A/36/PV.81 General Assembly

Yet again the General Assembly is going through its perennial exercises on what is called here the question of Palestine. These exercises have long since been emptied of meaningful content. They have be- come ritualistic. And for all the rigmarole involved in adopting a steadily increasing number of resolutions on this item, progressively less thought and attention is given to it. 2. The undeniable fact is that the Arab League States and their supporters, including the United Nations Pal- estine Committee, which stage-manages this annual event, can engage as much as they like in rhetoric here at the United Nations. Given the parliamentary situation in the Assembly, they can push through almost whatever res- olutions they like. But these can only be illusory victo- ries. Those who seem to think that an excess of repetitive Assembh' resolutions adopted by large built-in majorities creates "rights" or makes binding "obligations", or even international law, are deluding themselves. And those who seem to think that an orgy of special committees, special reports, special missions, special sessions, special units and special agencies can resolve anything have also lost touch with reality. There is nothing special or mag- ical about any of these. They may be the specialite de la maison, but in the final analysis they will not change any- thing on the ground. They will not bring the cause of peace any closer. 3. Only when the Arab League States exhibit a genuine willingness to come to tenus with Israel and make peace, only when they sit down and negotiate with Israel on the basis of recognition and mutual respect will a comprehen- sive solution to the Arab-Israel conflict in all its aspects be achieved. NEW YORK 4. Representatives have become weary with the Arab obsession with this topic. Thus, the same empty asser- tions made year in, year out are for the most part ac- cepted without challenge and without critical scrutiny. The Assembly yawns, but in truth many representatives have abdicated from one of the fundamental tasks of di- plomacy, namely, the meticulous, detached examination of claims and counter-claims on the basis of the facts, read- ily available to those who take the time and trouble ~o check them. 5. The usual claptrap will be trotted out. It will be sug- gested once again that the Arab-Israel conflict is the cause of all the instability in the Middle East-as if there would be no crises and conflicts in the Middle East were the Arab-Israel conflict to go away; as if the Iraq-Iran war, for example, is in any way connected with the Arab-Israel conflict; as if the Soviet Union would stop fishing in the troubled, or should I say the oily, waters of the region. 6. Similarly, it will no doubt be suggested ad nauseam that the heart of the Arab-Israel conflict is the question of the Palestinian Arabs-as if it were not common know- ledge that the heart of the conflict has always been and remains the adamant refusal of most Arab States to accept Israel's right to exist, irrespective of its size and bound- aries, as demonstrated yet again before the whole world by the new Arab League at its abortive Arab summit meeting at Fez last week. Does anyone really imagine that if the question of the Palestinian Arabs-which is cer- tainly one of the many components of the Arab-Israel conflict-were solved, the whole conflict would then be resolved; that Syria, Iraq and Libya, to name but three Arab States, would accept Israel's right to exist, and ev- erything, as the Americans say, would be "hunky-dory"? Of course not. 7. Another myth which will be regurgitated in these de- liberations will be that the Palestinian Arabs do not have a State of their own. What nonsense! What utter nonsense! Everyone who has a smattering of Middle Eastern history knows full well that in everything but name the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is the Arab State in Pal- estine, in precisely the same sense that Israel is the Jew- ish State in Palestine. 8. Jordan is the independent, sovereign State of the Pal- estinian Arabs. Sceptics might wish to ponder the follow- ing questions: First, is it not a fact that the territory of Jordan today constitutes 76.9 per cent of the Palestine Mandate? Secondly, is it not a fact that the vast majority of Jordan's citizens are Palestinian Arabs? Thirdly, is it not a fact that the majority of Palestinian Arabs are Jordan- ian citizens? Fourthly, is it not a fact. that Palestinian Arabs occupy leading positions in Jordan today too numerous to mention? Fifthly, is it not a fact that the Jordan- ian Assembly is made up primarily of Palestinian Arabs? Sixthly, is it not a fact that Jordan's administrative, intel- lectual and economic elite are Palestinian Arabs, and that they constitute the backbone and mainstay of the country? Seventhly, is it not a fact that the Permanent Represen- 9. In brief, it is an incontrovertible fact that the Pales- tinian Arabs achieved self-determination and national inde- pendence on almost 80 per cent of the territory of the Palestine Mandate in 1946, two years before the Jewish community in Palestine achieved its national rights on considerably less than 20 per cent of the territory of the Palestine Mandate. 10. These questions are very much to the point, because when it is recognized that the Palestinian Arabs do have an independent, sovereign State of their own in Palestine, the whole question of Palestine as discussed here takes on a very different aspect. 11. The same moral and intellectual lassitude which characterizes the deliberations on this item in the Assem- bly has tended to penneate the reception given to sug- gestions floated recently from various quarters for the so- lution of the Arab-Israel conflict. 12. Before I demonstrate what I mean, let me remind representatives that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) remains the only agreed basis for a negotiated set- tlement of the Arab-Israel conflict. It includes all the ele- ments necessary for the settlement of the conflict, and any tampering with it can.only jeopardize its delicately balanced formulations and the potential for peace which they contain. 13. In laying down the guidelines for a negotiated settle- ment of the Arab-Israel conflict, resolution 242 (1967) stressed the need for "secure and recognized boundaries" in the Middle East. Thus, it could not logically require the restoration of the territorial status quo which existed before 1967. It follows therefore that any such demand of the kind we have heard all too often in recent months fundamentally contradicts resolution 242 (1967). 14. One can call either for secure boundaries or for the restoration of the now defunct armistice lines, which ex· isted from 1949 to 1967. But one cannot call for both at one and the same time, since the former armistice lines were neither boundaries nor secure. Those lines served as an open invitation to Arab aggression. At one point Israel was no more than eight miles wide. Jordanian artillery pieces were in easy striking distance of most of Israel's population. The city of Jerusalem was divided. Any Arab gunman sitting on the walls of the Old City with a tommy-gun couJd-and at times would-pick off Israeli passers-by at will. 15. It is for this reason that resolution 242 (1967) does not contain any call for a return to the status quo ante 5 ' June 1967. In 1967 the Arab and Soviet delegates were fully aware of this. In the discussions prior to the adop- tion of resolution 242 (1967) they tried to persuade the then British Permanent Representative, Lord Caradon, to amend the British-sponsored draft. But Lord Caradon, to- gether with the majority of the Council's members, re- fused to give way, precisely because they regarded the establishment of "secure and recognised boundaries" as being of paramount importance and they considered the restoration of the former armistice lines as inconsistent "the draft resolution is a balanced whole. To add to it or to detract from it wO'Ild destroy the balance and also destroy the wide measure of agreement we have achieved together. It must be considered as a whole and as it stands." I 16. Since 1967 the range and accuracy of modem weap- onry have been greatly extended. No responsible Govern- ment, whose first duty is to preserve the lives and se- curity of its citizens, would agree to return to the totally insecure lines that obtained before 1967. In the 19 years between 1948 and 1967 thousands of Israelis were killed and wounded in three wars and the State of Israel was exposed to constant clanger. To return to that situation would be suicidal. I am sure that representatives will agree that national suicide is not an international obliga- tion, .and Israel is not willing to commit it. 17. Despite all this, not merely the enemies of Israel, but also countries that one might have hoped would know better and not bend to the winds of political expediency have made, and reaffirmed, declarations which indeed call for the return of the territorial status quo prevailing before June 1967. What would be the purpose of such a manoeuvre? It would be to establish a second Palestinian Arab State for an allegedly stateless Palestinian Arab peo- ple. It is of no consequence that, as I have already ex- plained, the Palestinian Arabs already have an indepen- dent State in Palestine-namely, the Palestinian Arab State of Jordan-and that therefore there is no justifica- tion, moral, legal or other, for the creation of a second Palestinian Arab State. 18. But let us, for the sake of argument, put this minor political inconvenience aside, and look at the suggestion at face value. As we all know, what is intended is a PW State in whatever areas Israel can be induced to vacate, and there is nothing mysterious or secret about the bor- ders of the Stau; which the PLO aspires to. It even had the audacity to flaunt it in a map exhibited in the cor- ridors of this building earlier this week. 19. It is common knowledge that the PW denies out- right the national rights of the Jewish people and therefore the right of Israel to exist. For a number of years now the PLO has advocated a two-stage policy to do away with Israel. The object of the first stage would be to set up the second Palestinian Arab State alongside Israel in the nar- row area between the River Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea. The second stage would use that second Palestinian Arab State as a launching pad for the attempted overthrow of Israel. 20. One of the more paradoxical aspects of the proposal for a second Palestinian Arab State is that it would not just be PLO-dominated but, given the PW's links with the Soviet Union, both direct and indirect, it would inev- itably become Soviet-dominated. How many of the propo- nents of such ideas can contemplate them with equa- nimity is not easy to comprehend. Foresight is sometimes a rare commodity in international politics; but thinking just one or two moves ahead would still be desirable. For its part, Israel, besides all its other objections to the idea of a second Palestinian Arab State, is not prepared to of- fer the Soviets a foothold in its own backyard. 22. The problem is not and never has been the ter- ritorial situation which has prevailed since 1967. It is not and never has been the misplaced attempts to bestow na- tional sovereignty on the Palestinian Arabs for a second time. It is not and nel'er has been the status of Jerusalem. 23. As was so vividly demonstrated at the abortive Arab League summit meeting a1 Fez last week-which you, Mr. President, had the honour to attend-the root cause of the Arab-Israel conflict is and always has been the un- willingness of the Arab League States to come to terms with Israel and to accept the presence of a sovereign Jew- ish State in the area. The problem remains in essence what it has always been-the three Arab "noes", which were so succinctly summed up at the Arab summit meet- ing at Khartoum after the Six-Day War in 1967: no recog- nition of Israel, no negotiations with Israel, no peace with Israel. The Arab press still feels embarrassed about men- tioning Israel without qualification. For example, the ;_ Saudi newspaper Al-Jazirah even felt the need on 22 July of this year to explain to its readers that where the term "Israel" is used in its columns it "does not imply recognition of Israel, which is an enemy State which conquered Palestine. The existence of Israel is a fact. But we, as the Arab nation, struggle against that fact in arms and in words until it is eradi- cated from the map of Arab reality." The world has been so used to declarations of this kind that it accepts them as par for the course. Indeed, much of the world has acquiesced in still more offensive Arab statements, such as calls for a holy war-Jihad-against Israel. Such calls are of course ·in flagrant breach of the Charter of the United Nations, under which Members of the United Nations undertake,. irzter alia, to settle their international disputes by peaceful means-Article 2, paragraph 3-and to refrain in their international relations from the us~ and from even the threat of force-Article 2, paragraph 4. 24. As a result of the well-known Arab obsession with Israel, and of the bellicose stands taken by the Arab League States, many have come to the view' that timid Arab statements, which through a process of wishful thinking may be construed as an indirect form o( implied recognition of Israel and its right to exist, are to be seen as progress, as a great concession. This is not the case. As was pointed out by Mr. Abba Eban, a former foreign minister of Israel, in The New York Times on 18 November 1981: "Nobody does Israel any service by proclaiming its 'right to exist' ... No State in the Organization would consider the mere rec- ognition of its "right to exist" a favour or a negotiable concession. Instead, it would consider it an insult. So does Israel. 25. Let us take what happened between August this year and today. Prince Fahd of Saudi Arabia floated a number of elements which he suggested might be included in a plan to solve the Arab-Israel conflict. One of those ele- ments was confirmation of "the right of the countries of the region to live in peace"-admittedly not exactly world-shattering, but one which, we were told, was a small beginning, which we should nurture carefully and not nip in the bud; we should explore it, encourage it. 26. What happened? Well, "for starters", as the Ameri- cans say, the Secretary-General of the Arab League, in an interview in the Abu Dhabi daily Al-Ittihad on 30 Sep- tember 1981, stated flatly that "Prince Fahd's peace plan does not, as some people believe, imply recognition of Israel's existence". Then, a few weeks later, when the Saudi charge d'affaires to the Organization was rash enough to assure a newsman that recognition of Israel was in fact implied by the plan, and that negotiations with Israel would have to take place, he was immediately re- pudiated by his Government. Then came Fez. That Arab summit meeting was preceded by three months of hectic diplomatic activity and by three days of inconclusive de- bate at the foreign minister level. The summit meeting itself was boycotted by more than half of the Arab League heads of State, precisely because the Saudi plan, unforthcoming as it was, was on the agenda. And after four or five hours of wrangling, the summit collapsed. Why? Because it was considered improper to consider even the implied recognition of Israel in a context which does not even mention Israel by name and in a plan which does not even call for negotiations with Israel. What had happened to that small step forward, that glim- mer of hope which had given rise to so much misplaced hope in certain quarters? 27. The collapse of the Fez summit meeting has proven yet again what Israel has contended all along-that the root cause of the Arab-Israel conflict is the adamant re- fusal of the Arab League States to come to terms with Israel and its right to exist. A!l the rest is eyewash, es- pecially claims that the question of the Palestinian Arabs is at the heart of the conflict and that all would be solved if a second Palestinian Arab State were to be created. 28. The problem is as it always has been: the Arab fixa- tion with Israel. And let there be no mistake about it: when the Arab leaders do eventually pull themselves to- gether, as they surely must, and rid themselves of their obsession, then they will be doing us no favours, they will have made no concessions. They will merely have broken through that psychological barrier that has been at the root of the Arab-Israel conflict from the outset; they will merely have set the stage for negotiations to allow us to move forward together towards a peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israel conflict. 30. A framework for peace in the Middle East already exists; it is the Camp David framework, which has al- ready yielded spectacular results in the fonn of the Treaty of Peace between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Israel, signed in 1979, and the normalization pro- cess which is developing between our two countries. By way of illustration, let me just mention some of the pro- gress which has been attained in the stepped-up nor- malization talks over the last two or three months. We have agreed to expand trade between Israel and Egypt, which will already amount to about $100 million- worth of goods in both directions by the end of this year. We are putting the final touches to a trucking agreement which will greatly facilitate the flow of goods between our two countries. We are expanding our civil aviation links so that both countries will operate five flights a week in both directions. We have agreed to open Government tourist offices in each of our countries and to promote third-party tourism to both our countries. We are working on and solving highly technical questions of communications be- tween Israel and Egypt, involving telephone links, radio, television and telex. Our police forces are widening their co-operation over matters ranging from stolen cars to drug-smuggling. We have worked out a two-year pro- gramme to give substance to the cultural agreement be- tween our two countries. These are no mean achieve- ments. Together they represent the mechanisms which will underpin and guarantee the peace treaty between our two countries. 31. All of these have been attained in a framework which is firmly grounded in Security Council resolution 242 (1967). It is open to other Arab States to join. It offers the only practical way to progress towards a com- preh~nsive solution of the Arab-Israel conflict, in all its aspects, including the question of the Palestinian Arabs. 32. It is true that difficult problems remain in the nego- tiations for full autonomy for the Arab inhabitants of Ju- dea, Samaria and the Gaza district. But again-despite the nay-sayers-solid progress has been made here too, and we are determined not to relax our efforts in this sphere either. 33. Let me remind the Assembly that the Camp David framework invites the Palestinian Arab residents of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district to play an active role in shaping their future, by calling on them to participate not only in the current negotiations but also in the negotia- tions which will determine the final status of the areas they live in, as well as in the eventual negotiations on a peace treaty between Israel and Jordan, in which the de- limitation of boundaries between the two countries will be agreed. I 34. The autonomy plan for the Palestinian Arab inhabi- tants of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district, as incorpo- rated in the Camp David framework accord, is the first practical proposal to be advanced to provide a dignified solution for the needs of the Arab population of those areas. It comes in place of all the empty declarations, plans and frameworks with which the Palestinian Arabs concerned have been deluded by States and organizations "the Palestinian people . . . ever since the birth of Israel have paid dearly for the extremism and intrigue of the Arab radicals who destroyed the Lebanon, nearly destroyed Jordan and will not rest, they say, until they have destroyed Israel. The Arab radicals . . . cannot deliver anything except what they have delivered in the past: bloodshed and futility." 35. It must surely be recognized by now that the pattern adopted by the Organization in its deliberations on the Arab-Israel conflict has proved sterile and has indeed be- come an obstacle to a peaceful settlement. Yet that con- flict is clearly amenable to solution, given the political will to effect a solution. Moreover, it is a conflict for whiah a framework for a solution exists, and, indeed, one which has over the last few years been moving towards a solution within that framework. 36. Hence we do not need alternative frameworks, we do not need alternative plans. We certainly do not need advice from States in the Organization which are fully identified with the Arab cause, or from those which over the years have preferred to sit on the fence and, instead of being generally supportive of the peace process, have to all intents and purposes put spokes in its wheels. 37. Israel has shown its willingness and ability to make peace with its largest Arab neighbour. It is now up to the rest of the Arab world to show that it is willing to" make peace with Israel. The Organization, under its Charter, is dedicated to the promotion of international peace and se- curity and of peaceful relations among nations. Instead, it has grotesquely condemned a peace treaty of epoch-mak- ing proportion, while at the same time lending its support and granting irregular privileges to a group of interna- tional terrorists. If the United Nations has a contribution to make, it is to encourage the Arab States to come to terms with Israel and to negotiate with us directly, with- out preconditions, serio1.!sly and in mutual respect.

On 29 November 1947 the General Assembly, in its then minority composition of Member States represented at the United Nations, decided at a special session to dismember the "trust" territory of Palestine and to dismantle its peace-loving people. I am referring to the real and genuine Palestine and not to the imaginary Palestine to which the Israeli representative has just referred. Rarely in history have a people's inalienable rights in their own ancestral country been so brutally and totally trampled upon in a cold-blooded conspiracy in which ends and means tripped over one another in shame- less and unprecedented perfidy. Precious little thought was given to the fact that a mere two to three years earlier the Charter of the United Nations had been bravely pro- claimed as the herald of a new and just world governed by la\\'. And yet, in all of its provisions the Charter runs counter to everything that has since been perpetrated against the Palestinian people. 39. Since that fateful day 34 years ago the people of Palestine have been thrown outside the mainstream of 40. With the passage of the years, peace and security have become increasingly equated, in some powerful hos- tile quarters, with Palestinian exile and with acquiescence in the non-existence of the Palestinians. But this is clearly against the laws of nature and the accumulated values of humanity and cannot therefore endure indefinitely. 41. No one asked the Palestinians to accept their dis- memberment, their exile or their occupation. The sharp edge of the Israeli bayonet and its supporters accom- plished this ultimate act of unbridled inhumanity. 42. It was the old United Nations which initiated the dismantling of th~ Palestinian people. The duty devolves upon the United Nations, in its present universal represen- tation of humanity, to redress, through its collective will and dedication to justice, what its predecessors did to bring about the catastrophe. . 43. There are universally accepted values relating to the inviolability of every people's homeland, the sanctity of every human being's right to life, to home, to freedom, to security, to identity, to self-determination, to property and to normalcy. I do not have to enumerate those rights. Their denial or violation is a return to the law of the jun- gle, the fight of all against all, with all that this portends for the fllture of the world-and, mark my words, this is what will happen. 44. For over three decades the question of Palestine has Deen discussed in varying forms, plans and modalities. Having studied so many plans, by so many people, over so many years, since the British Mandate over Palestine was established, and thereafter, it has become increasingly difficult to consider the feasibility of any plan in realistic terms. The Israeli representative shed crocodile tears over Crown Prince Rihd ibn Abdul Aziz's plan:! for the solu- tion of the problem. Did he forget that his superiors, his Prime Minister and the entire Israeli Cabinet shot the plan down even before it was presented in any forum? The process of retrogression has been so precipitous and ongoing that it has become wellnigh impossible to hold to an anchor or to see a beginning and an end. 45. Right from the beginning of this fateful journey we have had a broad spectrum of unfulfilled plans. The Man- date of the League of Nations recognized in the early 1920s the provisional independence of Palestine with its 90 per cent Palestinian Arab majority. I do not know whether the Israeli representative was born then, but Pal- estinian independence was recognized in the early 1920s by the League of Nations. In 1937 the Peel Commission3 recognized in its proposed partition plan the prepon- derance of Palestinian Arab entitlement to the greater part of Palestine. In 1939 the British Government White Paper again recognized the independence of Palestine with its two-thirds Palestinian Arab majority. This is the Palestine that we are talking about. Let us have some respect for the intelligence of the Member States in this Hall. That White Paper remained the official British policy until 1945-1946 when, as a result of the bloodbath, gang- sterism and terrorism of the Irgun, which was headed by none other than Begin, and the other terrorist groups, the British Government handed over that trust territory to the United Nations. 47. This is the bottom line and the bedrock, deliberately compounded and blurred by a stream of peripheral iS8ues, crisis situations and systematic brain-twisting which con- tinue to emerge from Israel's inexhaustible Pandora's box. For example, the representative of Israel tried a few min- utes ago to confuse the debate by quoting a newspaper here and a newspaper there and referring to problems which are not relevant to the item under debate, which is the question of Palestine. 48. Without any shadow of a doubt, the Zionist objec- tive has always been and will continue to be to divert attention from the need to come to grips with the real issue, the core of the turmoil in the Middle East, namely, the rights of the Palestinian people and Israel's adamant refusal even to consider them. They want to dump the Palestinian people into, among other places, Jordan, which the representative of Israel has called the "Palestin- ian State of Jordan", even though he should know that the official title of Jordan is the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and that he was committing an illegal act by dis- torting the name of that Kingdom. Thus, the world is kept fully occupied with a multitude of issues, crises and tragedies which are of the utmost gravity in themselves and perpetuate the suffering and the dispersal of the Pal- estinian people. 49. By their cumulative effect, these extremely unset- tling Zionist diversionary plans and adventures have suc- ceeded in putting out of focus, at least temporarily, any and all genuine efforts at peacefully and rationally consid- ering any plan or plans for resolving the intolerable plight of the Palestinian people. Walking literally on quicksand and ever-changing slippery ground, how is anyone to un- tie the Gordian knot that Israel has systematically woven and tightened, and which it continues to tighten? 50. Assumptions accepted in the Lausanne Protocol of 19494-which was initialled by the two parties and· which would have solved the Palestinian problem and the Arab- Israeli conflict more than 30 years ago-have been ren- dered inoperative by the Israeli aggressor's faits accom- plis. Even the assumptions embodied in the Security Council resolutions of 1967 and 1973 have become empty shells with Israel's colonization of close to 40 per cent of the occupied Palestinian and Arab lands to date. Israel makes no secret about its determination to annex aU the occupied territories while it strives to squeeze their lawful inhabitants out by every possible means. They have al- ready gone a long way towards achieving that goal, par- ticularly in the expanded holy AI-Quds AI-Sharif-Jeru- 52. Those who gloat over so-called disagreements among leaders over ways and means and timing for achieving a truly just and lasting peace for all should never naively interpret them as disarray, still less as meaning that Arab unity is a mirage. On the contrary, the question of Palestine is so sacrosanct, so momentous that it would be surprising-I myself would be surprised-if differences of opinion did not arise within our united Arab nation, including the Palestinians themselves, in dealing with a Zionist Israel determined to shoot down any feasible solution at first sight. I wish to assure the Assembly-and in doing this I am relaying reports com- municated to me by my Government-that the recent Arab Summit Conference wa:; one of the most incisive and in-depth dialogues on the Palestinian issue, and that all options were explored candidly and responsibly, cut- ting through any and all parochial considerations. Rather than having division over this momentous issue, which affects the destiny not only of the Palestinian people, but of the entire Arab nation, and in order to reach consensus with the participation of all member States, it was de- cided that more time and study were needed for an agreed approach. . 53. The exploration of the"question of Palestine has had a tragically long and arduous history. But, as Tolstoy wrote in his classic War and Peace J history is not the decisions of tsars and generals. History is the motion of peoples, and those so-called decisions just boil out of that motion. So what emelges is a great motion of peoples, and that is the integral of those differentials in the cal- culus. Such 'a historic motion of the Arab peoples is un- der way, and united decisions will boil out of that great motion by our collective leaderships at the appropriate time. 54. The Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights ~f the Palestinian People, under the outstanding chairmanship of Mr. Sarre of S~negal, should be highly commended for its report [A/36/35], for its dedication and for its tireless efforts all the year round, here and beyond the confines of United Nations Headquarters, to promote a greater understanding of the justice of the Palestinian cause. Unlike its predecessor, the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, which hurriedly recommended a dismemberment of Palestine back in 1947 and set in mo- tion the turmoil, wars and traumatic events I that have plagued the region and the world ever since, the Commit- tee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Pal- estinian People has presented a programme of action, in measured phrases, to bring about a just solution to the question of Palestine, taking into account all factors in and parties to the situation. And yet, in glaring contrast to che hysterical euphoria that accompanied the adop- tion-to a great extent by ruthless and imrporal methods which I am sure a previous generation knows a great deal about and which have since been described in memoirs- 55. It is not a ritual, Mr. Ambassador from Israel. It is not an exercise in futility. What we are talking about is the survival and destiny of 4 million Palestinians, and this is going to be discussed, even if it should take 100 years. 56. Hence the question of Palestine remains a blot on the conscience of the world: in concrete terms, 2 million refugees-more than half a million displaced and approx- imately 1.3 million under one of the longest and most ruthless occupations. I think I have already quoted what an Israeli journalist wrote in an Israeli newspaper: that during the past 14 years of occupation, a quarter of a million inhabitants of the occupied West Bank and Gaza have been in Israeli gaols with sentences ranging from 24 hours to life imprisonment, with all the accompanying torture. This translates into one out of every five citizens, which in terms of the United States would come to 45 million people gaoled during a period of 14 years. This has been the record of Israeli occupation. Furthermore, there has been total disregard for the inviolability of land, water, resources, human rights, international law, conven- tions and all norms of civilized behaviour. All it takes is for an Israeli officer to say: "I like this .piece of land". He immediately sends a notice to the owner of the land stating: "I am going to get my hands on it". This is how our land is being confiscated right and left. There is noth- ing parallel or equal to this lawlessness anywhere else in the world. 57. This is the question of Palestine, which will one day tear apart the lethargy, indifference and enmity of those who are bent on denying Palestinian rights. All peace- loving peoples will continue to work and struggle for the restoration of their rights. Our strategic allies are the over- whelming majority of the community of nations which is represented in this hall. All great causes have encountered formidable resistance, but eventually have triumphed against all odds. One would have liked to see a just cause resolved justly in one's life span. But it is by far prefera- ble and more moral to visualize, to strive towards and to achieve a just solution regardless of any time perspective than to accept an unjust and immoral solution imposed by an ephemeral imbalance of forces. A great deal of home- work has yet to be done, is being done and will be done to induce adversaries and to enable friends to bring about a just, comprehensive and lasting peace. Pending that glorious moment, the Palestinian people are left with no choice but to bear their suffering and to continue their struggle until that great moment inevitably arrives. 58. It is needless to reiterate that the question of Pal- estine is the centrepiece and cardinal concern of the Gov- ernment and people of Jordan. The destiny of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the destiny of the Pal- estinian people are inseparable because of the contiguity of their territories and their brotherly relationship. Jordan pledges its unflinching commitment to arid support for the struggle of the Palestinian people, whose sole legitimate J 59. Jordan has always been committed to the achieve- ment of a just and lasting peace, but the Israelis are mak- ing this cherished goal elude us more and more each day. How then can this goal be achieved in the face of Israel's boun91ess expansionism and indescribable arrogance? My statement this afternoon speaks about 40 per cent of our land in the West Bank being confiscated, which con- stitutes a mere 18 per cent of the total land of Palestine, over 90 per cent of which we had owned up till the end of the British Mandate in 1947-1948. Perhaps next year I shall be talking about the Israeli plunder of 50 per cent of that land, and then 60 pe~ cent, and then 70 and 80 per cent. And yet the Israeli representative has the audacity to talk about a just solution of the Palestinian pmblem. Where are the Palestinians to live if there is not a piece of land for them to build a hut on to live in? 60. The day before yesterday an agreement on strategic co-operation was signed between the United States and Israel. That such an implicit alliance has been in exist- ence for decades is hardly a secret, but what is really startling is that a super-Power should enter into a military alliance with an Israel whose boundaries are not known. The Israelis would never define their boundaries. The late General Dayan said that they were the point at which the last Israeli soldier had arrived. How can a super-Power enter into an alliance with an Israel whose boundaries are not known and whose plans for greater expansion are offi- cial policy? All anyone has to do is listen to the news on the radio and on television and to the statements of Mr. Begin to know that I am telling the truth in saying that this is official policy. This cuts to the heart of the ques- tion of Palestine. 65. It is ironic that Israel, which owes its existence to a controversial resolution of the General Assembly, has been attempting systematically to erode the authority of the United Nations by defying its decisions with im- punity. The question of Palestine is thus the gravest chal- lenge to the United Nations and its Charter's commitment to the preservation and strengthening of international peace and security. 61. The questions arise: What about the occupied ter- ritories? What about a just settlement of the Palestinian problem? And what if Israel should attempt to invade southern Lebanon, Jordan or Saudi Arabia? 62. How can any country enter into an open-ended al- liance with another country whose boundaries are not known? And what if Israel should attempt to invade southern Lebanon, Jordan or Saudi Arabia? It has given indications to this effect; its planes are flying over all those territories. These questions are of the utmost gravity to all the peoples of the Middle East-which, although they form one nation, are divided into many States, as is the case of the United States of America-because the might of a super-Power will automatically be involved in Israel's policies of aggrandizement. That strategic alliance 67. Moreover, there can be no Middle East settlement is totally unprecedented in international law and signals without the full and equal participation of the PLO, which an acceptance of Israeli occupation, colonization and ex- is the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian pansion. I do not like to see missiles or artillery pieces people. Israel's response to this international consensus placed in front of my house in Jerusalem. I like to see the has been one of total defiance and stubbornness. Ignoring good American people who live just opposite my house the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations and in there, and who have an American colony there and have complete violation of the Geneva Convention relative to been living in hannony and friendship with us far 100 the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 years, but I do not want any outside country to place August 1949,5 Israel persists relentlessly in its expansion- missiles and weaponry on my territory. I know that only a ist policy of consolidating its illegal occupation of the _:ew_:o~::~to~fue n:h::afat fuere is an"~~:eI:_=b _and:eStin:~_::t~:s~_:p~:~:.~::~=~,= 63. A great Arab king returning from the Versailles Conference after the First World War, stunned and dis- pirited by the duplicity he had encountered and the disap- pointment he had suffered because of the international machinations of presumed allies, remarked sadly: "Rights are never given-they must be wrested". Perhaps this sums up our position today.

Once again the General As- sembly is resuming consideration of the question of Pal- estine, which lies at the heart of the Middle East conflict and the continuing aggravation of which poses the gravest threat to world peace and security. Although the question of Palestine has figured as a separate item on the agenda of the General Assembly only since 1974, this issue has been under consideration by the world body since its very inception. Over the years the United Nations has re- mained deeply preoccupied with the fate of Palestine and the travail of the Palestinian people. The Security Coun- cil, as well as the General Assembly, has adopted numer- ous decisions to redress the wrongs done to the Pales- tinian people and to restore their inalienable rights. However, those decisions continue to remain unimple- mented. Israeli aggression against the people of Palestine and other Arab nations continues unabated. 66. The elements of a just and lasting solution of the Middle East conflict are well known. They have been out- lined repeatedly in Security Council resolutions-specifi- cally resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973)-as well as in General Assembly resolutions adopted over the years. It is universally recognized that a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East cannot be realized without en- suring the complete withdrawal of Israel from all the oc- cupied Arab and Palestinian' territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, and the full restoration of the inalienable national and human rights of the people of Palestine, including their right to establish an independent and sovereign State of their own in their homeland. 68. The Israeli reign of terror and persecution against the Palestinian people is being systematically intensified. Arbitrary arrests and evictions of Arab and Palestinian in- habitants, expulsions and assassinations of elected Pales- tinian leaders in the occupied territories, the demolition of Arab homes and acts of sacrilege carried out against Arab shrines have become daily occurrences. Emboldened in its intransigence, Israel has widened the sphere of its ag- gressive actions, and Lebanon has become a primary vic- tim of its predatory designs. Its reprehensible attack on southern Beirut last July, which resulted in the death of several hundred innocent civilians, including women and children, was only one of the sordid examples of Israeli terrorist practices and acts of aggression against the sov- ereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and unity of Lebanon which arouse the strong indignation of peace-loving peoples all over the world. 69. I personally had the privilege of participating in a delegation of the Committee on the Exercise of the In- alienable Rights of the Palestinian People which visited . Lebanon last August at the invitation of Mr. Yasser Ara- fat, the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the PLO. The delegation noted that the damage caused by the Israeli air and sea attack during July 1981 was confined to civilian targets, resulting in heavy loss of human life, . and appeared to have been aimed at terrorizing the civil- ian population and destroying its morale. 70. The unprovoked Israeli attack on Iraq's peaceful nu- clear installations near Baghdad is yet another grave in- stance in a series of crimes which Israel is perpetrating in Palestine and against Arab nations in the Middle East. 71. It would be an illusion if through relentless repres- sion and terrorism Israel expected perpetually to deny the people of Palestine their inalienable national and human rights. The people of Palestine have waged a heroic strug- gle and are making sacrifices in blood and tears to resist the occupation of their ancient homeland. Their deter- mined struggle enjoys the recognition, support and respect of all freedom-loving peoples in the world. Vivid proof of this recognition is General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX), which formalized the status of the PLO and rec- ognized the Palestinian people as a principal party )n the efforts for peace in the Middle East and as having the right to regain their rights by all means. 78. Resolutions 2253 (ES-V) a..d 2254 (ES-V), adopted in July 1967 at the fifth emergency special session of the General Assembly, declared all measures taken by Israel 72. The hallmark of this century is the assertion of to change the status of Jerusalem invalid and called upon national rights by all people. Israel cannot block the Israel to rescind those measures and "'to desist forthwith advance of history and hope to achieve its aggressive from taking any action which would alter the status of the designs by obliterating the Palestinian nation. The Holy City. In July 1980 the General Assembly, at its sev- supporters of Israel, who are sustaining its intransigence, enth emergency special session [resolutioll·ES-7/2], re- must also acknowledge that the struggle of the people for affirmed this position. The Organization of the Islamic ili_e_re_s_~_:_~_n_:_ft_~_k_:_~_~_~__ ~_=_~_~__~:= ~~~_:__~~~~_~~:~~.h_~:~~ 74. The long suffering of the P'dlestinian people and the continued denial of their national rights have caused the deepest anxiety and concern, particularly throughout the Islamic world. This concern and anxiety have been demonstrated repeatedly in the decisions of the Organiza- tion of the Islamic Conference. A categorical expression of the commitment of the Islamic world to the Palestinian cause was embodied in the final communique of the Third Islamic Summit Conference, held at Mecca-Tail' from 25 to 28 January 1981 Isee A/36//83, ([mu'x IVI. II1<1t com- munique affirmed at the highest level the resoi"e of the Islamic nations to liberate the occupied Palestinian territo- ries and the holy places and to recover the incontrovert- ible rights of the Palestinian people, as recognized by inter- national law and the United Nations resolutions relatinl! to the question of Palestine. .... 75. A grave aspect of the Palestinian question, whkh stirs the deepest emotions and sensibilities of the entire Islamic world, is Israel's occupation of the Holy City of Jerusalem and the insidious Zionist scheme to destroy its historic and spiritual character. This profound concern of the Islamic world over the fate of the Holy City is shared equally by the international community. 76. Security Council resolution 242 (1967) emphasized the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by mili- tary conquest, and this applied to all occupied territories, including Jerusalem. Security Council resolutions 252 (1968) and 267 (1969) specifically addressed themselves to the status of the Holy .City of Jerusalem. Ever since those decisions, and through its subsequent resolutions 271 (1969), 298 (1971), 446 (1979), 465 (1980) and 476 (1980), the Security Council has declared all legislative and administrative actions taken by Israel to change the status of the Holy City of Jerusalem, including expropria- tion of lands and ·properties, transfer of population and legislation aimed at the incorporation of the occupied sec- tion, to be totally invalid. 77. The Council has also repeatedly condemned and censured Israel for its refusal to comply with those deci- sions. The most recent resolution adopted by the Council in this regard, namely, resolution 478 (1980). censured in the strongest terms the enactment by Israel of the so- called basic law on Jerusalem. The Council further de- clared in that resolution that the enactment of the basic law and similar actions by Israel constituted .'. .. a serious obstruction to achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East". 80. In total disregard of this universal sentiment with regar9 to the status of the Holy City of Jerusalem, Israel persists in its reprehensible designs to alter that status and to destroy the historic, spiritual and demographic char- acter of the Holy City. The continuing excavation of a tunnel under AI-Haram Al-Sharif. which endangers Islam- ic buildings. is one of the series of Israel's criminal ac- tions desecrating the holy Islamic shrines. 81. The Holy City of Jerusalem is a symbol of the con- fluence of the greatest spiritual traditions and the con- tinuity of the divine message proclaimed by Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Throughout the history of 13 cen- turies of Arab sovereignty over the Holy City this unique spiritual heritage was ardently preserved and nurtured. It is the paramount responsibility of the international com- munity to preserve this unique spiritual heritage and save the Holy City from systematic Judaization and from Zionist schemes to alter its status and ib historic and spir- itual character. 82. The Holy City of Jerusalem cannot become the spoils of war. It must be returned to Arab sovereignty. 83. The cause of the Palestinian people has been close to the heart of the people of Pakistan ever since Palestine beca~e the target of a colonial conspiracy. In 1947 the founder of the Pakistani nation, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, warned that the proposed partition of Palestine would en- tail the gravest dangers and an unprecedented conflict in the world. As in the past. the leaders and the people of Pakistan will continue to extend their total and unflinch- ing support to the heroic national liberation struggle of their Palestinian brothers. 84. In that resolve the people of Pakistan, together with other peace-loving nations all over the world, have a pro- found commitment to the cause of justice, freedom and international peace. 85. We firmly believe that the issue of Palestine is at the core of the Middle East conflict and that a genuine and lasting peace in the Middle East can be established only when the just demands repeatedly affirmed by the Assem- bly are met in full. As long as !srael contin!1es to flout the verdict of the international community and usurp the rights of the people of Palestine, the world will remain haunted by the spectre of a wider, tragic conflict. 86. Those just demands will be repeated once again by the Assembly at its current session in its resolutions based on the report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. In this regard I wish to pay a personal tribute to Mr. Sane of Senegal, who has so admirably guided the Committee's work in pursuance of its mandate of ensuring the exercise by the P-alestinian people of their inalienable human and national 88. Here I should like to recount a vivid experience that I had when I visited the Rashidiyeh Palestinian refugee camp as a member of the delegation of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. An elderly lady inquired who we were, and on being told that we were part of a United Nations delega- tion she posed a fundamental question. She said: ··Israelis come here every day. They strafe us; they bombGlrd us; they devastate our homes. Why has the United Nations not been able to stop this destruction?" 89. That fundamental question, posed by an ordinary, unnamed. elderly lady. confronts the international com- munity in all its gravity today, as it has confronted it for more than a generation. 90. The Security Council must act resolutely to restore the credibility of the United Nations as an effective im~r­ national Organization for the maintenance of internationai peace and security. The Council needs to take firm and coercive measures against Israel to ensure that the tragedy of Palestine is finally brought to an end and that the in- justice perpetrated against the people of Palestine is fully redressed.

A great deal of progress has been made on the question of Palestine, both inside and outside the United Nations. World public opinion now realizes the true dimensions of the tragedy which has afflicted the people of Palestine. It realizes the real nature of the racist Zionist entity, which since 1948 has been busy trying to end the Arab Palestinians' existence, revealing by its ac- tions its fascist and racist character and its expansionist designs and ambitions, which are being fulfilled stage by stage through terrorism. aggression and war, to establish greater Israel which, according to the Israelis' expansion- ist doctrine, should stretch from the Euphrates to the Nile. 92. At this stage, the elimination of the Arab presence in all parts of Arab Palestine, in keeping with the Zionist plan, has been accorded the highest Zionist priority, above all other objectives. We are sure that Israel is tak- ing advantage of every opportunity to put into effect its grand colonialist design through aggression, because Israe- li behaviour is by its very nature aggressive. The interna- tional community, after many years of turning a blind eye to Israeli crimes-because of the opinions imposed by the West-has now understood that it must order Israel to cease harassing the Palestinian people, threatening inter- national peace and security and jeopardizing the future of the world as a whole. 93. Becoming aware of Israeli crimes, the international community has recognized the rights of the Palestinian people-as it has done so for all colonized peoples-to freedom and independence, to establish its own indepen- dent national State and to self-determination like other peoples. It has also recognized the right of that people to return to its homeland from which it was driven out by force and terror, for the origin of the problem of Palestine 94. The crisis in the Middle East would not have oc- curred without the Zionist racist mentality allied with colonialism, which resulted in all Jews, whether they liked it or not, becoming friends of settler colonialism like the white colonialists of South Africa. Indeed, through ter- rorism, pressure of all kinds and the deformation of truth, the Zionist movement and its regional base, Israel, have been able to prompt thousands upon thousands of Jews to emigrate from their lands of origin and to settle in Pal- estine, thus giving rise to this dispersal of the Arab peo- ple of Palestine. The Zionist movement continues to work for the dispersal of Arabs and Jews at the same time. We say "the dispersal of Jews" because Israel, which from the very beginning has claimed falsely that the Jews were a people without land seeking a land without people, now confronts an internal crisis resulting from the distinction between the elite and the exploited. 95. The counter-immigration which Israel is fighting against, with the co-operation of the United States, is a phenomenon reflecting the disappointment of large sectors of the Israeli community-a community which the United States Administration and others continue to call ideal and democratic. embodying Western values, whereas the world knows today, on account of Israel's intensification of its occupation, its expansionist aims, its evictions and its bloody military adventures, that Israel is a barracks governed by a chosen elite which has beaten the record for driving out Arabs by force and violating their national and human rights. Of course, what happens in Palestine happens also in the occupied Arab territories, because of the expansionist nature of the Zionist entity_ 96. The Arab c~use, following the 1973 war of libera- tion, has made a great deal of progress and the Palestinian revolution has also· gained much ground on the interna- tional scene. So the Camp David conspiracy was hatched to plunder the Palestinian people of their rights recognized in General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX) and other resolutions. Foremost among those rights is the right to self-determination and the right of the Palestinians to re- turn to their homes and to establish an independent State on their own land, under the leadership of their sole au- thentic representative, the PLO. All these capitulation agreements negated the rights of the Palestinian people and made mockery of the major interests of the Arab na- tion. The Egyptian command left the Arab front engaged in the struggle for liberation and joined the front of con- spiracy against the rights of the Palestinian people. That left the way open to Israel to speed up the application of its plan to strip the Palestinian people of its remaining rights under an iniquitous occupat!on that began in 1948 and lasted to 1967. The subterfuge of autonomy-which misled no one-was but a means to give Israel more time to strip the Palestinians of their few remaining rights-. 97. In spite of all these tragic developments. the Palestin- ian people has succeeded in resisting occupation. All sectors of the population-men. women. students. work- ers, the elderly-have resisted the occupation and faced up to Israeli soldiers in American armoured cars. 98. All these tragic developments have not bent the will of the overwhelming majority of the international commu- nity to reveal the true dimensions of the conspiracy em- 99. Our confidence in the international community-the officials and the people-has never wavered. The interna- tional community not only has criticized the Camp David agreements but has condemned them as contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and internationa: law. It has adopted resolutions calling for the restoration of the rights of the Palestinian people. We need merely recall in this connection the sincere and successful efforts of the Com- mittee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian Peoples. In spite of all the difficulties, that Committee has succeeded in championing the rights of the Palestinian people and has called for the realization of those rights without delay. In this it has been supported by the non-aligned countries, by the Organization of Af- rican Unity, by the States of the Organization of the Islam- ic Conference, by the socialist countries and by other countries which have chosen to support what is just and to condemn what is not just. The Palestinian people has not been able up to now to exercise its rights because of the United States veto in the Security Council and the military, economic and financial support given Israel by the United States. That is why we consider the United States primarily responsible for the failure of the work of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. That failure encourages Israel to continue its policy of settler colonization and expansion and to violate human rights in Palestine and elsewhere, to escalate its attacks against the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples and to threaten the Syrian Arab Republic. 100. The United States, with its ally Israel. is doing ev- erything it can to put an end to the only hope for a solu- tion to the Middle East problem by failing to recognize that the Palestinian problem is the central issue in the Middle East crisis and that that crisis can be settled only on the basis of an equitable solution, that is, the recovery by the Palestinian people of their rights. Instead of con- centrating on the Palestinian cause. the United States has been manoeuvring to create another concept, that of the strategic alliance, which has been rejected by the Arab States. The United States has also tried to show its mus- cle through the manoeuvres of its deployment forces in Arab Egypt, named "Bright Star". The United States has also built military bases in Israel and outside it and has stockpiled arms in the region. I0 I. The great American-Israeli conspiracy has recently been given specific form in what has become known as the American-Israeli military alliance, the provisions of which were made public for the first time on I December 1981. We wonder what the objective of that alliance is and of the publicity given to it, the like of which has never been seen in the past, despite the organic links be- tween the dwarf State and the giant State. 102. The reason for that alliance is the official decision of the United States to prevent the Palestinian people from recovering their rights and at the same time to put the reins of power throughout the region in Israel's hands. Furthermore. this military alliance constitutes a danger to 103. Therefore, as Arabs, we cannot but consider the United States to be our principal enemy, because of the very nature of that alliance, which is directed against us and against our aspirations to freedom and economic and political independence; against our struggle at the side of the Palestinian people for the restoration of their usurped rights. T~is alliance has placed the United States and its people, who have not yet realized the dimensions and the disadvantages of such an alliance, in a position of con- frontation ,-"ith the Arab peoples. It is clear that the United States Administration has not learned its lesson from its war in Viet Nam and Cambodia. We should like to remind the United States that the Viet Nam war over- turned all previous concepts, because it was the militarily weaker people that won, tharlks to its determination to defend'its freedom. We are certain that the forces deter- mined to face this new challenge will continue to increase their potential, because every challenge can be met. We remind the United States that the strategic alliance with Israel has destroyed any possibility of peace in the region and any chance of restoring stability and security. This has placed the United States face to face with the Arabs a!ld the United States will therefore bear the heavy re- sponsibility for many international situations and for their repercussions. J04. We should like to take this opportunity to recall also what was said by the Foreign Minister of the Syrian Arab Republic in the general debate, when he gave a warning against a strategic alliance between the United States and Israel: "There still exists for the United States the possibility to consider its policy and depart from this dangerous path which is harmful both to the Arabs and to the interests of the American people." [17th meeting. para. 141.] 105. That appeal was not heeded by the United States Administration. That is why we doubt whether the United States can claim the existence of legitimate interests in our region while that Government fails to recognize our vital interests, in particular our interests regarding the Pal- estinian cause, the rights of the Palestinian people and the liberation of our occupied territories. How can we recog- nize that the United States possesses legitimate interests in our region when that Government puts obstacles in the way of any solution based on a just and comprehensive peace, withdrawal by Israel from all the occupied territo- ries and the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights? 106. The Palestinian question is the fundamentat" ques- tion; the Palestinian people and the Syrian people form part of a single Arab nation, a single Arab homeland. 107. The General Assembly and particularly the Se- curity Council must appreciate the danger that threatens us all, especially the danger concerning the future of the Palestinian people. That is why our resolutions must ana- lyse the results and consequences of that danger. United States resolve and Israeli resolve form a kind of perfect symbiosis following their alliance, and whatever happens in our region will be the result of that alliance, which we 108. 11. conclusion, the Syrian delegation would like to express its appreciation of the efforts made by the Com- mittee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. We are sure that the resolutions of this session will respond appropriately to the grave events which are threatening peace and security in our region, as well as international peace and security.

Romania's position, one of solidarity with and support for the cause of the Palestinian people and the attainment of their rights and legitimate aspirations to a free and independent existence within the context of their own national State, is well known. It was confirmed in the message addressed by our President, Nicolae Ceau§escu, to the President of the General Assembly and the Secretary-General Gn the occasion of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People. 110. In the present complex and contradictory interna- tional circumstances, heightened by trends towards the consolidation and realignment of spheres of influence, it is essential that all States and all peoples intensify their efforts to speed up a settlement of the conflicts and hot- beds of war between States, to settle disputes exclusively by peaceful means and to respect strictly the sacred right of all peoples to free and independent development. That is a position which Romania has always actively de- fended. III . It was in this spirit that from the outset the Roma- nian Government took a dear position on the imperative need for a just political settlement of the problem of the Palestinian people and the ways of achieving that objec- tive. which is of paramount importance to peace in the Middle East and throughout the world. Thus, from the outset we believed that. like any other people. the Palestin- ian people had an inalienable right to organize their lives in accordance with their national interests and to establish their own independent State. In giving expression to that conviction, Romania was one of the first countries to rec- ognize the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Pal- estinian people, and to develop with it relations of friend- ship and co-operation based on equality and mutual respect. Similarly, our country was one of those States that took the initiative in having the Palestinian problem inscribed on the agenda of the General Assembly md which sponsored the resolution by which the PLO was granted observer status in the United Nations [resolution 3237 (XX/X)]. 112. The many meetings and talks between the Presi- dent of Romania and Chairman Yasser Arafat and other PLO representatives have become important aspects of the strengthening of Romanian-Palestinian friendship. 113. As a member of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, and within the General Assembly and the Security Council, Romania has helped to define the specific modalities for a just settlement of the problem of the Palestinian people, with a view to the establishment of lasting peace among all States and peoples of the Middle East. As we have frequently emphasized, we are: firmly convinced that un- less there is a just and acceptable political settlement to 114. Romania has taken a strong position against the acts of force committed by Israel against the population of Palestine, in the Arab territories occupied following the 1967 war and against neighbouring Arab States. We have condemned Israel's illegal practices in the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories, including the establishment of Israeli settlements in those territories, the violation of the Arab historical and cultural heritage. the oppression and discrimination to which the Arab inhabitants are subjected and the plactices designed to change the status and the demographic make-up of those territories, to consolidate the Israeli occupation and to annex parts of the occupied territories. Our repeated appeals for moderation and un- derstanding derive from our belief that abstention from force is an absolute prerequisite for the establishment of the conditions necessary for the political settlement of the problem of the Palestinian people and of other problems existing between Israel and neighbouring Arab States, with a view to bringing peace to that sorely tried part of the world. 115. In accordance with our position of principle. Ro- mania has advocated and continues to advocate firmly the participation of the PLu on a basis of equality in all efforts aimed at a political settlement of the situation in the Middle East. In accordance with the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and with international law. the Palestinian people &re fully entitled to participijte through their legitimate representatives in negotiation!) directed towards a just settlement of the Pal- estinian problem. The participation of the authorized rep- resentatives of the Palestinian people in those negotiations is not only a right but also a necessity, for unless there is such participation a viable solution. to the Palestinian problem and the establishment of lasting peace in the Middle East are simply inconceivable and will remain mere aspirations. 116. The Romanian delegation considers that in the present international circumstances it is all the more nec- essary to intensify political and diplomatic efforts directed towards the establishment of peace in the Middle East. A number of proposals have been made recently aimed at a political settlement of the situation in the region, and this reflects increased concern on the part of States, an in- creased desire to find modalities that will make it possible to overcome the obstacles to peace in the Middle East. 117. As far as Romania is concerned, consistent with its policy of principle, it advocates a solution of the Middle East conflict by the political approach and by negotiation in order to establish a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the total withdrawal of Israel from the !Jab territories it occupied in 1967, including Arab Jeru- salem; to settle the problem of the Palestinian people through recognition of its legitimate rights, including its, right to self-determination and to establish its own inde- ~ndent State; and to assure the independence and sov- ereignty of all the States in the area. As was stressed in the message of the head of State of Romania on the occa- sion of the International Day of Solidarity with the Pal- estinian People, "it is necessary now to intensify political and diplo- matic activity. including that of the United Nations, in order to give a new impetus to the peace process in the 118. We should also like to take this opportunity to em- phasize also our deep conviction that the central problem of the attainment of comprehensive peace in the Middle East depends upon the solution of the Palestinian problem and upon the establishment of conditions that will make it possible to ensure that the Palestinian people are able to realize as soon as possible their natural aspiration to live in their own independent State and to devote their efforts and talents in peace and tranquillity to their free and inde- pendent development towards progress and prosperity. 119. We also believe that ensuring broad participation by the PLO in efforts at the international level aimed at the solution of the problem of the Palestinian people is of particular importance and would have positive effects on the overall efforts to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement in the Middle East. 120. The Romanian delegation is deeply convinced that, in the present international circumstances, the United Na- tions can and must play a more active role in those efforts, just as it must in the political settlement of all situations of tension and conflict. In this connection we might consider the adoption of a resolution calling for the convening of an international conference on the establish- ment of a just and lasting peace in that tormented region of the world, in accordance with the aspirations and hopes of the peoples to live in a climate of peace, tran- quillity, security. co-operation and understanding. 121. For its part, Romania is determined to act in the future, as it has in the past, to make its contribution to the just and lasting settlement of the problems of the Mid- dle East, to the establishment of a comprehensive peace in that area, and to the attainment by the Palestinian peo- ple of their legitimate rights, in the interests ot peace, co- operation and security in that region and throughout the world.

The question of Palestine constitutes the core of the Middle East problem. Since we ar~ to address ourselves to the larger issue in the course of the debate scheduled for next week on the situation in the Middle East, we shall focus our attention here pri- marily on the dimensions of the Palestinian question and developments related specifically to it. 123. First, we would like to reiterate our perception of the Palestinian question, because it occupies a central place, and is indeed the point of departure for defining the problem of the Middle East as a whole. While this is perhaps evident, it is still useful to stress that correctly defining and formulating a problem is the first crucial requisite for finding the solution to it. - 124. Posing the question of Palestine as the crux of the Middle East problem, theTefor~, is not an exercise in se- mantics. Rather, it is the single most important criterion in terms of which any a:-proach to the Middle East prob- lem can be properly assessed. For, in spite of great~r rec- ognition by the international community of the problem of 125. The Government of Turkey believes that a just, compre.:lensive and lasting peace in the Middle East can- not be established without the achievement of a just solu- tion of the problem of Palestine, on the basis of the at- tainment and the unfettered exercise by the Arab Palestinian people of their inalienable rights. The linkage between the question of Palestine and the larger problem of the Middle East of which it is a part is, thus, structural and elemental and not capable of even conceptual separa- tion. No peace effort that does not take account of this umbilical link has any chance of global and lasting suc- cess. 126. The realization of the legitimate aspirations of the Arab Palestinian people will entail the achievement of those conditions that would unavoidably be elements of a larger Middle East '::dtlement. Two such conditions of pri- mary importance are the withdrawal of Israel from all the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since June 1967, including Jerusalem, on the one hand, arid respect by Israel for the special character and status of Je'1lsalem, on the other. 127. Turkey has long believed and consistently argued that the Arab Palestinian people have rights which are in- alienable and which, therefore, cannot be the subject of compromise. Those rights are so fundamental that their articulation and affirmation at every opportunity must be viewed as a duty in the interests of justice and peace in the Middle East. Hence, we solemnlv reaffirm those rights of the Arab Palestinian people in ·our reiteration of .. them before the General Assembly. They are: first, the ~ right to return to their homes and property; secondly, the right to self-determination without external interference; thirdly, the right to national independence and sov- ereignty; and, fourthly, the right to establish their own independent sovereign State. 128. The Government of Turkey further considers that the PLO, the representative of the Palestinian people, has the right to participate on an equal footing in all under- takings within the United Nations that cOncern the future of the Palestinian people. 129. The resolution of the Palestinian question, in the view of the Turkish Government, will be significantly fa- cilitated when it becomes possible for the Pill to partici- pate in the peace-making process- as a full partner. 130. Just as there can be no peace in the Middle East without a just solution of the Palestinian question, so there can be no discussion of consequence of the Palestin- ian question and the future of the Palestinian pe\)ple without the equal participation of the Pill. 131. We support the recommendations of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestin- ian People as reasonable guidelines for a just soluti9n of the question of Palestine. Those recommendations have received the endorsement of the General Assembly for a number of years now, but the Security Council has so far not found it possible to act upon them. 132. Turkey, as a member of the Committee, feels that by its endorsement of those recommendations once again the General Assembly would be attesting to the validity of the principles and elements contained in them. 134. Israeli practices, which also constitute a violation of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949,5 are deplorable, and Israel should desist from such actions forthwith. Needless to say, Israel should also dismantle all existing settlements in those territories and refrain from establishing new ones. 135. Another dimension of the question with which Tur- key has been closely involved is the humanitarian aspect of the Palestinian refugee problem. We must emphasize that the refugee problem is ultimately political in nature- that is, no humanitarian measure, however effective, will be sufficient to eliminate the refugee problem unless and until a just and lasting solution is found for the overall question of Palestine. But, in the meantime, we must at- tend to the immediate needs of lhe Palestinian refugees and try to alleviate their suffering. UNRWA·· has per- formed invaluable service:, but unfortunately the Agency is faced with severe financial difficulties. The need to create a sounder and more stable financial base is evident and we feel that the suggestions of the Commissioner- General and of the Working Group on the Financing of UNRWA, particularly with respect to the initiation of in- formal consultations on this matter, warrant serious con- sideration. 136. The question of Jerusalem has a very special place not only within the larger context of the Middle East sit- uation, but also in relation to the question of Palestine. The Turkish Government does not in any way recognize any measure taken by Israel affecting or purporting to change the status of AI-Quds AI-Sharif and considers all such measures null and void. Continued failure on Israel's part to comply with the United Nations resolutions on Jerusalem will make the solution of the problem of Pal- estine all thp. more difficult. 137. In the past year we have not moved closer to a solution of the problem. There are some points of <;onso- lation, however. One is that the recognition of Palestinian rights has been consolidated in the world as a whole and has found new and greater understanding, particularly in the West. Another is the important initiative undertaken by Saudi Arabia, an initiative that was pqlised by the Prime Minister of Turkey and that contains positive ele- ments specifically related to the question of Palestine. 138. Turkey will continue to support and encourage all reasonable initiatives aimed at the full realization of the inalienable rights of the Arab Palestinian people, ini- tiatives which have the support of, and provide for the participation of, the Arab Palestinian people and its repre- sentative, the Pill. 139. In conclusion, I should like to confirm that Turkey will support all the draft resolutions before the General 140. Mr. TUENI <Lebanon) (interpretation from Arabic): The P.alestinian question, which we are discussing today, is older than the General Assembly. Every year since the decision on partition-that is, for 33 years-this question has been before us and before the entire world from a new angle and with new dimensions. Whenever a nation, large or small, believes that it has to bring before the United Nations a serious problem that is greater than ours and should supplant it, that nation realizes, along with the United Nations, that Palestine is still at the centre of the storm. There is in fact no greater threat to peace, because this question relates to Jerusalem, the meeting point of religion and history, the place where the will of God is trenslated into the deeds of man. 141. This year again we fear war, perhaps even more than in previous years. But some of us also fear a peace that could be worse than a war. Neither peace within such a framework, nor war itself is an end in itself. What is important is that all the objective conditions be met for lasting peace to be established and war to be made impos- sible. This means balance and harmony between national desires and international justice. 142. In this connection I wish to pay a tribute to the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People for the tremendous efforts it has made. Its report and its work reflect the universal vision which alone can save the Organization and the Middle East. 143. . In this respect, we also express our appreciation of the words of the representative of the PLO-that is, the representative of the Government of Palestine in exile and Palestine in place-wh.en in moving terms he spoke of the Palestinian identity. the Palestinian homeland. for which the Palestinian people can accept no replacement. Those words confirmed the rejection of the conspiracies to find lands in which to install the Palestinians, to the detriment of the inhabitants of those lands, and rejection of peace outside the Palestinian homeland, a military peace in the occupied territories, which would mean that the revolutionary war would be carried on in the immigra- tion areas, which would also be to the detriment of the inhabitants of those areas. 144. My country, Lebanon, has paid more dearly than any other, and continues to pay, the price of these conspir- acies. Therefore, for us, alongside the Palestinian cause there is the Lebanese cause. which represents the greatest , tragedy and an equally flagrant injustice. Lebanon has the . right-indeed, the duty-while paying a tribute to the attitude of the representative of the PLO, to recall certain essential questions within the framework of the present debate. 145. First. recognItion of Israel is subjected to certain conditions. the first of which is that Israel recognize, in law and in fact. the P'dlestinian homeland and the right.of the Palestinian people to return to it. For there will be no 146. Secondly, Israel is benefiting from the so-called peace efforts which are being actively made in the region to abolish the international juridical conditions of peace. Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which certain par- ties are reproached for rejecting completely, has been pro- gressively stripped of its meaning by Israel and has thus become ineffective, even for those countries which had made it the corner-stone of their policy. Israel refuses to withdraw from the occupied Palestine territories, to which it gives new names. Israel is judaizing Jerusalem and creating a division between the peoples and their land, inventing theories of sovereignty and autonomy which ignore science and logic. As a result, if resolution 242 (1967) is one day accepted by everybody, it will be no more than a formula, devoid of reason and meaning. 147.' Thirdly, there is the risk that resolution 242 (1967) will meet the fate of resolution 425 (1978) by which the Council tried to restore peace in southern Lebanon by creating an international force and ordering Israel's with- drawal. But Israel did not withdraw; it delimited a zone in the south for the international force. We fear that zone in southern Lebanon may become another West Bank which will then be annexed by Israel, in accordance with its old, well-known ambitions. 148. Fourthly, the war in southern Lebanon, now in the stage of a cease-fire, has threatened and stilI threatens the international force itself, whose reliability became some- what doubtful when the war moved to the north of that force's zone, from one town to another, until it reached the capital, Beirut, with the brutal, tragic raid that left hundreds of innocent dead and did irreparable damage to the life of that city. 149. Lebanon confirms all ihose facts, which have been cited by many preceding speakers, in order to emphasize once again that the war in Lebanon threatens not only the future of Lebanon or the Palestinian cause but also the Middle East as a whole and world peace. Aware of this fact, the Arab kings and other leaders, at their Twelfth Summit Conference, held at Fez in November, were never more unanimous than on the resolution on Lebanon, which states that "the problem of southern Lebanon is as much an Arab responsibility as it is a Lebanese responsi- bility . . . the increasing dangers which confront south- ern Lebanon ... do not threaten Lebanon alone, but also reach beyond Lebanon to imperil all Arab States, the Palestine question, and the entire region". x 150. That resolution reflects the concern of the Arab States for the territorial integrity of Lebanon and its unity, and for ensuring stability and putting an end to the trag- edy. 151 . In referring to that resolution, my delegation is not simply setting forth an attitude, but bringing out a fact- that peace in Lebanon and elsewhere remains the very essence of and the direct link between the Arab countries. 152. The historical truth is that the Arab countries, within and outside Lebanon, respond to war with peace. They respond to Israeli expansion of the war by an even greater attachment to the resolutions of the United Na- tions, as is preved by the resolution quoted from, which 153. Arab strategy, in Lebanon and outside Lebanon, continues to be a strategy of peace. Even resistance, Pal- estinian or Lebanese, is a means of seeking peace, a peace that will guarantee our national rights and interna- tional justice. On behalf of that peace, Lebanon has said and repeats today that wars conducted by others on its territory will not succeed in crushing it. On the contrary, it will be a new version of the story of the sorcerer's apprentice, whose art was turned against him. Instead of this mini-war preventing a big-Power war, we see it be- coming a hotbed of conflagration for the communities and States of the region, thereby threatening the peace of the great and of the small, and of all those in between.

Tension in the Mid- dle East, which has been caused by the militaristic aspira- tions of the United States and the aggressiveness of Israel, has not been reduced; on the contrary, it is increasing. This cannot fail to cause concern to the international com- munity. Historic Arab lands remain under Israeli occupa- tion. The inalienable rights of the Arab people of Pal- estine have not been restored. 155. Challenging world public opinion and impudently ignoring the rules of international law, the Israeli au- . thorities continue to extend their aggression and brigand- age against the Arab peoples. A further stage in the esca- lation of the State policy of international terrorism was the barbaric bombing in July this year by the Israeli mili- tary of peaceful Lebanese cities and villages and Palestin- ian refugee camps. As a member of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian Peo- ple, the representative of the Ukrainian SSR had the ho- nour of visiting Lebanon with a delegation of the Com- mittee in August this year to see on the spot the damage which had been caused by these attacks. We were shaken by what we saw. As a result of Israeli bombing and shoot- ing from the air, sea and land, hundreds of completely innocent people were killed, mainly women, children and old people. Thousands were wounded. The targets of the attacks were basically civilian. 156. In our opinion, one of the main purposes of Is- rael's aggressive actions, including this latest one, in Lebanon, which have been going on for many years now, is to put down the Palestine re~istance movement. From numerous United Nations documents, including the recent report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, and also from the state- ments made by the representative of the PLO, it is quite obvious that in the past year the Palestinian people under occupation have continued to be the victims of acts of violence, torture and repression. The Israeli authorities continue to expel the Arabs from lands that belong to them and to deprive them of their property. The criminal practice of deporting Palestinians and creating new Israeli settlements has continued, as has that of changing the his- toric character of Jerusalem. Thus, we have evidence of the practice of colonization by the Israeli authorities of 158. We are profoundly convinced that that alliance and the unreserved support for Israel's criminal acts by the United States have encouraged Israel to continue its pol- icy of expansion vis-a.-vis the Arab peoples, to perpetuate its occupation of Arab lands, to flout the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people which have been recog- nized by the United Nations, and to suppress the Palestin- ian resistance movement. 159. The Israeli leaders have frequently stated and have not concealed the fact that they intend to maintain control over the occupied territories, to continue their "coloniza- tion", to prevent the Palestinian refugees returning there and not to permit the establishment of an independent Pal- estinian State. That is the main purpose of the Camp David collusion, the participants in which are making attempts to replace with negotiations on so-called "auton- omy" for the Palestinians the solution of the fundamental problem of the Middle East, that of granting the Arab people of Palestine the opportunity to exercise their legiti- mate right to self-determination and to create their own State. 160. We are deeply convinced that it is essential to solve the Palestinian problem as quickly as possible and to secure a comprehensive Middle East settlement. This can be done only by means of collective efforts on a just and realistic basis. A realistic and constructive way of se- curing such a settlement is, we believe, to be found in the proposal put forward by the Soviet Union on the conven- ing of an international conference on the Middle East, to be held with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. 161. In conclusion, my delegation wishes to say that the Ukrainian SSR has constantly supported the just cause of the Arab people of Palestine. Its dauntless struggle for the enjoyment of its inalienable national rights has won it the sympathy and respect of the Ukrainian people. It is our hope that, during the current session of the General As- sembly, specific and useful decisions will be worked out, aimed at reaching a just solution of the Palestinian prob- lem.

I have the honour of speaking on behalf of the 10 member States of the European Community. 163. The IQ member States continue to be deeply con- scious of the importance of the problem of Palestine for the future peace and security of the Middle East. They remain firmly of the view that a just solution of this prob- 164. The essence of any solution must be the reconcilia- tion of the State of Israel and the Palestinian people, so that these two realities can live together in peace and security. The 10 member States, basing themselves on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), have set out in the Venice Declaration of 13 June 19807 the two fundamental principles which they believe must govern the search for such a reconciliation. These princi- ples are the right to existence and to security of all the States in the region, including Israel, and justice for all the peoples, which implies the recognition of the legiti- mate rights of the Palestinian people. If the parties con- cerned can be brought to accept both these basic princi- ples, the European Community believes that this will represent an important step towards the just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement which is so sorely needed. 165. The European Community considers that certain important consequences follow from these two principles. Al1 the countries in the area have the right to live in peace within secure, recognized and guaranteed borders. A just solution must be found to the Palp.stinian problem, which is more than simply a problem of refugees. The Palestinian people must be enabled, by an appropriate process defined within the framework of the comprehen- sive peace settlement, to exercise fully its right to self- determination. Israel must put an end to the territorial oc- cupation which it has maintained since the conflict of 1967. Negotiations leading to a comprehensive peace s~t­ tlement should be based on the recognition and imple- mentation of the twin rights of Israel to existence and se- curity and of the Palestinian people to self-determination. 166. The European Council, at its meeting in Luxem- bourg on 2 December 1980, noted9 that a number of dif- ferent formulas were possible to give substance to some of the principles of the Venice Declaration. In order to explore these formulas more thoroughly and encourage a more favourable climate for negotiations, the President of the European Community undertook at the Council's re- quest a further round of contacts with the parties con- cerned during the first haif of this year. . 167. Underlying such contacts was the Community's recognition that a just and lasting peace settlement pre- supposes the support and commitment of al1 the parties concerned. The 10 member States have continued to make it clear that the principles of the Venice Declaration apply to each of the parties without exception. They have reiterated that they apply therefore to the Palestinian peo- ple, and to the PLO, which will have to be associated with negotiations. With this in mind, the PLO was in- cluded in the various contacts made. 168. At the same time the members of the European Community have continued to appeal for the creation of a climate of confidence and understanding as an important element in the search for a comprehensive peace settle- ment. They stress that such a climate can be achieved only by an end to acts of violence and by the parties concerned taking positive steps, both in their pronounce- ments and their actions, to foster such a c1imate~ 170. The European Community takes note of the report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. The views of the mem- ber States of the Community and the reservations which have been expressed in regard to the Committee are well known. At the same time they are grateful for the appre- ciative reference to their efforts which the Committee made in its report [A/36/35. para. 31]. I'll. The European Council, at its meeting in Luxem- bourg on I July this ye~r, decided to instruct its Ministers to elaborate further the practical possibilities available to Europe to make an effective contribution towards a com- prehensive Middle East peace settlement. Since then the member States have been actively pursuing their efforts. At the same time they have felt obliged to stress that ulti- ma~ely it must be for the parties themselves to do the negotiating if such a lasting settlement is to be achieved. 172. The members of the European Community regard as helpful all clear statements of interest in a peaceful settlement, and in the context of the search for a negoti- ated comprehensive peace settlement in the Middle East they have welcomed the eight-point statement made by Crown Prince Pahd ibn Abdul Aziz of Saudi Arabia. 2 The British presidency of the Community, in the person of Lord Carrington, made a visit to Saudi Arabia at the be- ginning of November for a discussion with the Saudi Government of its approach and that of the Community on the subject. . 173. The European Community also considers that the recently announced decision of four of its member States-France, Italy, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom-to participate in the multinational force in Sinai meets the wish frequently expressed by members of the Community to facilitate any progress in the direction of a comprehensive peace settlement in the Middle East, on the basis of mutual acceptance of the right to existence and security of all the States in the area and the need for the Palestinian people to exercise fully its right to self- determination. 174. In conclusion, the 10 member States of the Euro- pean Community take this opportunity to reaffirm their support for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Recognition of these rights remains one of the two funda- mental principles to which I have referred and which, in the Community's view, must underlie the search for a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement in the Middle East.

The Observer of the Palestine Liberation Organization has asked to be allowed to reply to a statement made by one of the speakers in the general debate. I give him the floor on the basis of General As- sembly resolution 3237 (XXIX). 177. It has become a common practice for Zionist repre- sentatives, whenever they run out of convincing argu- ments in seeking to rationalize and legitimize their his- toric aggression and the daily crimes that they commit against the Palestinian people and the Arab nation, to resort to diversionary tactics with the aim of misleading international public opinion and the international commu- nity. 178. The Israeli representative alleges that Jordan should be the State for the Palestinians, thus relieving the inter- national Zionist movement, and its concrete political crea- tion, Israel, of its historic responsibility towards the Pal- estinian people, and in this simple way settling the Palestinian question. We should like to reaffirm that Jor- dan is the homeland of the Jordanian people. and Jordan was an independent State .long before -the-illegal creation of the State of Israel on the land of Palestine. The Palestin- ian people are in Jordan not from choice but by force- in the same way that the Palestinian people are in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq and other places in the world. They are in Jordan because they cannot be in Pal- estine. They are in Jordan because Blum is in Palestine and because Menachem Begin, who was born in Poland, is in Palestine and because 65 per cent of the colonial settlers who are now living in Palestine were not pre- viously in Palestine and are taking the place of the Pales- tinians. 179. Probably 90 per cent of the Israeli delegation here at the United Nations are part of the colonial settler movement in Palestine, and none of them was even born in Palestine. Yet they want to deny the right of the Palestin- ians who were born in Palestine to live and exercise their inalienable right, which is theirs by divine and by human law, to live in their own homeland, free of foreign domi- nation. 180. But this is the mentality of the Zionist colonizers, a mentality that is based on and was conceived in racism and exclusivity. What is the criterion, moral or legal, for the presence of Menachem Begin and his clique in Pal- estine, except that they are Jews? I happen not to be Jew- ish: that is the only criterion for my exclusion and the exclusion of the Palestinians from Paiestine. In the same way, the right of citizenship in the apartheid regime of South Africa is reserved for the white minority at the ex- pense of the indigenous people of South Africa, the black majority of South Africa. 181. The second point raised by the representative of Israel concerned the aims and objectives of the PLO in Palestine. We definitely consider political, social and eco- nomic institutions of the State of Israel, based on the rac- ist Zionist ideology, to be illegal. The only social reality is the people who are living there. 182. In Mr. Kaddouml's statement this morning [80th meeting], he spoke of the coexistence of the Jewish com- munity and the Palestinian community in the land of Pal- estine on a basis of equality. That is one of the proposals that we have made, to equate the Jew who arrived in Pal- estine from Brooklyn yesterday with the Palestinian who 184. As regards the Camp David accords as a formula for peace, none other than a member of the Israeli Knesset, Uri Avinieri, said that it could not be a formula for peace; it was a declaration of war, a war against the national existence of the Palestinian people. That is so, because it seeks to legitimize the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestine. This should not be accepted, since it has been rejected by the overwhelming majority of the inter- national community, including every Member State of the United Nations-except, of course, Israel and the United States. It is a violation of the Charter of the United Na- tions and of the principles of human and legal behaviour. Therefore, it has been rejected and will be rejected, as it has been rejected by the Palestinian people within and outside the occupied Palestinian territories. 185. Today in the Gaza Strip there is a general strike against the imposition of autonomy, or the so-called civil- ian administration of Gaza. Israel daily increases its re- pression of the Palestinians. Only last month four young Palestinian students were murdered in Israeli goals. 186. So, enough of the arrogance of the Israelis, be- cause if they seek to mislead the international community they are dehumanizing the Jewish community in Pal- estine.

At this late stage in our debate I should like on behalf of my' delegation to address the crux of the issue before us by presenting to the Assembly a few thoughts on the policy of apartheid of the racist regime of South Africa. 188. The General Assembly has been considering this question for several days. The fact that it has held the attention of the General Assemblv almost since the crea- tion of the United Nations testifies.to the major concern of the international community about that scourge, which the Assembly has described as a crime against humanity. This also testifies to the Assembly's determination to do everything in its power to eradicate it and to promote the establishment of a multiracial democratic society in south- 190. The Pretoria racists try to find justification for that odious policy in a Christian morality which would make the black race a race damned since the days of its mythi- cal ancestor, Ham-which, however, has in no way pre- vented them from consorting with that race, with decid- edly fruitful results. Moreover, the racists pose as defenders of Western Christian civilization in that part of the world, and to that end do not hesitate to carry out massacres, such as those at SharpeviIle, Sowetc and Kas- singa, and to practise torture and all sorts of ill-treatment of the black peoples and captured freedom fighters. 191. Is it in the name of that same morality that the illegal minority of Pretoria carries out barbarous attacks on neighbouring States, maintaining tension and in- stability, whose dangerous escalation seriously threatens international peace and security in the region; that it per- sists, in spite of the many resolutions of the General As- sembly and the Security Council, in its illegal occupation of Namibia and its manoeuvres intended to prevent the Namibian people exercising its right to self-determination and genuine independence? 192. It is undeniable that radal discrimination is con- demned by the value systems of liberal ethics and of so- cialist ethics. Therefore, we would have expected the combined efforts of the international community to put an end to the racist regime of Pretoria, by isolating it and giving aid and assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa and its national liberation movement, to be crowned with success. 193. Unfortunately: that has not happened. The racist regime is stilI in place, and its economic and military strength continue to grow. In the face of the insurrection of the oppressed masses its armoury of oppression be- comes more and more brutal. Intimidation, physical vio- lence, torture, murder and summary executions have be- come everyday occurrences. In the face of the increasing dangers presented by the magnitude of the irresistible struggle of the black people to win their dignity, South Africa, despite the opposition of the international commu- nity, has been intensifying the application of its policy of bantustanization. As for the many resolutions adopted by the Assembly aimed at enforcement action against that il- legal racist minority, they have remained without effect. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/36/22 and Corr. 1], which is excellent, is particularly enlightening in this connection. 194. How can such a paradox be explained? In the view of Cameroon, the answer is clear. Because of its extensive and numerous mineral resources, its cheap black man- power and its geo-strategic position, South Africa, in a world dominated by the rivalry of Powers seeking spheres of influence, raw materials, military bases, markets and 196. However, we welcome the measures taken by the Nordic countries and many other countries aimed at dis- couraging collaboration with South Africa in the eco- nomic, cultural, military and nuclear fields, as well as in sports. 197. The United Republic of Cameroon, whose well- known position has often been reaffirmed here and else- wpere, for its part firmly condemns the policy of apartheid. It does not maintain any relationship of any kind with the odious and condemned regime of apartheid. It supports and applies strictly all the relevant resolutions adopted by the Organization in its efforts to compel South Africa to abandon its inhuman policy. A member of the Liberation Committee of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] , the United Republic of Cameroon firmly supports the liberation movements of southern Africa in their noble struggle for the dignity of their peoples. 198. Faithful to the ideals, principles and objectives of the Charter, as well as to its commitment to contribute to the complete liberation of Africa from colonialism, racial discrimination and apartheid, the United Republic of Cameroon today as in the past supports all the draft reso- lutions submitted by the. Special Committee against Apartheid. As was stated recently by Mc. Ahmadou Ahidjo! President of the United Republic of Cameroon: "With respect, in particular, to the persistence of colonial and racist domination in southern Africa, Cameroon continues, and will continue in the future, to denounce and to struggle, together with all anti-colo- nialist and anti-raci§t organizations and forces, inter alia, the OAU, the United Nations, the front-line States and the South West Africa People's Organization, against colonial exploitation and the system of apartheid maintained in Namibia and Azania." 199. Mc. SARRE (Senegal) (interpretation from French): I should like first of all to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General and to co~gratulate the Special Committee against Apartheid, under the skilful and competent lead- ership of our colleague, Mr. Maitama-Sule, on its unceas- ing efforts to wipe out that scourge of this century, apartheid. 200. The Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Ra- cial Discrimination, which began on 10 December 1973, will run its term in two years' time, and yet very little progress on the matter will have been achieved because of the attitude of South Africa, which continues deliberately to ignore the relevant Gen~ral Assembly and Security Council resolutions: We could even go so far as to say that the more resolutions we adopt on this matter and the more appeals we make, the more South Africa redoubles its efforts to consolidate the system of apartheid;' 202. . The application of such measures has necessitated the strengthening of the powers of repression and the mili- tary capability of South Africa. We may rest assured-or, rather,. we must deplore the fact-that South Africa has not failed to take the measures called for. It is stated in a publication entitled "The Apartheid War Machine" that the present strength of the armed forces of apartheid is approximately 230,000 regular serving men. This figure represents an increase of more than 150 per cent since 1974 and more than 50 per cent since 1977. South Africa's military expenditures for the budgetary year 1981:'1982 must be 3 billion rand, that is, an increase of more than 300 per cent since 1974 and of slightly more than 50 per cent since 1977. With this background infor- mation it is very easy to appreciate the degree of mili- tarization of South African industry. 203. In the light of all this machinery which has been so carefully planned and set up in South Africa to pre- serve apartheid, the resistance movement, not being able to make Pretoria see reason, has been forced in spite of itself to engage in armed struggle. It is very edifying to read the affirmation of a nationalist, writing in the pub- lication entitled aThe Sun Will Rise", that "I was and I still am essentially a peaceful person who believes that, in order to deal with the violence that is being used against us, we are compelled to defend ourselves: there is no pos- sible alternative". That clearly shows that the black South African aspires, quite rightly, to be treated with the dig- nity and the respect due to any human being. The na- tionalists of the African National Congress [ANC] and the Pan Africanist Congress [PAC] , who deserve our full sympathy and support, share .his view. 204. The international community has unanimously de- nounced and condemned the system of apartheid-that cultural, political, economic and social evil-which has been institutionalized by the South African Government. Because of what follows in its wake, it is indeed a serious threat to international peace and security. Hence, it is es- sential for the Organization to study ways and means of ensuring effective implementation of the resolutions it has adopted on this matter. Let us recall that this involves putting an end to all military and nuclear collaboration with South Africa; imposing on it an effective embargo, particularly on petroleum; no longer granting it any in- vestments or loans; putting an end to all commercial transactions; and refusing to provide South Africa with essential supplies, particularly electronic and telecom- munications hardware. Those measures may well prove effective, because it has been clearly established that the South African economy is largely dependent on outside sources.

The mercenary act of aggression against the people of Seychelles once again brings home the fact that the criminality of the apartheid system is suffered not only by the heroic people of that nation but also by other, neighbouring peoples. They, too, are sub- jected to acts of direct and indirect aggression, such as these mercenary activities which threaten international peace and security. ' 207. For that reason, the Government and people of Nicaragua, which also suffers the scourge of mercenaries promoted by those who support and shelter the racist re- gime of Pretoria, wishes to convey a message of soli- darity to that sister nation in the face of this most recent act of aggression committed by the common enemies of the right of peoples to self-determination-an act of ag- gression that was valiantly rejected. 208. This act of aggression cannot be separated from the persistent attempts of the Pretoria regime to destabilize neighbouring co~ntries. It reaffirms the fact that the pol- icies and acts of the apartheid regime-inter alia, the intensification of its acts of aggression and its refusal to grant independence to Namibia-constitute a grave threat to international peace and security. 209. One can almost get lost in the welter of resolutions that the Organization has devoted, and continues to de- vote, to the quest for the restoration of the inalienable rights of the people of South Africa-rights usurped with impunity by a racist and criminal minority regime. 210. The apartheid regime has responded with defiance, with atrocities and brutality to the just demands of the South African people and the international community. We wish by our present statement to pay a tribute to the heroic people of South Africa, to its vanguard, ANC, and to those imprisoned, tortured, assassinated and persecuted patriots who have struggled to win the alternative of free- dom and dignity. The Nicaraguan people, just like peo- ples throughout the world, is with them and supports their noble objective. But the eradication of the apartheid regime is the task of all, and the international community is aware of its responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and its liberation movement. 211. It is encouraging to note that, while the Pretoria regime is practising indiscriminate repression, humiliating treatment, torture and assassinations, the patriots strug- gling to satisfy the claims of their oppressed people and its liberation movements demonstrate to the world the jus- tice of their struggle. To that people, an example of the grandeur of mankind, we extend the solidarity and sup- port of a free people, the people of Nicaragua. 212. It is no less encouraging that at the last meeting of ministers of the non-aligned countries there was a demand for the immediate, unconditional release of all South Af- rican political prisoners who continue to languish in the goals of the racist regime. 214. The Pretoria regime's defiance of the United Na- tions is shared by the defenders of that regime. As a re- sult of the constant military and nuclear collaboration on the part of certain States, South Africa's programme of military expansion and nuclear development has made fur- ther progress. It is my delegation's view that any such assistance, direct or indirect, is a crime against the people of South Africa, against Nalliibia and against the front- line States, as well as defiance of the authority of the United Nations and an affront to the conscience of man- kind. 215. Undoubtedly, a most important role is played in the survival of that odious regime by the participation of transnational corporations, in the field of trade as well as in South Africa's nuclear and military development. Moreover, that co-operation, besides constituting a hostile act against the oppressed South African people, encour- ages the regime to persist in its aggressive policy, which endangers international peace and security. 216. Viewed from that standpoint, the panorama is grim, indeed. The contempt of S~uth Africa's allies for the mandate of the international community indicates to us that their voracious appetite for wealth is greater than their moral commitment to the African continent, and that the Ilves of our South African brothers are being stifled by the economic interests of the transnationals. 217. But while the racist regime and its allies stead- fastly defy the United Nations, the people of South Africa is valiantly and courageously winning victories against its entrenched enemies, confident of the support of all man- kind in its struggle against infamy. 218. The determination of a people to struggle for its freedom must be given the broadest support of the inter- national community. Only by supporting that struggle can we be fair to our brothers in South Africa. Such support is not a responsibility that may be side~stepped. Solidarity with the people of South Africa is tantamount to soli- darity with all of Africa, with the front-line States, with the OAU, which is playing so decisive a role in that strug- gle, and with all non-governmental organizations that are , endeavouring to find a solution. By the same token, it . serves to strengthen the purposes of the Special Commit- . tee against Apartheid itself. It also means working to- wards the goals of the Namibian people, with which the people of South Africa has common enemies. It means rejecting bantustanization, that delight of the racists; it means resolutely condemning all arbitrary measures. Lastly, to the Revolutionary Government of Nicaragua, solidarity with the people of South Africa means being 220. We condemn apartheid because of its systematic discrimination on the basis of race and colour. A majority of the South African population is denied the legitimate exercise of its political rights. This form of institu- tionalized racial discrimination is firmly rejected by my country. The homelands policy has always been firmly opposed by the Netherlands. This policy of separate de- velopment, planned to Iilake the non-white population for- eigners in their own country, is doomed to failure. My Government therefore condemns the impending proclama- tion of independence of Ciskei and will join the interna- tional community in withholding recognition from that artificially created homeland. 221. The fate of Africans residing in the urban areas is equally miserable. They are confronted with a vast array of repressive legislation and they are restricted in their freedom of movement, residence or employment. The hated pass laws are an insult to the dignity of any Af- rican, man or woman. In order to enforce those laws and to stifle any opposition, the South African State has at its disposal a variety of means of repression. The practice of detention and bannings and the imprisonment of people who give expression to their convictions make for a truly repressive society. 222. The cycle of violence was again stepped up with the forced eviction of squatters from the Nyanga camp last August. The determination of the South African Gov- ernment in denying civil liberties and squelching dissent has recently hardened. That attitude does not reflect, in the opinion of my Government, any understanding on the part of the South African authorities for the need to ad- dress the complex problems of a multiracial society in a constructive spirit and with a sense of elementary justice. 223. After a flicker of hope, the Government of South Africa apparently abandoned its intention to pursue mean- ingful reform and resigned itself to continued immobility and repression. Expectations that the urgent and 'lecessary reforms would finally be implemented and that the struc- tures of apartheid would be dismantled were disap- pointed. That has led to further indignation and despair. Death sentences were imposed, prompt;ng international calls for clemency. At the same time, boycotts, strikes and acts of peaceful resistance were suppJ."essed with force and raids were conducted over the borders with neigh- bouring States. . 224. We noted that the Prime Minister's constitutional initiatives, the Black Advisory Council and the Presi4ent's Council, failed 10 gain support from the black COInmU- 22~. The Netherlands Government intends to promote peaceful change with a view to bringing about a multi- racial society based on equality, in which every citizen, whatever the colour of his skin, can participate in shaping South Africa's destiny. To that end we wish to maintain our dialogue, but we are also ready to intensify pressure on the South African authorities. My country will frrst of all pursue its policy of active opposition to racial discrim- ination through the organs of the United Nations. The Organization has from the beginning been steadfast in up- holding its principles and purposes when confronted with the apartheid policies of the South African Government. Thus we strictly respect the terms of Security Council res- olution 418 (1977), which instituted a mandatory arms embargo against South Aftica. In fact, the sale of arms by the Netherlanu"" ~qd already long been prohibited on a voluntary basis. 226. In addition we shall contribute, both nationally and in close co-operation with our partners in the European Community, to the establishment of freedom, progress and equality in South Africa. My Government considers that the collective weight of the 10 members of the Com- munity provides an important means to influence events in that country. The Community adopted a Code of Con- duct for Companies with Subsidiaries, Branches or Repre- sentation in South Africa. 1O By following progressive and non-discriminatory policies with regard to wages and em- ployment, those companies can contribute to social change: 227. The Netherlands Government views with the great- est concern any development leading to the acquisition by South Africa of a nUclear-weapons capability. No nuclear exports from the Netherlands have taken place or will take place to South Africa. We urge the Government of South Africa to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Prolifera- tion of Nuclear Weapons or, as a minimum, to accept full-scope safeguards on its nuclear installations. 228.. My Government considers that increased interna- tional pressure is necessary since South Africa continues to violate United Nations resolutions and remains unwill- ing to initiate necessary and fundamental reforms. Selec- tive economic measures against South Africa should pref- erably be decided upon by the Security Council or be implemented by a sufficient number of other countries in a position to exert meaningful pressure. 229. However, my Government feels that the pressure on South Africa should also be increased by initiatives taken by the Netherlands on an autonomous baSIS. With due regard to its international obligations the Netherlands Government is in the process of considering a number of specific actions: first, participation, in as effective a man- ner as possible, in the existing voluntary embargo on the supply of oil to South Africa; secondly, regulations con- cerning investments !tl South Africa; and thirdly, Hmita- tion of certain imports from that country. 230. These future actions will complement a number of steps which my Government has taken in the past. We 231. The Netherlands is strongly committed to giving aid to political prisoners and their families. Consequently, we shall continue to contribute to the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa and the International Defence and Aid Fund, which have distinguished them~elves by their efforts in support of the victims of persecutipn. My Government also provides humanitarian and educational assistance through South African anti-apartheid move- ments. 232. The continuation of apartheid also has grave im- plications for the southern African subregion. The sup- pression of the aspirations of the black majority creates tensions and leads to an increasingly aggressive attitude by the South African authorities. Since the countries sur- rounding South Africa-with the tragic exception of Namibia-have reached independence, their stability .is threatened by military and political pressure from South Africa. Military actions add to the burden of the local populations and the ultimate survivability of multiracial coexistence in southern Africa is challenged. Individually, and together with our partners in the European Commu- nity, the Netherlands attaches priority to providing finan- cial aid to the so-called front-line States. From its incep- tion, encouragement and material support have been given to the Southern African Development Co-ordination Con- ference, through which the peripheral States strive to lessen their economic dependence on South Africa. 233. We shall continue to provide assistance to these efforts of mutual co-operation and self-reliance, as we have done again recently. They contribute to our common goal of creating a prosperous and free Africa where peo- ple will be equal irrespective of colour, creed or race.

Almost since the time the United Nations was founded the ugly item of apartheid has appeared on the agenda of the General Assembly. Each year we gather to reason with, to persuade and to exhort the Government of South Africa to give up what'to us is an irrational State policy. 235. Since 1962 when the Special Committee against Apartheid was established at·the seventeenth session of the General Assembly under resolution 1761 (XVII), it: has worked hard to review the apartheid policy ana its international repercussons. Each year it lays before uS a well-documented report which must have been difficult for the Committee to write. Difficult not because it had to collate so much factual material, but difficult because the Committee had to filter through the enormous suffering imposed upon a people in order to prepare the report. 236. This one issue which has occupied the time of the General Assembly for 30 years is clear evidence that the nations of the earth, except South Africa, believe in one abiding principle-that a man has c~rtain basic human rights. And these rights cannot be abrogated, least of all on the grounds of race. This is the basic tenet of racial 237. After nearly 30 years of international condemna- tion the white supremacist Government of South Africa is proclaiming that political initiatives for reforms are being taken. Ostensibly these reform measures are to remove what it calls "hurtful and unnecessary discrimination". This is mere rhetoric, because the pillars of the apartheid system have not been touched. The Pretoria Government has tried to set up bodies such as the Coloured Represen- tative Council and the South African Indian Council, but these, fortunately, have failed to win the support of the communities. The truth is much more bleak. Residential segregation and educational segregation still exist. As Mr. Maitama-Sule of Nigeria, Chairman of the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid, said when he opened this de- bate, "The majority of the people of South Africa have no vote; they cannot live in a place of their own choosing. They are constantly being shuttled around from place to place simply on account of their colour. Families live in enforced separation, and through the obnoxious ban- tustan policy, the blacks of South Africa are now being alienated from their homeland." [75th meeting, para. 26.] That is the sad truth in South Africa today. 238. The brighter prospect is that the people inside South Africa have become more politically vocal. A natio~-wide campaign in May this year was carried out to boycott the twentieth anniversary celebration of the estab- lishment of the Republic. Students boycotted classes and workers organized stay-at-home actions. Commemorative services were held throughout the 90untry to mark the Soweto uprising and the Sharpeville massacre. 239. Our votes on the .resolutions condemning apartheid as well as those on the question of Namibia will, I am sure, go a long way to bolster the resolve of the people in South Africa to continue in their struggle against racism. 240. On the international front, 1981 marked a year of military adventure by South Africa against the neighbour- ing African States. In January airborne raids were carried out in Angola and military actions in Mozambique. Since July the South African army has virtually occupied parts of Angola. All these were carried out against the back- drop of massive military spending and the growing threat of nuclear capability in South Africa. 241. With these ominous signals in mind, the Singapore delegation fully supports the call in the Special Commit- tee's report for more effective monitoring of the arras em- bargo which the Security Council imposed in resolution 418 (1977). We further support the proposals by the Scandinavian countries that the Security Council shoulq take appropriate action in order to achieve, at an early date, the cessation of further foreign investments in and financial loans to South Africa. '. 242. On the controversial question of nuclear co-opera- tion, my delegation would urge that countries supplying South Africa with nuclear technology and equipment re- consider their nuclear co-operation, especially since South Africa is not a signatory to the Treaty on the Non- "In government we will not be satisfied with any- thing less than direct individual suffrage and the right to stand for and be elected to all organs of government. In economic matters we will be satisfied with nothing less than equality of opportunity in every sphere. In culture we will be satisfied with nothing less than the opening of all doors of learning to non-segregated in- stitutions on the sole criterion of ability." Those are basic human rights taken for granted by the rest of the world; surely they are not too much for the majority in South Africa to ask.

I should like at the outset to pay a very special tribute to Mr. Maitama-Sule, who, as Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, has presented to the General Assembly a comprehensive report on the situation in South Africa arising from the practice of apartheid policies. In the short period that he has been Chairman, he has provided very dYfl~rnic and most committed leadership to the Committee. 245. My delegation wishes also to register its apprecia- tion to all the members of the Committee for their tireless efforts in exposing the evils of the apartheid system. As a result of their efforts, more and more people are con- scious of the noble cause and struggle against the op- pressive regime and of the need to help the people of South Africa to free themselves from this Fascist bond- age. 246. In May this year the racist regime marked the twentieth anniversary of the establishment of the Re- public. In many other countries that would have been an occasion for jubilation. The people would have turned out in their throngs and joined in national festivities. That was not the case in apartheid South Africa. The vast ma- jority of the population demonstrated its contempt for the apartheid Republic by boycotting Government festivities. Instead, thousands held commemorative services to mark those events, such as the Sharpeville massacre of 1960 and the Soweto uprising of 1976, that have become the major landmarks of the struggle of the South African peo- ple for a democratic society. Thousands more heeded the boycott call by staying away from their jobs and classes and by boycotting transportation. 247. In its attempts to stop the nationwide protests, the Pretoria regime used its brutal apartheid apparatus to un- leash violence against the peaceful demonstrators. They were attacked and many were injured by the police, Com- munity leaders were arrested and served with stringent banning orders, and callous raids were carried out to in- timidate the population. 248. What happened in May this year is characteristic of what has been taking place and what continues to take place in Sf"\~lth Africa. On the one hand we see examples of brutal :'epression practised by the apartheid regime, and on the other we see massive resistance to those prac- 249. Every year the Assembly addresses itself to the question of the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa. Rather than heeding the call of the interna- tional community, the racist Government has instead pur- sued a policy of intransigence and has stepped up its op- pression. Significantly, the internal situation and the conditions of the population have continued to deteriorate. The so-called bantustan policy is being pursued with in- creased vigour. Vast numbers of people are forcibly ejected from their houses, detained and then deported to barren areas-the so-called homelands-that cannot sup- port them. Recently, over 2,000 people from Nyanga township outside Cape Town were driven from their homes by bulldozers and witnessed the deliberate burning of their homesteads by the police. 250. Throughout the year there has been increased in- timidation and arrests of black trade unionists. In Sep- tember, for example, 205 unionists were arrested in East London. Their only fault was to sing freedom songs. Only last week, more trade union leaders were rounded up. 251. The full weight of South Africa's obnoxious apartheid laws has been used in a frantic effort to silence opposition. In what could be described as judicial murder, a number of political militants are under sentence of death on the basis of evidence obtained under torture. Among them are Johannes Shabangu, David Moise and Anthony Tsotsobe, who have been convicted and sentenced to death under the so-called Terrorism Act. They now face the threat of death on the basis of evidence which would not be admissible in any civilized legal system. 252. The racists are so afraid of their victims that they think the solution is to eliminate them. Only last week, Griffith Mxenge of ANC, a prominent member of the Soutli African Bar, was assassinated by racist agents. This came in the wake of the death of Joe Gondhi, an ANC official who was a victim of South Africa's murder squad in Zimbabwe. Rather than weakening the people of South Africa in their struggle, increased repressive measures have strengthened their resolve to dismantle the apartheid apparatus and to struggle for a truly democratic society. Since October 1980, the freedom fighters have conducted armed attacks against police stations and railway lines; they have destroyed oil pipelines and clashed with South African forces. The people have manifested their resolve to support the liberation struggle by the boyt;ott of the anniversary festivities and by their attendance, by thou- sands, of the memorial services for the martyrs of the Silverton siege and the victims of the raids into Mozam- bique. 253. Faced with international condemnation and in- creased resistance, the South African regime has been pretending that it is intent on c~rying out. reforms through the introduction of the so-called Presidential Council, where Coloureds and Inr'ians would participate along with whites. The aim is partly to deceive the inter- national community and to avert concerted opposition. The so-called reforms are hollow and will deceive no one. The Indian community has rejected the Government scheme for it by a derisory 10 per cent turnout in the Indian Council elections. As was the ca&e with regard to the sham independence for the homelands, the interna- 255. Instead of learning the lessons of history and dis- mantling the apartheid apparatus, the South African re- gime has e1'!lbarked on a policy of intimidating the front- line States with the aim of preventing them from giving support to the liberation movements or assisting the refu- gees. Mozambique, Angola, Zambia and Botswana have all been victims of aggression at the hands of South Af- rica. Economic structures and installations have been tar- gets of its aggressive acts of d~stabilization.The objective of South Africa is to weaken their economies and make them dependent on South Africa under the so-caUed con- stellation of States. 256. Only recently the People's Republic of Angola suf- fered a massive invasion by South African forces, which continue to occupy the southern part of the country with the major objective of establishing in that region a situa- tion like the one in Lebanon. In that scheme, it is en- visaged that South Africa will play the role of Israel, that puppet, the renegade Savimbi, will play the role of Major Haddad and that the southern part will become the new southern Lebanon. By having this corridor, South Africa hopes to create a bigger zone from which it can de- stabilize Angola and insulate itself from the liberation movements fighting against apartheid and South African colonialization. It is incumbent on the international com- munity to arrest this development. 257. Only last week yet another State member of the OAU was a victim of an invasion sponsored by South Af- rica. A group of mercenaries, well-armed and based in South Africa, invaded Seychelles with the clear aim of overthrowing the Government and destabilizing that. coun- try. Uganda reservedly condemns that act of aggression. The clear implication of that invasion is that any country in Africa, however distant from South Africa, tnat is con- sistent in its snpport for the liberation struggle is regarded by the apartheid regime as a front-line State and is thus vulnerable. We congratulate on~ Government and the gal- lant forces of Seychelles for repelling the aggressors. On behalf of my delegation, I wish to pledge Uganda's soli- darity with the Government and people of Seychelles. 258. Another consequence of South Africa's apartheid policy is the continued illegal occupation of Namibia. Namibia should have become independent this year. But instead of seeing movement towards independence in ac- cordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), we have seen South Africa resort to every machination to de- lay a settlement. The aim is clearly to del~ the arrival of another truly independent State on South Africa's dOOIstep. Peripheral concerns are being used as a stumbling block in the path of the desire of the overwhelming majority to attain freedom. South Africa is taking full advantage of the equivocation of the five Westerr.: States. The regime in 259. Why has South Africa been adamant in refusing to comply with various United Nations resolutions and in defying the international community and breaching the Charter with impunity? It is because of the support it en- joys from the Western States Members of the Organiza- tion. It is because words of comfort are flowing from a prominent Member which has declared tne racist regime a friendly ally at a time when Pretoria is increasing its op- pression and aggreGsive acts against neighbouring inde- pendent African countries. Even during this debate it has been suggested that we sbould allow South Africa in our midst in the Assembly. Yet South Africa has not taken any steps to address itself to the very reasons for the re- jection of its credentials. To those who view the problem of racism and apartheid a5 ~ choice between white and black, we can only say, in tile words of my Minister of State for Foreign <\ffairs in his statement to the General Assembly, that: "In the landscape of southern Africa, there is no fence on which to sit, and there is no middle ground for equivocation. The choice in southern Africa is be- tween the forces of oppression and racism and the forces of freedom and dignity. To speak of neutrality is to add a voice in support of the system of apartheid." [14th meeting, para 265.] 260. South Africa's policies of apartheid have resulted in a threat to international peace and security, in a breach of peace and in continuing acts of aggression. My delega- tion believes that the Security Council is duty bound to impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chap- ter VII of the Charter. 261. I wish to commend the front-line States for their unswerving commitment to the cause of justice and free- dom, despite the heavy cost to their economies. We com- mend their efforts to disengage themselves from depen- dence on South Africa. In this connection we recall the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference, held in Maputo in 1980; and appeal to those who pledged to contribute towards !he economic development and sta- bility of the countries concerned to honour and. incrnase their pledges. 262. In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm the unflinching commitment and support of the Government and people of Uganda to the liberation movements of South Africa.

First of all, my delega- tion would like to welcome the delegation of Antigua ,and Barbuda to the Assembly. We feel that their rightful place in this international body is now being occupied by men who, together with all of us, will do their best to find solutions to ihe problems facing the whole of humanity today. 264. We come from a country whose boundary lies be- tween liberty and oppression, between human dignity and apartheid. We participate in this debate in the name of the children, women and men who are the daUy victims of the most varied forms of humiliation and massacre. 265. As neighbours to the vicious apartheid State of South Africa, Mozambique ancl all other front-line States 266. Apartheid, which the General Assembly has con- demned several times through its various resolutions, is now trying to buy a new fa~e: the face of the bantustans, through which the master-minds of apartheid believe they will overcome ever-increasing m~.ss resistance and the struggle for human dignity. 267. The victims of apartheid and racial discrimination by South Africa are Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique and in particular the majority of the people of South Africa and the people of Namibia. In fact, the black populations of South Africa and Namibia constantly experience mas- sacres, unjust imprisonment and persecution-all this simply because of their colour, only because they are black in colour. In the country of apartheid, colour deter- mines where a person eats, sits, sleeps. South Africa is a country where the majority of the people are foreigners in their own motherland. It is against this situation that the people of South Africa, led by ANC, are resisting and fighting. 268. The workers in the mines and on the plantaticns, students and pupils, men and women, all say "enough of apartheid", and often they face military barbarism with their bare hands. Between the C'hpice of living as a slave and dying for freedC)m, the people prefer the latter-that is, to die for freedom. The people have decided to fight ~or their emancipation and for their fundamental rights. It IS an unequal struggle because the apartheid regime is the O\~ner of the biggest military apparatus in the whol~ of Atrica, but we are sure that the people will win, because theirs is a just struggle. South Africa shall be freed from the policy of apartheid, and Namibia shall be indepen- dent, just like Zimbabwe today. 269. The regime of Botha is trying to stop the march towards liberty by the people, attacking and invading the front-line States. It is in this context that the South Af- rican regime still occupies a considerable part of the Peo- ple's Republic of Angola, a sovereign State and Member of the Organization. Angota is continuously the victim of massive bombardment and the destruction of its social and economic infrastructure, of which the most recent ex- ample is the attack perpetrated against the refinery in Luanda two days ago, 30 November. The objective of the aggression against the front-line States is politically and economically to destabiIize those States so that they will refrain from supporting ANC and the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], thus destroying the na- tional liberation movement which has been leading the struggle against apartheid. ?70.. Apartheid ~xists because it relies on the support of Impenahsm, particularly the support of the new Amerian I Administration. The arrogance and intransigence of the il- I~g~ regime ~f Pretoria, and the crimes perpetrated by that regime, constItute one of the most brutal manifestations of imperialist aggressiveness. Imperialism preoccupies itself not with the destiny of the people but rather with the re- sources existing in various regions of the world. It is not th~ victims of Soweto and Langa who preoccupy imperi- ahsm, but rather gold, uranium, diamonds and chromium. That is why it arms the apartheid regime, which plays, the role of loyal policeman of imperialism. 272. On this particular question of the armed aggression against Seychelles, Mozambique regrets the way some members of the news media have portrayed the occur- rence. First, they reported it as if the only crime commit- ted by" the South African commandos was that of hijack- ing an Indian airlines plane. Secondly, they tried to project an image of a great sense of responsibility on the part of the South African regime. We ask, then, is there no limit to the degree to which the media can keep on misin- forming and misleading the opinion of the international public? The People's Republic of Mozambique vig- ourously condemns this barbaric act, which violates the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and man- ifests its solidarity with the people and Government of Seychelles. 273. Some countries tell us that the apartheid regime is not so bad, because it is making some refonns. For Mozambique, apartheid cannot be dealt with by petty re- forms; apartheid must be destroyed. That is why the in- ternational c')mmunity demands that measures be taken in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter. ." 274. The aggressions perpetrated by South Africa must be answered by political, economic and diplomatic meas- ures. To the violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola, we must re- spond not only with simple denunciations but also with consistent solidarity with the people of Angola. The South African regime must get out of Angolan territory and must pay indemnification to that country. 275. Aggression against Angola and other front-line States will only cease with the independence of Namibia and the conquesl of freedom by the people of South Af- rica. As far as Namibia is concerned, Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the plan endorsed by it con- stitute the political and legal framework for a proper tran- sition of the Territory of Namibia towards independence, and for the people of Mozambique, SWAPO is the sole representative of the people of Namibia, and our soli- darity is with them. 276. ANC is a national liberation movement which has always had the admiration and respect of the people of South Africa, as well as of the whole international com- munity. SWAPO and ANC are the only two liberation movements which guarantee freedom, peace ana progress in Namibia and South Africa, respectively. Botha's regime represents repression and terror. Once again, we are confi- dent th3t ~he Assembly will, as usual, render its support to the people of Namibia and South Africa and will vig- ourously condemn the apartheid regime of Pretoria. A luta continua. ".77. Mr. MAHMUD (Bangladesh): Apartheid in South Africa, despite three decades of systematic and universal condemnation, remains more deeply entrenched and re- 279. The human rights dimension of the problem needs no elaboration. It is now universally recognized that the maintenance of the system of apartheid is a negation and antithesis of the common standard of civilized conduct by all peoples and nations envisaged in the Charter and elab- orated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The General Assembly has condemned apartheid not only as a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankina but also as a crime against humanity, seriously disturbing and threatening international peace and security. 280. The Special Committee against Apartheid has made an exhaustive compilation of the extent and escala- tion of this r,olicy annually, a policy the guiding moti- vation of which is segregation through the perpetuation of white supremacy and the objective of which is the even- tual creation of a racial federation or confederation be- tween white areas and racially defined homelands, or ban- tustans. This policy pursued with unrelenting ferocity has meant the usurpation of 87 per cent of the most produc- tive agricultural land, the denial of political representation to more than four fifths of the population, economic dis- crimination and exploitation on an unprecedented scale, dispossession and forcible transfer of millions of Af- ricans, and dismemberment of the country. 281. The inevitabie fall-out of that premeditated policy . of racism is a legacy of violence and disruption. Re- .sistance, long non-violent, has hardened into implaca- bility, fueled by years of denial and heart-breaking sacri- fice. The memories of Sharpeville and Soweto are indelibly imprinted in history. They are grim milestones in the march towards decolonization and along the hard road to freedom, equality and human dignity. It draws momentum from the memory of all the innumerable silent victims of apartheid. all those who have risked their lives in the cause of human dignity. It derives strength from the spir- its of martyrs such as Steve Biko, Solomon Malangu and countless others who have died in the cause of freedom. 282. The call for action in the face of those develop- ments has now become an imperative. For over 30 years the United Nations has sought a wide variety of avenues for a peaceful resolution of the problem of apartheid. the essential prerequisite for which -was encouragement of the right of the people of South Africa as a whole to decide the destiny of the nation. South Africa has spurned with impunity all such attempts. The Lusaka Declaration adopted in 1970 at the Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries sought to stem the tide towards violent upheaval by proposing a workable framework for a just and lasting solution: a framework that envisaged amnesty for all political pris- oners, negotiation with the liberation movements, the abandonment of the separate homelands policy and the extension of human rights in accordance with the com- mon standards laid down by the United Nations. Recom- mendations to convene a national convention composed of genuine representatives of all South African people was 284. All necessary steps must be taken to ensure the transfer of all powers to the people of South Africa as a whole, in accordance with their freely expressed will and desire, without any distinction as to race or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete freedom and inde- pendence. Bangladesh, accordingly, reaffirms its recogni- tion of the legitimacy of the liberation struggle in South Africa. We welcome the presence of their represefilatives in our midst. We believe that a concerted campaign must be directed towards the complete and total isolation of the apartheid regime on all fronts-military, political, eco- nomic, social, cultural, sports and other fronts. Interna- tional efforts must also be directed towards the sustain- ment, development, education and training of South African refugees displaced from their homeland; they con- stitute a crucial vanguard in the dismantling of apartheid. 285. My delegation would like to pay a special tribute to the Chairman and the members of the Special Commit- tee against Apartheid for their painstaking and exhaustive work. We believe that the time has come for the Security Council to consider more forthright action in pursuance of the steps that it has already taken, and to examine the Committee's and, through it, the General Assembly's rec- ommendations. 286. l)outh Africa's record constitutes one of the blenz{r;st chronicles in human history-a permanent blemIsh on the conscience of mankind. It is now obvious that the anguish of the international community cannot be assuaged by anything short of the total eradication of apartheid and the transfer of power to the people of South Africa as a whole. 287. Condoning apartheid seriously jeopardizes the moral and intellectual fabric of our global society. It is our hope and expectation that the community of interests that now irrevocably binds us all will see the demise of this practice for the benefit of Africa and humanity at large.

It was at its first session in 1946 that the Assembly first considered the racist pol- icy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa. The intervening 35 years have witnessed the adoption of innu- merable resolutions and declarations articulating the rejec- tion by the world community of this abhorrent system and calling on the authorities in Pretoria to abandon their in- human policies. The Gambia has consistently condemned this unique and barbarous system of institutionalized ra- cial discrimination, declared in the International Conven- tion on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, adopted by the General Assembly in resolution 3068 (XXVIIl), to be a crime against humanity. . 290. On the international level, meanwhile, South Af- rica has maintained its illegal occupation of Namibia, in flagrant violation of relevant General Assembly and Se- curity Council resolutions. The racist regime has at the same time resorted to increasingly adventurous armed at- tacks against independent African countries. 291. As the white minority seeks to consolidate its stranglehold on the country, the valiant resistance of the oppressed African, Coloured and Asian populations has evolved. The 1976 student uprising proved a watershed in the history of militant resistance to apartheid. Since the heroic protest of the students of Soweto, the rest of the non-white population has been galvanized into organized revolt against racist oppression. The last two years have, therefore, witnessed the crystallization of the struggle by black trade unions articulating the economic and political demands of their workers, by community groups protest- ing exorbitant rent and transportation costs and by student organizations campaigning against the inferior education system designed for blacks. These confluent currents have been complemented by the steadfast support of various church organizations inside South Africa. This crystalliza- tion of the resistance to apartheid was exemplified by the nationwide boycott in May of the festivities marking the twentieth anniversary of the establishment of the Republic of South Africa. 292. Meanwhile, the armed liberation struggle by the people of South Africa has escalated rapidly, with an un- precedented number of terrorist and sabotage attacks re- corded over the past year. The Gambia pays a tribute to the heroic struggle being waged by these various strata of the black population, particularly ANC and PAC. For- midable though the enemy may be, the momentum of his- tory which crushed white minority rule in Mozambique, Angola and Zimbabwe is on the side of the oppressed masses. 293. The racist regime in Pretoria, however, appears oblivious of the march of history and has responded to the resistance of the black population with increasingly , repressive measures. In the last year alone hundreds have . been arrested and banned, or detained without trial, while thousands have had to endure the physical brutality which characterizes the police State. 294. The obdurate intransigencce of the Pretoria regime cannot be isolated from the attitudes of its Western and other partners. Continued trade and investment, the life- blood of apartheid, have made it possible for the r'!cist regime to survive the economic disruption resulting from . 295. Sporting contacts with the racist regime undermine international efforts to isolate South Africa diplomatically and in fact confer a de facto respectability on the apartheid sys~em. In this regard, my delegation deplores the overseas tours made earlier this year by the Springbok rugby team. 296. The significance of military co-operation between certain Western and other countries and the embattled apartheid regime hardly needs emphasis. Those countries, whose generous supplies of military hardware to South Africa are reliably reported to include both conventional and nuclear equipment, must assume direct responsibility for the savage repression being meted out by the butchers of Pretoria against the oppressed African population. 297. It is, however, in the international political arena that the collusion between certain influential Western countries and the apartheid regime is the most damaging. Those Governments have repeatedly prevented the interna- tional community from taking effective action against South Africa. In the view of my delegation such indul- gence can only encourage the criminal aggression of the racist Pretoria regime, thus further endangering interna- tional peace and security. There is thus a direct correla- tion between the failure of the Security Council to re- spond decisively in April to Pretoria's continued illegal occupation of Namibia and South Africa's massive inva- sion of the People's Republic of Angola in August. Simi- larly, the abortive mercenary coup launched against Seychelles last week from South Africa must be inter- preted against the background of the failure of the Se- curity Council even to condemn the South African inva- sion of Angola last August. 298. South Africa has already been declared guilty of a crime against humanity and has demonstrated repeatedly that it represents a dire threat to international peace and security. The Charter of the United Nations, meanwhile, prescribes specific measures for such contingencies. In the view of this delegation. the provisions of the Charter leave the Assembly no option but to endorse the calls for the imposition of comprehensive. mandatory sanctions made by the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa in Paris last May. 299. Before concluding, I wish to pay a special tribute to the very commendable work carried out over the year by the Special Committee against Apartheid. under the chairmanship of Mr. Maitama-Sule, the representative of Nigeria.

I should like first to ex- press our thanks to the distinguished Chairman and the members of the Special Committee against Apartheid for the excellent report submitted to the General Assembly at this session and for the valuable work they have accom- plished during the past year. I should also like to express our deep satisfaction with the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, in which the Iraqi delega- tion took an active part. We welcome and support the convening of such special conferences. Since non-govern- mental organizations, parliamentarians. scholars. clergy- 301. As far as Iraq is concerned, combatting apartheid and the racist regime in South Africa is not simply a mat- ter of principle, solidarity with our African brethren or the implementation of the relevant United Nations resolu- tions. Iraq is motivated by all those considerations and more: for us it is a matter of national interest, inasmuch as it involves a struggle against a common enemy. To put Iraq's position in its proper perspective, I should iike to refer to a statement made by the Israeli Ambassador to South Africa to the Pretoria Press Club in July 1979. The Zionist emissary said: "I belie'/e it is in the national inter- est of Israel to see South Africa as a strong country, with not just military muscle, but lTI. viable economic structure and society where people have an equal share in its sur- vival" . 11 That statement was quoted in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid at the thirty-fourth session of the Assembly. That report is of special rele- vance to the present session in view of the scurrilous at- tack mounted by the Zionist representative in his state- ment to the Assembly at the 76th meeting, against the Special Committee against Apartheid and its current re- port about relations between Israel and South Africa in document A/36/22/Add.l. 302. The report submitted at the thirty-fourth session contained other statements made by the Zionist emissary to South Africa and by Begin himself which show the true nature of the relations between the two racist entities, notwithstanding the hypocritical words uttered by the Zionist representative during the present debate. The con- tents of the Special Committee's report are neither "irrele- vant information" nor "secondhand speculation'''.as the Zionist representative alleged. The report quotes facts and statements issued by highly responsible officials of the Zionist entity. 303. For example. the Israeli Ambassador to South Af- rica is quoted further as saying in an interview published on 27 July 1979: "I cannot stress sufficiently how we in Israel cherish relations with South Africa, which has been consistent in her friendship towards us . . . We carefully refrain from joining in the sterile symphony of blanket con- demnation of South Africa that emanates from the United Nations . . . South" Africa must be seen as having special values for the free worlo . . . to have the immense natural mineral wealth and other assets of South Africa fall into the hands of dictatorial radical or communist regimes, would be a frightening situation- one that would make any discussions about racial equality, or even improvements in the racial situation, completely irrelevant. It would be a disaster if South Africa were lost as a constructive and active member of the free community of nations. "12 So much for the Israeli representative's claim that "Israel has always opposed racism and racial discrimination, in- cluding apartheid" and that Israel has been "in the van- guard of every _struggle against the evil of racism in all its manifestations" [76th meeting, paras. 51 and 52]. The 305. What is even more outrageous is that these racist regimes are regarded in ce~tain influential 'Ye~~ern. circles as "democracies" and bastions of Western cIvIlIzatIOn. So much the worse for this so-called democracy and for Western civilization. 306. This community of interest between the two racist regimes and their close co-operation are not only the source of misery and injury for millions of black Africans and Palestinian Arabs; they are the ultimate insult to the memory of the Jews who perished under the Nazis. ~he Zionist representative deemed it yet anoth~r ~pprop~ate opportunity to exploit the. f~te of the ~on-~Iomst, a~sIm­ ilationist Jews who feH victim to NaZI racism; he did so in order to cover up the racism which is the very founda- tion of zionism. He reminded representatives of "the ma- niacal and methodical massacre of 6 million Jews whose only crime was to have been born Jewish" [ibid., para. 52]. He and other Zionists conveniently choose to forget, however, that the Nationalist Party, which rules South Af- rica today, had among its leaders and. followers well- known anti-Semites who collaborated WIth the Gennan Nazis. A number of them were gaoled by the Gove~~~nt of Field-Marshal Smuts for their pro-German actiVItIes during the war. 307. In 19:53, Dr. D. F. Malan, the th~n Prime Minister of South Africa, was among the first leaders to visit Is- rael, where, in spite of his anti-Semitic past, he was warmly received and his name later inscribed in a so- called golden book as one who had proved himself a true friend of Israel. A later Prime Minister of South Africa, Mr. Vorster, was quoted by Cyrus Sulzberger, in The New York Times, of 30 April 1971, as saying: "We view Is- rael's position and problems with u~derstandi!1g .and s~­ pathy. Like us, they had to deal WIth terronst Infiltration across the border and, like us, they have enemies bent on their destruction." Mr. Vorster, too, was regarded as a true friend of Israel. His visit to Israel in 1976 formalized the Israeli-South African axis. Yet it was the same Vorster who was one of those Afrikaaners gaoled for their pro- Nazi activities. It was the same Vorster who declared, ac- cording to the London Sunday Times Magazine of 10 Oc- tober 1971, that if he had to live his life again, h_~ \yould do exactly the same, and that he was quite satisfied that what he did was right. 308. Now, leaving this warm reciprocity of sentiments aside, the most dangerous relationship existing between the racists in Pretoria and Tel Aviv is that of military col- laboration. We are particularly grateful to the Special Committee for drawing our attention in its specia! report to the increasing military and nuclear collaboration be- tween South Africa and Israel. Again the extent of the collaboration is gathered not from "irrelevant informa- tion" or "second-hand speculation" but, rather, from statements and actions of responsible South Africans and Zionists. The South African Minister of Labour, Mr. M. Viljoen, speaking at a Nationalist Party raI1y in JohanT 309. In April 1968, P. W. Botha, then Minister of De- fence, warned the Zambian Government about the danger it ran by supporting "terrorists" and drew the ana:logy of the Israeli raids against Palestinian guerrilla bases In Arab countries. That was reported in the Rand Daily Mail of 4 April 1968. 310. In an interview given by General Hendrik Van Den Bergh, head of South Africa's Bureau of St~te Se~uri.ty, .to the Israeli newspaper Yediot Aharonot publIshed In Its IS- sue of 16 August 1973, he stated the following: "I went lO Israel recently and enjoyed every moment there. I told the Prime Minister when I got back that, as long as Israel exists, we have hope. If Israel should, God forbid, be destroyed, then South Africa would be in danger of ex- tinction. " 311. Such is the nature of the ties that bind the two colonial settler-States. Their collaboration is aimed at ena- bling them to continue to defy world publ!c o~i.nion. They regard their survival only In terms of their abIlIty to continue to subjugate the South African blacks and the Palestinian Arabs and to continue to deny those peoples their inalienable human rights. The survival they think of is only in terms of their racist exclusivist regimes. Any- thing which threatens this racist exclusivism means to them "destruction", "extinction". When they feel cor- nered by those who challenge their racist exclusivi~im, they .resort to pre-emptive strikes in the name of self- defence-this policy of preventive aggression and State terrorism. This is the basis of the collaboration between the two racist regimes, which is fully supported by the United States of America. 312. I should like here to refer to the strategic accord concluded between the United States and Israel on 30 November. The accord is, ostensibly, limited to strategic co-operation in the Middle East ~gi0I!' !he text of the memorandum signed by th~ two SIdes Indicates, howev~r, the existence of wider implications. I wish to refer speCif- ically to paragraphs 2(e) and (d) of article III of the text as published in The New York Times yesterday, I De- cember. which read: "Co-operation in research and devel- opment, building on past co-operation in this area" and "Co-operation in defence trade". 313. Now, surely, the outcome of such co-operation in the development and trade of weapons, which is what must be meant by the agreement, cannot possibly be limited to the Middle East region. In view of Israel's growing co-operation with South Africa in these very fields, namely, weapons development and trade, the s~a­ tegic accord provides South Africa, through Israel, WIth , access to United States developments in the field of weap- . ons research and to United States weapons manufactured under licence by the Israelis. What the United States could not openly do for South Africa, it a,pears now able to do through Israel. Such is the magnitude of the com- mon dangers that the Africans al1d the Arabs have to con- front. 5 United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75. No. 973, p. 287. 9 Ibid., Thirty-ftfth Year, Supplement for October, November and De- cember 1980, document S114285. 10 See AJ321267. 12 Ibid., para. 8. 13 Ibid., para. 5.