founded on a racist basis through the enactment of legislation that differenti- ates between the races on the basis of colour and ethnic origin so that the white minority may be able to impose its domination over the African majority in South Africa, challenges the will of the international community and flouts all human values, in contravention of the Charter of the United Nations, which embodies the hopes and aspi- rations of mankind. 22. What is taking place in southern Africa, namely, the violation of the most fundamental human rights, is a dis- grace to mankind. The rights of the African people are violated every c;lay, as is clear to the entire international community. The African people is subjected to practices that include the most odious forms of repression, in- justice, persecution and eY.vloitation. Everybody knows that in South Africa the indigenous population comprises more than 75 per cent of the total population and that they live permanently in bantustans covering not more than 13 per cent of the total area of South Africa. At the same time the white colonizers live in an area that ex- ceeds 87 per cent of the land and produces more than 97 per cent of the income. 23. All these inequities have led to the creation of·an unnatural situation, in which the Africans have to emi- grate in search of work in the mines, farms and factories owned by the whites. The Africans, who are the indige- . nous population and the rightful owners of the land, are v used as cheap labour. They are denied the right to enjoy the resources of the territory. The report of the Spt:cial Committee against Apartheid clearly reflects the practices through which the white minority exploits the black ma- jority. The white minority enaCtS unjust laws in order to ensure' its own prosperity and to exploit the natural re- sources and the human energy of the indigenous popula- tion of South Africa. It invests those practices with a legal character, in flagrant violation of all the values and principles of mankind. 24. All those present in this Hall are well aware that the racist regime in South Africa is supported by the Western cOllntries, and particularly by the United States Admin- istration, which helps it to cor linue, while that Admin- istration pays lip-service to civilization and culture, claim- ing that its legislation meets the maximum requirements of human rights. It also claims that it rejects apartheid but in the mean time it does not refrain from supporting the racist regime, even here in the United Nations. Every- body remembers the numerous resolutions aimed at find- ing ways and means to eliminate the policy of apartheid and to ensure recognition of the right to self-determination of the people of southern Africa and Namibia; or those relating to the aggressive acts directed by that regime against the front-line States, particularly Angola. None of those resolutions has been implemented because of the use by the United States Administration of its right of veto. 25. Thus, the United Nations has become a mere on- looker as regards the policy of apartheid and thf" inhuman practices of the racist regime in South Africa against our African brothers. We also observe th~ provision of aid of all kinds, either directly or through monopolistic corpora- 26. The United Nations has contributed at length to the denunciation of the odious racist policy of South Africa and to exposing its designs and methods. In this respect, the deliberations in the United Nations on this item took a positive turn during the seventeenth session of. the Assem- bly, when the Special Committee against Apartheid was established. The United Nations has succeeded in en- lightening public opinion about the odious racist policy of South Africa and has contributed effectively to drawing attention to the just and valiant struggle of the African people in its heroic opposition to and rejection of the un- ethical practices directed against it. It has taken many ini- tiatives against that policy, among which I wish to cite the initiative leading to the adoption of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid in Assembly resolution 3068 (XXVIII). During its twenty-ninth session the General As- sembly invited the two liberation movements of southern Africa recognized by the Organization of African Unity [OAU] to take part with observer status in the delibera- tions of the Special Committee against Apartheid. At the same session the credentials of South Africa were re- jected. This question has been discussed in the Assembly since its thirty-first session. 27. Despite the fact that four years have elapsed since the Security Council adopted resolution 418 (1977) on the arms embargo against South Africa in implementation of Chapter VII of the Charter, the Western States, and the United States A,jministration in particular, have paid no attention whatsoever to the implementation of that resolu- tion, thus showing their intention to increase the volume of their military and strategic exports to the apartheid regime. The racist regime in South Africa has recently acquired nuclear weapons, not to mention the accumula- tion of weapons to be used in its aggression against the people of South Africa and Namibia and against neigh- bouring countries. 28. As we all know, it has now Rone as far as to threaten other African countries. The mercenaries of apartheid launched an abortive ~Ct of aggression against the sister Republic of Seychelles, and my delegation strongly condemns this wanton act of aggression and calls' on the United Nations to deter that regime by the mos~ stringent sanctions, in accordaoce with Chapter VII of the Charter. My delegation considers that act to be a grave threat to Africa, as well as to international peace and security. 29. The imposition of an oil embargo against the racist regiwl:'" in South Africa constitutes, in the view of my delegation, a further step in the area of measures adopted by the United Nations to fight racism, racial discrimina- tion and apartheid. My country, 8.S a member of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, works closely with the other oil-exporting countries in imple- menting the resolutions concerning the oil embargo against that regime. 30. The situation in South Africa is characterized today by the escalation of the struggle of the African people, which is achieving victories on both the domestic and the international levels. All countries which cherish peace and this world body must stand by it and provide if with un- 31. The Committee of Trustees of the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa, in paragraphs 5 and 6 of its report [A/36/619, annex], h~s referred to the grave situa- tion prevailing in that area. Today more than ever the in- ternational community must stand by the valiant South African people in its struggle to recover, by all lawful means recognized by the international community, includ- ing military struggle, the lawful homeland which has been usurped from it. We call on the international com- munity to provide the minimum amount of political and financial support to the national liberation movements, which have been recognized by the OAU, the United Nations and the non-aligned movement. 32. My delegation values the international conferences which have been held in this respect in solidarity with the African people, in particular the Conference held in Paris this year in solidarity with the peoples of Namibia and South Africa. The final Declarations adopted by that Con- ference' reaffirm the resolve of the international commu- nity to reject racism and to continue efforts aimed at its elimination, including the imposition of sanctions, cou- pled with a condemnation of the investment activities of the capitalist Western countries, and first and foremost the United States of America, that support the racist regime in southern" Africa. 33. At a time of unanimity in international public opin- ion in condemnation of co-operation and collaboration with the racist regime in South Africa, a close and sys- tematic collaboration has been de~eloping between the racist Pretoria regime and the racist Zionist entity in occupied Palestine. The Special Committee against Apartheid stated in its special report on recent develop- ments in the relations between the two racist regimes in Pretoria and occupied Palestine: "Continuing and increasing collaboration between Is- rael and South Africa and its serious implications for the development of South Africa's military and nuclear capabilities has been a matter of utmost concern to the Special Committee . . . In spite of claims to the con- trary, the collaboration has become systematic and cov- ers a wide range of political, military, nuclear, eco- nomic and cultural relations." [A/36/22/Add.1 J para. 1.] 34. The similarity and parallelism between the two re- gimes are quite evident. Both have expelled the indige- nous populations from their land. Both have racist foun- dations and legislation that distinguish between the indigenous population and the immigrants. Both regimes practise a policy of suppression and terrorism against the indigenous populations in an attempt to eradicate thei~ struggle. But they do not stop at this. They even resort to attacking the countries neighbouring them, under the pre- text of pursuing the valiant freedom fighters, who are car- rying out their struggle there in all honour. 35. The report to which I have referred clearly de- scribed all the fields of collaboration, especially nuclear and military, between the racist South African entity and the Zionist entity. This constitutes a grave danger to. the African continent, the Arab region and the world as a 36. The assistance given by the Zionist entity to the Pretoria regime in the training of insurgents of the Uniiio Nacional para a lndependencia Total de Angola [UNITA] with the aim of launching an invasion of Angola poses a threat to peace and security in southern Africa and the African continent as a whole. 37. My country's stallce on the policy of apartheid is straightforward and clear. I shall confine myself to saying that the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has considered the white minority rule in Pretoria to be illegal and illegitimate since the great 1 September revolution. As for the prac- tices of this Fascist regime at the head of apartheid, we haye spoken of them before and have worked closely w:th other nations that cherish peace and justice to reawakeil the international conscience, in an endeavour to curb those practices, which have been described in United Nations resolutions as crimes against humanity. 38. My country has repeatedly condemned the countries that provide economic and military assistance to the aparth'eid system as well as the other racist regimes, fore- most among which is the Zionist regime. We have spoken repeatedly of the need to direct all our energies to elim- inating these systems, which vvcre created by Western im- perialism, and are replete with all forms of injustice. 39. My country has applied all laws on boycotting the racist regimes. It has also closed its air and sea space to the aircraft and ships of countries that coliaborate with the racist regimes, whatever the nationality of those involved. 40. In conclusion, I cannot fail to express on behalf of my delegation our great appreciation of the efforts of the Special Committee against Apartheid and of its Chair- man, the representative of Nigeria. 41. Mr. OUMAROlf' (Niger) (i1lterpretation from French): As I am addressing the Assembly for the first time since the opening of this session, I should like first, Mr. President, to extend to you my walm congratulations on your election and my delegation's sincere appreciation of the outstanding way in which you are guiding our de- bates. 42. I should like also to convey well-deserved congrat- ulations to Mr. Maitc1ma-Sule of Nigeria, Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, on his own ceaseless efforts and those of his great country to promote the liberation of South Africa and of Namibia. The report of the Special Committee contains eminently relevant and wise recommendations and thus constitutes a particularly valuable document which aids us in analysing the prob- lem of apartheid in South Africa. 43. Speaking of southern Africa when he addressed the Assembly on 5 October of this year, the President of the Republic of the Niger, Colonel Seyni Kountche, said in particular, having dealt with Namibia, for which he called for speedy and complete independence within the 'frame- work of Security ·Council resolution 435 (1978): That judgement is self-evident. I am happy to have this opportunity to recall it within the framework of our con- sidenition of the item on the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa. 44. Apartheid will be the object of condemnation by the Niger and the international community for as long as it exists in South Africa. This condemnation will not oJily grow but become increasingly effective in isolating the: South African regime, which has already been outlawed by the rest of the world. Only last year the Assembly adopted in succession, each time by a comfortable major- ity, no fewer than 18 resolutions-35/206 A to R-on the system of apartheid, the arrogance and bestiality of its practitioners and its most grotesque manifestations. We called upon the world community and all organizations and Governments that cherish peace and freedom to work together and intensify their action to increase international pressure on the Pretoria regime, in particular by means of a boycott in all areas, but especially in the following areas: political, diplomatic, economic, cultural, military, sports, tourism, nuclear and oil. We called upon them to ensure the suspension and termination of all investments and financial transactions that could help South Africa maintain and increase its ability to resist international pressure. 45. We also called for the immediate rdease of all polit- ical prisoners, such as Nelson Mandela, who are still un- justly languishing in South African gaols, as well as for the general suspensio!1 and ending of any future trials or trials already begun under the local repressive laws against the patriots who are fighting for their freedom, for whom the only conceivable legal status is, at most, that of prisoners of war. 46. In order to enlighten international opinion about the true face of apartheid and the inhuman conditions under which the South African people are made to live, includ- ing the freedom fighters in the country, we have also called up0l! all Governments, international organizations and influential individuals throughout the world to co- operate actively with the Special Committee and the Centre against.-Apartheid, so as to undertake and ensure the reg- ular production and dissemination of relevant ipformation on apartheid. 47. Lastly, we have called for increased assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa and its liberation move- ments, which need such assistance more and more in order to pursue and intensify their struggle for liberation and the speedy democratization of South African society. 48. It is regrettable that, in spite of all these steps and all these requests, some of which have become enforce- able decisions thanks to the relevant Security Council res- olutions, South Africa remains unaffected because of the 49. It is therefore not surprising that the clandestine armed struggle is intensifying in the country and that, failing the political sense and intelligence to heed lhe warning. the racist minority will soon be the target of grenades and bombs, if not other, more spectacular acts of sabotage on a large scale in preparation for a civil war. Such an outcome would, of course. be particularly devas- tating for South Africa. But who can dare to believe that the survival in one form or another of the system of apartheid, supported and maintained by a deceitful policy of bantustanization and economic exploitation to the detri- ment of the black majority, will make it possible to avoid tilat outcome? As the Chairman of the Special Committee once stated, the policy of bantustanization is indeed aimed only at strengthening white South African domina- tion over the greater part of South Africa. while confining the black population in so-called States which are in fact nothing but satellites providing South Africa with its own reserves of cheap labour and a dumping ground for the intirm and the elderly. 50. With regard to economic exploitation, it is no longer a secret to anyone that, despite the tremendous natural resources of their country. despite their active and irreplaceable, albeit painful, participation in the exploita- tion of these resources and despite their professional skill and talents. of which they have given ample proof. the black South Africans have the right in all sectors of the economy to only a ridiculously small and selective share. while remaining the designated. but not resigned, victims of all the ills a'nd vicissitudes affecting the South African economy. 51. The Niger considers that this entire situation is intolerable in the extreme and takes this opportunity to express once again its abhorrence of apartheid and its unconditional adherence to the principle of non- discrimination and the equality of the races. We shall again subscribe to any action decided upon here or in the Security Council to compel Pretoria to renounce, abandon and root out apartheid. For the manifestation of apart- heid cannot be attenuated, nor can its substance be mod- ified; it must disappear from the face of the earth.

In review- ing this year's report of the Special Committee against Apartheid two observations become evident. It has indeed 53. The Organization has since its inception been end- lessly debating this agenda item. It has adopted countless resolutions which all embody the strong condemnation by the community of nations of the abhorrent policies of racial segregation of the Government of South Africa. Every year numerous conferences and seminars are organ- ized, resulting in declarations and eloquently written re- ports containing ample proof of the perpetuation of the crimes of the racists in South Africa and plans of action for the intensification of the struggle against the evil of apartheid. 54. This struggle is not an isolated one; it is not even the privilege of one nation or one continent or group of nations. It is an international struggle for the eradication of the doctrine and practices of apartheid and racial dis- crimination. the existence of which constitutes an affront to the Organization and humanity as a whole. This is be- cause the cause of human dignity. of man's fundamental rights, is a common responsibility that we must all as- sume. regardless of our country. colour, religion or lan- guage. 55. To this ever-growing international struggle, con- demnation and indignation, the South African regime shamefully responds with complete disregard and insen- sitivity. The inhuman policies of oppression, exploitation. segregation and discrimination continue un~bated. Major- ity rule is constantly denied to the -indigenous population of South Africa and their most fundamental rights and freedoms are being violated. 56.. It has now become unanimously accepted that apartheid is not a solely moral problem. The racist re- gime of Pretoria has formulated and institutionalized the doctrine of apartheid in order to impose on the majority of South Africans living conditions calculated to result in isolating them and preventing them from participating in the political <;ocial and cultural life of their country. The evil system of apartheid is intended to perpetuate the de- nial to the majority of the enjoyment of its inalienable right to exercise power. The vast majority of the nations of the world have identified themselves with the op- pressed people of South Afric:! and io!neef with them in their relentless struggle to rid South Africa ot racism, oppression, exploitation and plunder. The international struggle has been intensified over the years. yet the racist minority regime continues to thrive and flourish and the majority inhabitants continue to be the victims of brutal repression, oppression and exploitation. 57. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid provides substantive information concerning the increased repression by the South African regime of the indigenous majority and the opponents of the system. At this point we wish to express our sincere appreciation to the Special Committee for its tireless efforts and its ex- tremely commendable work in reviewing all aspects of the policies of apartheid and their international repercus- sions and in promoting the widest possible dissemination of information on the crimes of apartheid and the just 58. During the past year the apartheid regime has fur- ther intensified its repression and has caused untold mis- ery to millions of South Africans. Women, children, stu- dents. workers-that is. all segments of the African population-are daily victims of exploitation and repres- sion. Thousands of political prisoners suffer inhuman tor- ture and maltreatment and death sentences continue to oe imposed on freedom fighters. The Pretoria regime con- tinues. further. to seek through the policy of bantustaniza- tion to deprive the African majority of its citizenship in its own country. In a few days it intends to proclaim the sham so-called independence of Ciskei, thereby purport- ing to deprive 5 million more Africans of their South Af- rican citizenship, uproot them from their homes and transfer them forcibly to isolated densely populated areas, with the aim of altering the demographic structure of the country and producing its artificial dismemberment, w~ich is designed to consolidate the inhuman policies of apartheid and perpetuate white minority domination. 59. Moreover. the racist regime continues to escalate its acts of aggression, subversion and terrorism against inde- pendent neighbouring African States, thereby constantly breaching international peace and security. All these re- peated acts of repression, oppression and aggression add to the indeed unparalleled record of defiance by the Pre- toria regime of the decisions of the Organization and the will of the international community. It has therefore be- come imperative and unquestionably urgent for all nations to ,ntensify and co-ordinate their actions to promote the complete isoiation of the South African regime, in order to compel it to comply with the decisions of the· Organ- iiation. thereby averting wider conflict and further danger to international peace and security. 60. The United Nations has the primary responsibility not only to see that its fundan:tental objectives and pur- poses are not challenged and its principles are not grossly violated anywhere whatsoever, but also to ensure the im- plementation of its own decisions, for, as my delegation has repeatedly stated on many occasions, the non-imple- mentation of the resolutions of the United Nations is the root cause of the perpetuation of all unsolved and pro- liferating international problems, a fact which adds to the escalation of already explosive situations not only in the southern African region but also in other parts of the world. with unforeseeable consequences and to the detri- ment of international peace and security. 61. The Government and the people of Cyprus have, since the independence of the country in 1960, joined the international struggle for the eradication of the crime of apartheid in South Africa and have constantly and whole- heartedly given their support to the oppressed people of that country in their struggle for the achievement of their long-awaited liberation and self-determination. Cyprus maintains no relations whatsoever with the racist regime of South Africa and in fact the Government of Cyprus has, since its independence, imposed sanctions against that country. The Government of Cyprus condemns in the strongest terms the policy of bantustanization and the re- peated acts of aggression perpetrated by the Pretoria re- gime against independent neighbouring African States. A most recent exam"Je was the attempted coup d'etat ! . .- against the Government of SeycheIies, which we strongly condemn. Although the information available is not yet 63. Th,e International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, held in Paris earlier this year, amply dem- onstrated the overwhelming global consensus for com- prehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. Ap- peL:S to reason alone have so far proved ineffective. The enforcement of sanctions against Pretoria provides the only peaceful action that will·inevitably compel that re- gime to put an end to its a~horrent policy of apartheid and that will bring about the final liberation of Africa from racial discrimination, oppression and exploitation. 64. I find no better words to express most perfectly the determination and commitment of the international com- munity concerning the eradication of apartheid than those of Winnie Mandela, the wife of the well-known leader in the struggle to free his country, Nelson !vfandela, who is among the thc!!~ands of political prisoners in South Af- rica. Winnie Mandela said: "We are aware that the road before us is uphill, but we shall fight to the bitter end for justice." This is also the global commitment. because vhistory has shown that the struggle of peoples that fight for a just cause, for their freedom and human dignity, always leads, however long it takes, to their liberation. The march of history is never reversed and the struggle of peoples against apartheid and injustice will inevitably succeed.

Each year for many years past the Assembly has been required to consider the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa. It is essential. therefore. that we should not allow our consideration of this important item to degenerate into a matter of routine. For the issues at stake involve basic principles of the Charter and have consequences which extend far beyond the confines of South Africa itself. 66. In the first place, the apartheid system violates the human rights of the great majority of the people of South Africa in ways which are abhorrent to men and women everywhere. The Preamble to the Charter affirms the faith of the peoples of the United Nations in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person. Article I, paragraph 3, and Article 55 of the Charter call for international co-operation in pr.omoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for funda- mental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. These basic provisions of the Charter are violated daily in South Africa. 67. The Australian Government has repeatedly affinned, within the Assembly and outside it, its strong and con- tinuing opposition to apartheid and to all of its repugnant manifestations as a crime against the conscience and dig- nity of mankind. The Commonwealth Heads of Govern- ment Meeting in Melbourne in September/October de- clared in the final communique "their total rejection of all 68. The effects of apartheid. oppressive as they are for the people of South Africa. are also felt far beyond its borders, where they threaten the stability of the region. Examining the unsolved problems of southern Africa at large, the Commonwealth heads of Government stressed in the Melbourne communique that "at the core of these prob!ems is the apartheid system which the white minor- ity regime in South Africa continues to sustain and strengthen in a variety of ways, including the brutal infi.:;r- nal repression of the African majority, the persistent re- fusal to implement the relevant Security Council resolu- tions providing for Namibia's long-delayed independence, the pursuit of policies of destabilization against neigh- bouring States, the repeated threats to and violations of their territorial integrity and the expansion of South Af- rica's military capability" [ibid., para. 1J /. The Com- monwealth head!l of Government called accordingly on the international community to strengthl-i1 its collective resolve to eradicate apartheid. 69. The Australian Government has heard the promises of reform that have been made by the South African Gov- ernment over recent years. We have not, however, as yet seen any tangible evidence that these promises have been carried out in any sub~tantive way. We have noted the efforts of some group within South African society-and I speak now of groups within the minority race to work for the cause of justice and equality on behalf of their fellow citizens. We commend their efforts and urge them to continue. We also commend the independence of spirit of white South Africans who advocate, for example, the integration of the system of education within South Africa so that South African children of all ethnic groups can have equal opportunity to make the most of their lives. Confronted by the evidence that some groups in the rul- ing minority are prepared to break down the barriers of discrimination, it is more discouraging than ever to see the South African Government reject recommendations for reform and criticize those who have demonstrated th~t they no longer wish the areas in which they live to be decided on the basis of apartheid. 70. What I have said before should leave no doubt that the opposition of the Australian Government and people to the policies of apartheid is absolute. We find those policies repugnant. We shall continue to tlrgue against them, no matter what the forum, as our Prime Minister has been doing for many years. 71. At the beginning of this statement I said that this debate should not be an occasion for annual expressions of rhetoric~ rather. we should be looking for formulations which attract universal support. The Government of South Africa has shown itself to be very adept at misinterpreting expressions of opinion by this world body by pointing to expressions of reservation by some delegations. Let us on this occasion seek language in the draft resolutions we submit which will attract universal support and at the same time leave the Government of South Africa in no ~C'ubt that it is pursuing policies which are condemned by if' Members of the Organization. On a matter as impor- tant as this it should be possible to have the present series of draft resolutions adopted by consensus. Let us there- fore seek fornls of words which can be universally sup- 72. The policies of apartheid are. in the view of the Australian Government. a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind. If the Assembly chooses for- mulations to which we cannot give our unaualified sup- port. let no one be in any doubt about our position. Our exclusive concern is to eliminate the injustices which are inherent in the system of apartheid. We are. and we shall remain, totally committed to that cause.

The question of the policies of apartheid of the white minority regime of South Africa is still the central issue facing ~~le General Assembly. even after decades of discussions in various forums aimed at eliminating that pernicious evil. The crime of apartheid is now the concern not only of the oppressed people of SOl' ' Africa but of the entire international community, bec'1use it poses a danger to international peace and se- curity. 74. Only ·about a week ago India had occasion once again to reiterate its full support for the people of South Africa in their heroic struggle against the evil system of apartheid. Speaking at a banquet given in honour of Mr. A. Milton Obote. Piesident of the Republic of Uganda. who was on a state visit to India, the President of India, Mr. Neelam Sanjiva Reddy. said: "In SOl tilf'~rn Africa. the apartheid regime of South Africa conr'mJes with its policy of institutionalized dis- crimination against its citizens on the basis of colour and race. India supports the African National Congress and other liberation movements in their heroic and val- iant fight agdnst this inhuman and abhorrent system. They havt» our full sympathy and support in their efforts to dismantle apartheid. The racist South African regime continues to defy world opinion in its attempts to destabilize neighbouring front-line States. We con- demn these efforts on the part of South Africa and commend the Governments and peoples of the front- line States for their steadfastness in resisting aggres- sion... 75 Indeed. India's total commitment to the eradication of the barbarous system of apartheid from our civilized world. and its moral and material support for and soli- darity with the black majority of South Africa in its hour of trial and tribulation. have been stated by its leaders in no uncertain tcrms in national and international forums 01'1 several occasions in the past. What is more. the Indian Parliament. only a few months ago. unanimously adopted a bill which seeks to give effect to the provisions of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punish- ment of the Crime of Apartheid. which was adopted by the General Assembly in November 1973. India became a party to that Convention in October 1977. India is one of the very few countries in the world to have taken such action. which truly reflects the feelings of the people of India against this blot on the conscience of humanity. 77. Mahatma Gandhi's political heir, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. once described the abhorrent system of apartheid as the greatest international immorality for a nation to indulge in. During the period when he was free India's first Prime Minister the General Assembly took up its consideration of raci~m in South Africa for the first time at the request of the Government of India. During this time the Government of India imposed comprehensive sanctions against South Africa. This was before any other cO\Jntry had even considered racism to be an bsue deserv- ing to be protested against. In October 1946 the General Assembly was convened in New York for the first time. Here India introduced the issue of the unjust treatment of Indians in South Africa. During that session the General Assembly, at India's instance, adopted resolution 103 (I) declaring that "it is in the higher interests of humanity to put an immediate end to . . . racial persecution and dis- crimination". In 1952 India, along with 12 other States Members of the United Nations, raised the general que:;- tion of race conflict nn South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Union of South Africa. In 1962 a draft resolution was moved by 34 Member States. including India. deploring the failure of the South African Government to comply with the· United Nations resolutions. and was adopted as resolution 1761 (XVII). It is. therefore, no wonder that Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was posthumously honoured during the Interna- tional Anti-Apartheid Year in 1978 for his outstanding contribution to the international campaign against apart- heid. 78. The illustrious daughter of Pandit lawaharlal Nehru, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, who is leading our nation so ably today, recently called upon those Western Powers which support the Pretoria regime to give up that support and instead to uphold the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations pertaining to respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. Indeed, it is an irony of our times that some of these affluent industrialized na- tions which proclaim their support for the cause of human rights, equality and justice in other parts of the world continue to collaborate with the racist regime of South Africa in various fields, thereby not only giving a new lease of life to that regime but also adding to its might. Such collaboration not only emboldens the racist rulers of South Africa to trample on the human rights and dignity of the black majority in that country, but also gives them the temerity to tlout the numerous resolutions adopted by the United Nations demanding that the regime cease forthwith its heinous crimes against humanity. 79. I must emphasize that !t is not the resolutions which are adopted in this house year after year but a sincere change of heart on the part of the countries which collab- orate with South Africa in diverse fields that is needed if we are to succeed not only in eradicating the scoJ,Jrge of apartheid from the face of our earth, but also in ushering in majority rule in South Africa before long. 8I. It is impossible for any country, however powerful, by itself or aided and abetted by its affluent friends and allies, to stem the tide of history. The brave and cou- rageous people of South Africa are on the march. It is only a matte"r of time before they finally achieve their objective of the elimination of the evil of apartheid and the exercise of their inalienable rights, including the es- tablishment of majority rule. The people of India will continue to identify themselves fully with the people of South Africa in their hopes and aspirations and in their sacrifice and suffering. We look forward to rejoicing with them before long in their hour of glory. 82. I should like to conclude by quoting my Prime Min- ister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi: "A struggle for freedom can be suppressed, its sol- diers killed, imprisoned. humiliated, but the idea of freedom cannot be stamped out. Some spark will per- sist to burst into flame somewhere, some time, to light the way and illumine the heart and ultimately lead to success. Neither colour nor caste nor sex makes one person superior or inferior. No matter what laws South Africa devises for itself, history cannot be denied nor will the inexorable march of the future be halted".

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the 10 member States of the European Community. 84. The members of the Community have repeatedly stated, both here at the United Nations and elsewhere. their condemnation of apartheid, their unequivocal rejec- tion of it as an unacceptable system and their desire to see the apartheid system replaced by a Government based on a truly representative system of government. Apartheid is a fundamental denial of humap rights that imposes enormous sacrifices on the majority of the South African population in the political and economic interests of the minority. Most recently the Governments of the 10 mem- ber States reaffirmed their positions during the general debate earlier in the present session. They condemn dis- crimination, injustice and the imposition of the rule of a minority on an unwilling majority wherever they occur. South Africa is unique because the South African system as it stands today is founded on a basis of institu- tionalized racial discrimination. It is this that attracts the volume of international condemnation and makes apart- heid a major preoccupation of the United Nations. 85. In his statement on apartheid, at the 61st meeting of the thirty-fifth session, the representative of Luxembourg, on behalf of the member States of the European Commu- nity, expressed our hope that certain measures adopted or announced by the South African authorities might indicate a new awareness and the beginning of the abandonment of 86. At the same time, the practice of banning and de- taining people in South Africa for indefinite periods with- out charge or trial for their political opposition to the apartheid system has continued and, if anything, in- creased. The application of apartheid legislation by arbi- trary means, the frequency of political trials and the number of political prisoners bear witness to a systematic oppression of those who are trying to build a just and" equitable society. We reiterate our demand that the South African Government free immmediately and uncondi- tionally all those imprisoned because of their political beliefs. 87. The policy of separate development has continued to be enforced by the compulsory movement from one part of the country to another of large numbers of people against their will and without regard to their interests and wishes. The process of creating so-called independent homelands is continuing. The South African Government has announced the creation of another of these, the Ciskei, on 4 December. The members of the Community have repeatedly condemned this policy and have not rec- ognized any of the bantustans. 88. The Community acknowledges the importance of economic factors in the context of intensifying pressure to promote peaceful change in South Africa. Furthermore, European companies there have continued to respond in an encouraging way to the standards set by the code of conduct adopted by the members of the European Com- munity in 1977.' The members of the community will continue to consider ways and means that they might use in common in order to exert influence on the South Af- rican Government to abandon apartheid. 89. The United Nations has an important role to play in the efforts to eliminate apartheid. The Community shares this objective of the Organization. In particular it strictly observes the arms embargo against South Africa imposed by Security Council resolution 418 (1977). The Commu- nity continues to support and contribute to the many United Nations and other organizations which help those who suffer both inside and outside South Africa as a re- sult of apartheid. The European Community and member countries have also indicated their readiness to contribute to efforts designed by the States neighbouring South Af- rica to strengthen their regional co-ordination and self- sufficiency in the economic sphere, as for example the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference. 90. In the field of sport. the members adhere strictly to the Olympic principle of non-discrimination; they reject all kinds of apartheid as manifested in sport. They re- spect the right"of their citizens to travel freely and the basic i(~dependence of their sporting organizations. But within this limitation. the Governments of the member countries of the Community will continue firmly to dis- courage any sporting contacts that would have the effect of perpetuating racial discrimination.

Only a few days ago we were dealing with the question of Namibia here in this body. The central issue of that question, as of the question of apartheid, was the abnormal and illegal policies and prac- tices of South Africa. And in both of these related ques- tions, what we are trying to do is find the ways and means to make South Africa realize the absolute wrong- ness and futility of its policies and actions. 93. The problem of apartheid in South Africa, which has engaged the international community for over 35 years now, is certainly one of the most important and tragic issues with which we are confronted. The question is important because what is at stake is the dignity and prestige of mankind and the moral values of the contem- porary international community, as well as the violation of basic human rights as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. The question is also of an urgent nature because a more determined response from the whole of the international community should no longer be delayed. 94. Despite continuous appeal''; and demands by the in- ternational community in this respect, South Africa has remained stubbornly and defiantly undeterred. It has con- tinued to resort to massive repression and persecution of the opponents of apartheid and the indigenous population of South Africa through the enactment of new and arbi- trary legislation such as internal security acts. It has banned numerous organizations and imposed new re- strictions on the press. The various races have continued to be artificially separated through a network of legisla- tion which has denied the vast majQrity their basic human rights and the rule of law. The Pretoria regime has contin- uously uprooted large numbers of people from their homes. 95. furthermore, the implications of South Africa's pol- icy of apartheid have not remained confined to South Af- rica alone but have always overflowed its boundaries. During the year under review, South Africa has continued its occupation of Namibia. It has resorted to the mili- tarization of the Territory and has increased its acts of aggression against neighbouring front-line countries such as Zambia, Botswana and, most recently, Mozambique and Angola, not .only causing human loss and material damage, but also widening the area of conflict in southern Africa. 96. I do not think it a great prophecy to say that the present regime in South Africa cannot continue to sit for long at the tip of the great continent of Africa with its back turned to the tremendous developments taking place there. It cannot keep its eyes closed for ever to the dyna- mism and achievements of this truly new w~rld, with its vast natural and human resources and many inspired lead- ers. South Africa is bound to realize, one way or the other, that the strands of colonialism to which it is cling- ing belong to a long-past era. It will one day have to see the discrepancy between its short-sighted beliefs and the reality of a world several centuries ahead. 97. But the experiences of the past years have clearly shown that political pressure by way of negotiations-, dia- logues and action taken within the framework of the 98. We consider Se.:urity Council resolution 418 (1977) imposing a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter to be a landmark in regard to the readiness of the international community to combine concrete action with political pressure against the Pretoria regime. We welcome Security Council resolution 473 (1980), which calls upon all States to implement res- olution 418 (1977) strictly and scrupulously, as well as to enact appropriate and effective national legislation for that purpose. 99. However, the attitude of South Africa so far makes it quite clear that the pressure on it should be increased. Therefore, we should like to reiterate the conviction we have expressed in the General Assembly on several pre- vrous occasions that the arms embargo should be comple- mented by further measures such as economic sanctions, also provided for l;lnder Chapter VII of the Charter. This would require the determined participation of all the Members of the Organization. Any Member with any hes- it2tion in this respect should, we believe, take into con- sideration the fact that the alternative to the application of peaceful measures foreseen by the Charter is the escala- tion of the violence and conflict in southern Africa, with the ultimate overthrow of the racist policies of Pretoria. Account should also be taken of the unanimous and deep concern felt by the Members of the Organization in gen- eral, and African States in particular, as well as the fact that even South Africa cannot place the responsibility for the inflexibility of its policies and the consequent worsen- ing of the situation on anyone else but itself. 100. Moreover, a very dangerous dimension has been added to this situation by the alarming evidence, men- tioned also in previous documents, of the development of a nuclear-weapon capability in South Africa. This devel- opment has the gravest implications for the peace and se- curity of s::'-jthern Africa and of the world. Every effort should be made to achieve the denuclearization of Africa and the ending of such nuclear co-operation with South Africa and to ascertain that effective and proper safe- guards are taken to prevent irre-"..ersible tragedies. 101. I wish to underline the importance, along with concrete action to be taken against South Africa, of pub- lic information and the role of the mass media in encour- aging international awareness and action. I am pleased to note that the momentum created in the mobilization against apartheid at both the national and the international levels during the International Anti-Apartheid Year will be continued next year, which is to be proclaimed as the international year of mobilization for sanctions against South Africa. In this respect, I should like to thank, and commend the work of, the Special Committee against Apartheid an@ esPecially its Chairman, Mr. Maitama-Sule, in the discharge of the mandate given to the Committee for the promotion of the international campaign against apartheid. I should also like to commend the key role played by the Centre against Apartheid in the co-ordina- tion of international efforts 0 in this respect. 102. The Thrkish Government's traditional attitude to- wards the issues.of southern Africa and decoloni'zation is based upon the very principles on which modem Thrkey 103. In conclusion, I should like to state that the Turk- ish Government will continue to lend its full support to all measures designed to put an end to the abhorrent pol- icy of apartheid and to support all efforts aimed at pro- moting a new society in South Africa based on demo- cratic principles, irrespective of race, colour or creed and in compliance with the spirit and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

Once again the Assembly is engaged in its annual debate on apartheid. Delegation after delegation, we come to this rostrum to condemn the system, as we have done year after year. Our debate, it may seem, has taken on almost the character of a ritual. There is no significant change in the reality of the system we condemn. It is difficult to find anything to say about it that we have not said many times before. Yet the great majority of delegations feel it necessary to restate their positions and to speak out again, year after year. 105. Are we right to do so, so massively and 1OS1S- tently? After all, few of us who come to this rostrum are v· without difficulties of some kind in our own countries, and all of us know, to our regret, that inhumanity and disregard for human rights are widespread in our world. Why, then, do we focus sa insistently on South Africa? Critics of the United Nations say flatly that we are wrong to do so. They argue that our indignation is selective. It is not that they condone the apartheid system, but that they see it as one among many abuses of human rights in a world where abuses are common, and they cannot see why the Assembly should engage in repeated and concen- trated attacks on South Africa if it does not, in their eyes, take up other abuses elsewpere with equal insistence. 106. What those critics do not see and what we need to state and restate clearly here is that the apartheid system is not simply one violation among others to be weighed against those others in purely quantitative terms. South Africa under apartheid is something more than a society where human rights are systematically violated. It is a polity based formally and explicitly on race, and thus a racist society in the strict sense. It is a society where skin pigment is destiny, where colour alone determines basic rights, in most cases from birth but occasionally through the traumatic procedure of examination and reClassifica- tion. 107. It is this central aspect of the apartheid system- the adoption of race and racist theory as a fundamental political principle for a whole society of 28 milIion- which distinguishes it from any other human rights vio- lation elsewhere. It is this which explains the strength of feeling in countries such as mine against apartheid. and it is this which justifies the insistent and sustained concern of the world community, however imperfect its efforts at upholding human rights everywhere may still be. 109. That is the reason why, in a very fundamental sense, this Organization, which was CR 1ted out of a world catastrophe and which reflects today a multiracial world, is following its best instincts in condemning apartheid repeatedly and insistently. The record in up- holding human rights throughout the world is indeed im- perfect, and we are at times selective and even unfair, but not in picking on apartheid. There our instinct is right and true. What we need to state again and again is that apartheid does more than violate human rights; it is a conceptual challenge to the very basis for such rights. To build a whole society, as white South Africa has done, on the fundamental principle that rights depend on race is to contravert the very starting-point of the Universal Decla- ration of Human Rights. To provide by law and by decree that the political, social, economic and civil rights of an individual in his own country are de.:::ded by skin colour is to challenge a fundamental premise which the interna- tional community has worked for more than 30 years to establish and which has roots very far back in human civ- ilization. The opening sentence of the preamble to the Declaration speaks of "the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family". The first sentence of the very first article of the Declaration states the same theme explicitly. as the premise for all that follows: "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights". It is this fundamental principle which South Af- rica contraverts in the most direct and basic way through the apartheid system. 110. The international community knows this-instinc- tively if not explicitly-and it does right, however re- petitively, to renew and restate its rejection of that system. A world of many races rightly feels the danger of pitting race against race within any country and allocating basic rights by skin colour. A world community which is itself for the most part non-white cannot but take a political system which enshrines white supremacy and excludes and oppresses those who are not white as an outrage and a direct challenge to racial harmony everywhere. The challenge is all the greater because of the coincidence that the apartheid system has grown and developed in parallel with international efforts over 30 years to work out human rights principles and to ensure that they are univer- sally accepted and observed. We need, perhaps, to remind ourselves of this coincidence and to remind ourselves that the apartheid system is new. It was not simply inherited; rather, it has been created of set purpose and developed steadily over the past 30 years. Ill. Many societies unfortunately have a tradition of discr~mination of one kind or another. Deplorable as this is, it is usually an old and stubborn practice which has not yet died out. But this is not the case in South Africa. Apartheid as a system was indeed built on traditional practices of racial segregation or discrimination which ob- tained in many parts of the Union. But as a formal sys- tem designed to structure a whole society through law and decree apartheid is quite new. It was introduced only in 1948, when the Nationalist Party won the election held for the white electorate. That was the very year in which the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, of which apartheid is the exact antithesis. 112. But, it may be argued, to characterize South Af- rica as racist is unfair: race as a basis for political life, yes, and racial separation as an aim-but racism and racialism, no. Let us briefly consider the facts. 113. The white population of South Africa is about 16 per cent of the total-4.5 million out of 28 million, ac- cording to a 1980 estimate. This minority controls the whole society, and has imposed on it a rigid and op- pressive system of government to establish and maintain its own dominant position. No non-white person has ever had any voice in determining this system, under which all must live, nor has any member of the 84 per cent major- ity in the country today a vote or the right to stand for election. Article 46 of the 1961 Constitution was clear. and the principle still stands-"no person shall be qualified to be a member of the House of Assembly under this act unless he is . . . a white person". 114. Blacks are not only barred from voting and from being elected to Parliament. Ever since multiracial parties were banned in 1968, blacks may not even join a political party along with whites in the hope of influencing, even indirectly, those who alone have a monopoly of political rights and privileges. 115. Apartheid has woven a web of institutionalized dis- crimination which determines almost every aspect of daily life. This is always to the disadvantage of the black Af- rican majority; and recent changes in the system, though welcome in their. way, are relatively minor. Marriage and sexual relations between persons of different races are crimes punished by law. Freedom of movement within South Africa is severely limited. A recent report on South Africa by an American study commission quotes a legal expert as follows: "In general the African requires some fonn of authority or permission for any journey of conse- quence within the Union. The law of the land regards him as having true freedom of movement only within the cir- cumscribed limits of his own immediate domicile". The study goes on: "A web of statutes and regulations con- fines rural Africans to their triba! homelands and releases them only in the interests of white agriculture and indus- try" . 116. Since 1948 some 4 million Africans have been transferred elsewhere to secure racial separation. Another 1 million at least are marked down for so-called resettle- ment. Of the total South African work force of 9.4 mil- lion, 80 per cent are non-white, and some 70 per cent are black. South Africa's steady growth rate through most of this century was achieved by the use of cheap black la- bour. The study to which I referred puts it succinctly: "South Africa runs on black labour". Yet black Africans are at an economic disadvantage in every respect. Black African per capita income in the mid-1970s was about one-tenth that of whites. Whites are wealthier, have better jobs and live longer than any other group in South Af- rica. 118. One could go on and on with these statistics. What they amount to is a picture of a society where a smalt but dominant racial group monopolizes political and eco- nomic power; where traditional practices of discrimination have been consolidated and systematized over the past 30 years; and where a vast and complex bureaucratic system of discrimination has been instituted to maintain control. It is a society where race is destiny; where government by OI~e racial group in its own interest is imposed, and the consent of the govemed has never been sought; where in- equality and disadvantage are not incidental but central to every aspect of human life. 119. Two arguments are nevertheless put forward in re- sponse to international criticism and condemnation of this system. The first is that the underlying aim is the promo- tion of racial separation and sep3rate development, and that this is not of its nature wrong or unjust but rather is well suited to the particular circumstances of South Africa today. The second argument, heard increasingly over the past year, is that slow reform is now under way, and that in any case white South Africa must be encouraged to give up its untenable position in Namibia by a construc- tive dialogue which involves easing off on international criticism of the apartheid system itself. These two argu- ments deserve to be considered. 120. First, can white South Africa really say that its fundamental aim is merely separation and separate devel- opment and not racial discrimination? It does indeed pur- sue a homelands policy-though it seems to do so with decreasing conviction. Still, another so-called home- land-Ciskei-is shortly to be given what is called inde- pendence. It will join ~three others-Transkei, Venda and Bophuthatswana-which already have that doubtful sta- tus, a status which no one but South Africa itself has recognized, or will recognize. 121. These territories, of which ID in all are planned. are, in the view of white South Africa, truly the home- lands of millions of urban blacks-even though those concerned may never have seen those territories. In those areas, if and when they are ever transferred to them. the urban blacks will, it is argued, enjoy many rights. It fol- lows through a wonderful logic that it is not unfair or unjust to deprive those millions of people of at! rights now, in those places where they really live. simp:y be- cause one day they may have full rights in remote areas where white South Africa proposes to send them. 122. The theory is very convenient. It offers the perfect conceptual underpinning for apartheid. But the logic and the approach are truly breatlltaking. It amounts to saying that wherever reality does not conform to ideology one need only suppose a future change in that reality, with no regard for the human cost. All will then be weI.l again. Actions which now seem oppressive will thus be justified and given a rational basis. 124. But, of course, the reality does not change. What is that·reality? What are the homelands? They comprise some 13 per cent of the total land area of South Africa. The black population of South Africa is about 72 per cent. Only one. small homeland has a single self-con- tained territory. Each of the others consists of scattered and fragmented pieces of l~nd, so that the bits of a home- land vary greatly in size and are usually separated from each other by large tracts of South Africa itself. 125. The land in those territories is for the most part poor and rather barren. The homelands include very little of South Africa's abundant natural resources. In general, their population is already relatively dense-much denser than the average of the rest of South Africa. Of course. if all those theoretically assigned to homelands were to return there the density would be even greater. 126. These facts-with the additional fact that Col- oureds, for example, suffer discrimination even though they have no theoretical homelands-and all of the other stark facts about the reality of life for black South Af- ricans, clearly refute the theory that apartheid in its inten- tion is a benign system of separation of racial groups. It is hard to see how even white South Africa can by now believe otherwise. 127. But a second argument advanced recently is that the South African Government today is engaged in a process of gradual reform, and should not be pressed too hard while this is under way. Furthermore, it is said, to ease off now on international criticism of apartheid would be of help in the effort to persuade South Africa to accept Namibia's independence in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). This argument, too, de- serves some consideration. But is there any clear evidence that it is soundly based? 128. In weighing the general intentions and the motives of the South African Government one simply cannot over- look the increased belligerence it has shown in large-scale strikes across its own borders and those it controls. such as its recent strike from NaMibia into Angola some months ago. These armed incursions, in our vjew, se- riously endanger international peace and security and show little regard for international opinion or for the dan- gers of more general war in the region. 129. But, it is said, there have been some reforms within South Africa itself. Certainly reform of any kind should be encouraged if such a process is really under way. But changes must be more than merely cosmetic changes designed to consolidate the system and to fob off international pressures. The evidence so far is not con- vincing. I quote from an article on South Africa in the very latest issue of the American journal Foreign Affairs, That is, of course, only one view. But it is a recent one from a correspondent who covered the election campaign in South Africa earlier this year. Still, one must give some credit for any change-even if its only effect is to give an oppressive system a slightly more human face. 130. But the danger now is that the South African Gov;" ernment will back off under internal pressure from even those minor changes it has made. The results of the April election, which was of course confined to the white elec- torate, seem to indicate increased support within the rul- ing Nationalist Party for those opposed to change. And the South African Government already seems to be back- ing away from such minor change as has been made. If that is indeed the case, then an easing of international pressure now would not encourage further change but, rather, make it easier for the South African Government to yield to its own right wing. 131. Nor is the present state of the negotiations on Namibia a very good reason to repress our natural instinct to criticize and condemn the apartheid system. It is good news if South Africa is at last coming to see that it must grant independence to Namibia. But if it does so it will be for its own reasons and in accordance with its own calculations. International pressure will play a part in this, and a muting of criticism of apartheid by the international community or an abandonment of positions stated strongly over many years is not likely to be of help. 132. We believe, on the contrary, that, while recogniz- ing for what it is worth any reform which may be made, however small, international criticism of apartheid must still be sustained because of the fundamental principle at stake; and we believe that criticism should be accompanied as necessary by graduated international pressure on South Africa, provided that such pressure is carefully calculated to promote change. We have no illusions that change will come easily to such a deeply entrenched system estab- lished by a community with a strong historical sense of its own identity and a deeply rooted and exclusive origin myth-a people which is itself native to South Africa and which cannot look to any other homeland. We know how difficult it is to move from dominance to accept3'iCe, to share power long held as a monopoly. But cha'lge will come. The only. question is how and at what cost. 133. Ireland for its part sees three main kinds of action that we and other countries can take. 134. First, the Security Council in 1977 already took limited action on sanctions against South Africa by im- 135. Secondly, my Government will continue to assist the victims of apartheid through its annual contributions to the United Nations Funds for southern Africa, and we urge everyone to support these Funds. The importance of these Funds was again highlighted in the statement made yesterday by the representative of Sweden [76th meeting]. In response to hiS appeal, 1 should lIke to mention that it is the intention of my Government to make supplementary contributions this year to the United Nations Funds for southern Africa. 136. Thirdly, we believe that the international commu- nity has a vital role to play in assisting those countries in southern Africa which have suffered as a result of South African aggression or which, because of their geographic location, are burdened by an unfortunate degree of eco- nomic dependence upon their large and frequently hostile neighbour. Ireland will continue its development as- sistance to certain countries in the region and will con- tinue to support the activities of the Southern African Development Co-operation Conference. 137. These are ways in which the international commu- nity can be of assistance and help to promote change. But, in the last analysis, the international community can- not make change or decide how it will be achieved. That must be a matter for the people of South Africa them- selves-black, white and Coloured. It is they, from their different positions and by their respective actions, who will decide whether change comes relatively peacefully, although with some stress, or violently and with great suf- fering. 138. I venture to close with two quotations. One is from the preamble to the South African Constitution of 1961 enacted by white South Africa but intended in theory to apply to all its people: We believe it is evident-and it should be evident now to white South Africa-that these aims which it has pro- claimed can be achieved today only by an end of the apartheid system in South Africa. While that system stands those aims proclaimed in 1961 can never be real- ized. 139. The other quotation is from the last public words of Nelson Mandela before he went into imprisonment for life in Robben Island in 1964. In closing his statement at his trial, he said: "I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all per- .sons live together in harmony and with equal oppor- tunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But, if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die." 140. It is the fervent hope of my delegation that, how- ever painful the process of change, that ideal of Nelson Mandela can soon be realized throughout South Africa for the benefit of all its people; that neither he nor anyone will have to die to achieve it; and that he and others like him will soon be free to work towards it for the good of all the people of South Africa. Is that a vain hope? Per- haps. But we cannot do other than cling to it as he did, and mobilize every international effort to give it support. My delegation will try to play its modest part. in that effort. NarES I See A1CONE 107/8. sect. X. 3 See A1321267. ~