A/36/PV.9 General Assembly

*Mr. President, I should like, first .of all, to take this opportunity to convey to you the congratulations of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany on your election to this high office. We see in you a man of distinction who, in his long and active involvement in the work of the United Nations, has shown exceptional qualities. We see in you the representative of one of the leading members of the non- aligned movement, a country with which we have had good, long-standing relations. . 54. I should also like to express my country's gratitude to the ,President of the thirty-fifth session of the General As- sembly, Mr. RUdiger von Wechmar. He discharged the du- ties of his office witha sense ofaw&'eness of the new reality of global interdependence. In so doing he was able to count on the full approval and support of the Federal Republic of Germany. 55. At the same; time, I wish to thank the Secretary- General for his dedicated work over the past 12 months on behalfof the Organization, and thus also on behalfofpeace. 56. On behalf of the Federal Republi/~ of Germany, I extend a warm welcome to Vanuatu as ~ r:ew Member of the United Nations. 57. For a decade now, the world economy has been in a critical phase of readjustment: inflation, recession and un- employment in the industrialized countries, but, above all, stagnating-indeed, declining-per capita incomes in many developing countries. The want and distress of the poor in the third world are increasing. At the same time, the world population continues to grow rapidly: over the next20 years it will increase from 4.5 billion to approximately 6.5 billion people. This means that food, clothing and housing, schools and jobs have to be provided for 2 billion people. That is equivalent to the population of 2,000 completely new cities, each with 1 million inhabitants. This shows that mankind as a whole is faced with great and global chal- lenges. 58. Yet-and this is the disturbing part of it-it is not these problems that are the focal point of world politics and of world interests: the headlines of the international press tell us, ra~her, about an arms race and tensions between nations, about war, civil war and intervention. At a time when global interdependence and global co-operation have become a question of survival, the human race is in danger of once again pitting its strength against itself. 59. Now, at a time when we ought to be concentrating our material as wel~ as our intellectual resources on the task of bringing the world economy out of its structural crisis,on development in the third world and on preserving the condi- tions of life .on our planet, $500 billion is being wasted on arms. But our children and grandchildnm will judge us 60. We can preserve world peace and master the great challerlges to mankind only if all countries act in accordance with principles that are commensurate with the provisions and the spirit oftheCharter of,the United Nations. Thi1l calls for renunciation of force, that is to say, renunciation ofthe use and threat of use of force, since conflicts must be settled by peaceful means; for no aspiration to domination over others, no interference in the internal affairs of other coun- tries and respect for the right of self-determination of all nations; for responsible action with an awareness of global interdependence, using moderation and restraintin pursuing one's own interests; for readiness for dialogue, negotiation and co-operation; for no aspiration to superiority, but rather a desire for balance at the lowest possible level of arma- ments, adhering to an active policy of preserving peace through co-operation on issues of international security and, in particular, of arms control and disarmament; and, finally, for elimination of the North-South confrontation as part ora policy of world-wide partnership and the safeguarding of peace. 61. In the search for a solution to these ,global problems, very great importance attaches to the development of East- West relations. At the beginning of thel970s we all hoped that the efforts increasingly to reduce the differences be- tween East and West and to expand co-operation would prove successful, and considerable progress in the develop- ment of East-West relations was indeed achieved in the first half of that decade. But of late the East-West confrontation has intensified yet again. It threatens to push the North- South dialogue to the periphery of world affairs once more. Indeed, the East-West confrontation threatens to spread:to the South. 62. That must not be allowed to happen. East and West must do everything possible to pull themselves back onto a course leading to stability in their relations and to co- operation. On noaccount must East and West allow the third world to'become· a theatre for the continuation of their conflict. The countries of the South have problems enough and should not also be made the scene of the contest be- tween East and West.' 63. Negotiations on arms control and disarmament with the aim of establishing a balance at the lowest possible level are more urgent than ever. There must not be another arms race. 64. In the 1970s the Soviet Union made extraordinary efforts in all fields ofarmaments. They were not matched by comparable efforts on the part of the West; quite the con- trary. 65. The West has noted with great concern how the Soviet Union has not only increased its superiority as regards conventional forces but has at the same time steiJped up its medium-range nuclear weapons and given thent new qual- ity, in particular with the 8S-20 missile and the "Backfire" bomber. Ourconcern about these developments can only be dispelled if the current and proposed East-West negotiations are successful. The Government"o( the Federal Republic of Germany will contribute all it P98sibly can to the achieve- ment of that aim.' 67. We also hope that the meeting between the United States Secretary of State and the Soviet Foreign Minister will above all give a signal for 1he start of negotiations on medium-range nuclear weapons. We have advocated such negotiations for quite some time. We have been involved in the preparations for them with our allies, and we will con- tinue to follow tpem in the future. We want medium-range nuclear missiles on both sides to be limited to equal ceilings at the lowest possible level, and the more the Soviet Union reduces its arms,build-up, the lower that level can be. If that arms build-up·is eliminated altogether, there will no longer be any need fotthe West to deploy medium-range weapons as envisaged. 68. The Government and people of the Federal Republic of Germany long for nothing more dearly than a result of that kind, which to us would be the ideal result. But it is not only a question ofnuclear weapons. In the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe, we are resolutely pursuing the aim of achieving a balance ~f forces in central Europe by means of mutual reductions, in order to improve military stability and to rid the peoples of central Europe of the fear of possible surprise attack. 69. As a result of the Madrid review session of the Con- ference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, we want a conference 01' disarmament in Europe as a forum for agree- ment on concrete confidence-building measures for the whole of Europe, from the Atlantic to the Vrals. 70. It is not only East and West that have to tackle the task of arms control and disarmament. That task is universal and applies to all regions and to all countries. 71. The United Nations already proclaimed the 1970s the United Nations Disarmament Decade, but we are all pain- fully conscious of the scant success of our efforts to stop the world-wide arms spiral. 72. My country has put forward as its contribution to the General Assembly's second special session devoted to disar- mam~nt, to be held in 1982, a draft comprehensive pro- gramme of disarmament. 4 Its purpose is to facilitate world- wide disarmament negotiations, to describe the conceptual framework for such negotiations, to define the criteria and principles, and thus to carry out important preparatory work for concrete negotiations and results. 73. I wish to mention four principles in particular: bal- ance, openness, verifiability and confidence-building. 74. Disarmament negotiations can only prove successful if they enhance the security of all concerned. Whoever seeks one-sided-advantages in disarmament negotiations or tries to hold on to those·already gained will create a deadlock. The aim mustbe balance at the lowest possible level. Superiority 76. It is now necessary to ensure that in the disarmament negotiations between East and West this principle istrans- lated into practical, concrete policies. 77. Disarmament presupposes transparency of the force relationship. Each side must openly give information about its own ·force strengths and armaments. Anyone trying to evade this is sowing the seeds of mistrust and casting doubt upon his intentions. The United Nations has elaborated a standardized reporting system with a view to making mili- tary budgets comparable. My country, like some other Western and non-aligned countries, has submitted a report on its defence budget in l~ne with that system. All other countries should follow that example. 78, I repeat my proposal that the United Nations should set up two registers: first, one which records how much each industrial country spends per capita on armaments and how much it spends on development assistance; and secondly, another register which lists world-wide exports and imports of weapons. This would be an important first step. The international community cannot look on indifferently as military spending in East and West and in the third world continues to increase while development aid budgets stag- nate. 79. The obligations assumed in disarmament negotiations must be verifiable. The verification procedure must in·each individual case be tailored to the treaty to which it is to apply. We can do some important preliminary work in that respect in the United Nations if we develop procedures and instruments of verifieation. which have been internationally agreed upon and, where possible, also tried out in practice. 80. Anyone who opposes on-site inspections or refuses to accept verification in other forms will be open to the suspi- cion of wanting to hide something and deceive others; he will be destroying confidence rather than building it. 81. The Geneva Committee on Disarmament is discussing a comprehensive prohibition of the manufacture and stock- piling of chemical weapons. Here, too, the most difficult problem still to be solved is that of verificati.on. We hope for an early agreem~nt on the verifiable prOhibition of chemical weapons. 82. Real disarmament can be achieved only through mu- tual confidence among States. Concrete confidence-build- ing measures are therefore indispensable for successful dis- armament. The Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, makes provision for initial confidence-buVding meas- ures. The proposed conference on disarmamenqn Europe could bea new.qualitative step in the process ofcQ'nfidence- bUilding. Confidence-building measures can also'be con- ducive to stability and arms limitation in the ~hird world. It 83. We hope that the Secretary-General's study now be- fom us [A/36/474 and Corr. 1] will generate effective im- pulses for concrete measures to speed up the confidence- b1,lilding process all over the world. We need a code of confidence-building. " 84. Those four principles for disarmament negotiations-. balance, openness, verifiability and confidence-building- are four prerequisites for success. They can serve as four cornerstones for the construction of a comprehensive se- curity partnership around the world. 85. The foremost objective of my country's foreign policy is actively to safeguard peace. We want peace and freedom. But to us, peace means more than the mere avoidance of war. We want a world. of co-operation based on partnership among nations. 86. Together with other European democracies we have formed the European Community in·order to shape oUr common future together. By developing the European Com- munity into a European union, we shall be able to work even more effectively as a force for peace and progress in Europe and in the world. 87. We have united with our European allies and the United States of America and Canada in the North Atlantic Alliance. That alliance rests on the common values of free- dom, human dignity and self-determination. Its sole pur- pose is to preserve common security and safeguard peace. It derives its·strength from the friendship and trust between Europeans and Americans. 88. On the basis of the European Community and the North Atlantic Alliance we, the Federal Republic of Ger- many, have, by means of our Ostpolitik, made an impor- tant contribution to the stabilization of peace in Europe. We shall continue that realistic policy of dialogue, of re- ducing tensions and of strengthening co-operation. 89. The line that divides East and West also divides the German nation. Consequently, no one is more severely affected by any deterioration of the East-West relation- ship than the Germans; no one has a more direct interest in improving East-West relations. There must be no re- lapse into the cold war. 90. The policy of the Federal Republic of Germany of concluding treaties with its neighbours in the East-·the Moscow Treaty, the Warsaw Treaty, the treaty'with Czech.. oslovakia and the Basic Treaty with the German Demo- cratic Republic-are testimony to our long-term policy of co-operation and detente. We abide by those treaties. It is our wish that General Secretary Brezhnev's visit to Bonn in November will strengthen ou!' bilateral relations and will favourably influence East-West relations as a whole. 91. The developments in Poland are of particular impor- tance for the situation in Europe and in the world. It is up to Poland alone to determine its path. We -expect all other signatories. of the Final Act of Helsinki, like ourselves, to tefrain from any interference in the internal. affairs .of the Polish People's R~public. 93.~peciaIlY in rbe presenr difficult phase~ Eas,"West ~~ se::j: "in::'':~:r'l~:i:lY~~cl~~m~~ relations, the following must be axiomatic to both German' southern Africa, Afghanistan and Kampuchea. ' States: we must carefully preserve what we have achieved between us and what we have contributed, to peace in Eu- 102. At the previous meeting, the President of the Euro- rope over the past decade; in our mutual relationship and pean Community also'spoke on behalf of the Federal Re- in relations with all our neighbours we must exercise re- public of Germany. Following.his statement, let me say straint and consideration; the German-German relationship thatlwe have a vital interest of our own in lasting, com must never be an additional cause of strain on the East- prehensive and equitable peace in the Middle East. Is- West relationship; we must continue the dia!ogue at all rael's right to live wjthin' secure and recognized bound- levels without ~y preconditions; it must be our common aries is just as indispensable for such peace as is goal to achieve the largest measure of progress in imple- recognition of the. right of self-detennination of the Pal- menting all parts of the Final Act of Helsinki. estinian people.· The efforts to achieve a comprehensive, 94. The Government of the Federal Republic of Ger- ¥~~n~;~~:q~\~~lft:~~iss:~~~:t %~st::u~~:f~~e~f many intends to promote co-operation between the two force by all sid~s. German States, and we want to provide more oppor- tunities for contacts between Germans on both sides. 103. It is with a sense of concern for world peace and Those and other improvements which make life easier for deep sympathy for the suffering of the pedple that we the Germans in their mutual relationship are not only a watch events in Lebanon. All efforts undertaken by the dictate of humanity but are an indispensable contribution Lebanese Government to bring about national conciliation to peace and co-operation in Europe. and to restore Lebanon's sovereignty, political indepen- 9S. Our aim is and will remain to work for a state of dence and territorial integIj.ty have our full support. peace in Europe in which the German nation will recover 104. In the context of.the initiative.of the five Western its unity in free self-determination. The wall which di- States, the Government of the Federal Republic of Ger- vides the Germans will not prove durable. The will of the many is emphatic that Namibia should at long last gain people is not to preserve, still less to deepen, the division independence through free elections on the basis of Se- between them, but to remove it. . curity Council.resolution 435 (1978). This must h~ppen in 1982. 'The independence of Namibia must not be delayed any longer. We acknowledge the constructive contribu- tions of the OAU towards a settlement of the Namibia question. The remnants of colonialism and racism in southern Africa must be eliminated. 96. The Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin6 has helpe'd to calm t1\e situation in and around Berlin. That must re- main so. Each side must realize that the Agreement can produce a stabilizing effect on Berlin -and favourably in- fluence East-West relations only if all sides strictly ob- serve and fully implement it. 97. Another impressive testimony to United States soli- darity with Berlin was the visit by the American Secre- tary of State Mr. Haig on 13 September 1981. 98. As in our bilateral policy, we are also striVing within the multilateral framework of the Conference on Securi!y and Co-operation in Europe to improve East-· West relations in Europe. The Final Act of Helsinki is a document which manifests the will for co-operation in Europe, and it shC'uld be consistently implemented by all signatories to make Europe a region of lasting peace based on respect for human rights. 99. We are acutely aware how much still remains to be done in that respect. Together with OUf: Western partners, we are making every effort to ensuretllat the follow-up to the Conference, in Madrid, willprodnce a final document which, in all fields covered by the Final Act, will bring progress for co-operation among the countries of Europe and. make for better relations among their citizens. 100. The process of the Conference on Security and Co- operation in Europe must be continued. It is the great hope of many people, not onlyAn Europe. The Madrid Conference must issue a concrete mandate for a con.. 105. We condemn South Africa's intervention in An- gola; the Republic of South Africa has taken a grave re- sponsibility upon itself. 106. My country stands side by side with the non- aligned and Islamic countries in an effort to terminate the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and to achieve a politi- cal solution which will restore to that sorely tried people self-determination and independence and re-establish Afghanistan's status as a genuinely non-aligned State. The European Council has proposed a· conference on Afghanistan with the aim of achieving that goal in two phases. The continuing occupation of Afghanistan is a heavy strain on international relations. 107. The Federal Republic of Germany actively sup- ports the efforts of the international community, and es- pecially the ASEAN countries, to restore the political in- dependence and territorial integrity of Kampuchea. . 108. We are following with concern developments in Central America where j in El Salvador, and also else- where, the use' of force and bloodshed are on the in- crease. The people of that regionrnust be enabled to de- termine their own· destiny free from direct or indirect intervention from outside. 110. At its thirty-fifth session, the General Assembly included in its agenda a new item entitled "International co-operation to avert new Ilows of refugees". In resolu::' tion 35/124, it expressed the conviction that the refu~ee issue is no longer a humanitarian one only, but also af- fects world peace. As the resolution stated, the flo_ws' of hundreds of thousands, indeed millions, of refugees '"jeopardize the stability of entire regions and thus -en- danger international peace and security". 111. We, the Federal Republic of Germany, favour gen- eral guidelines for the conduct of States, as well as practi- cal measures whicl. will make it possible to prevent any fresh flows of refugees, and we propose that this be dis- cussed by an ad hoc committee. 112. The General As.semb1y is commemorating the twen- tieth anniversary of the Conference of Heads of State 01 Government of Non-Aligned Countries held at Belgrade in 1961. The non-aligned countries constitute a powerful movement in the world of today, but their goal has not yet been fully attained. 113. Colonialism is almost everywhere a thing of the past, but the independence that has been gained by for- mer colonies is threatened by attempts to dominate them in ottier ways. In 1979, in fact, the world witnessed an ideologically motivated attempt to make the non-aligned movement itself, as it was called, the "natural ally" of one of the two systems of the North. That attempt failed. It had to fail, because the wheel of history cannot be turned back. There is no longer any future in hegemonic aspirations, nor in interventions in the internal affairs of other countries, but they can still be a threat to peaceful relations between nations. 114. ,With its model of a pluralistic world of nath:ms who have chosen their own destiny, the non-illigrl~d movement is a force _working for the cause of progress. It is at the same time a force working for the cause of peace and stability because today both these aims can be achieved only within an international order in which na- tions co-operate with one another in partnership and on the basis of free self-determination and equality. The Federal Republic of Germany stands side by side with the non-aligned countries in the pursuit of this goal. 115. The desire for independence also manifests itself in the regional groupings which are being formed and are growing in Asia, Africa and Latin America. 11<L After the .European Community, there is.. now an- other association, ASEAN" which has already ~veloped extensively. A powerful influence for peace and ~tability in Asia emanates from that organization... 118. Together with the other members of the European Community, we promote this development towards plu- rality and partnership based on equality. Stable economic and social development in the third world is indispensable for lasting international peace. 119. The common goal of the industrial and developing countries in the 1971!)s was to accelerate growth in the developing countries in the context of constant global eco- nomic growth, but it did not turn out that way. Today, at the beginning of the Third United NB,tions Development Decade, the growth of per capita incomes has stopped in many oil-importing countries of the third world. Indeed, real per capita incomes'in most of the poorest countries are even declining. We view with concern this crisis of development. 120. We also view with concern the fact that the North- South dialogue has lost momentum. In spite of the pro- gress achieved in many individual areas, it is marking time on the major issues. That is why we look towards the forthcoming International Meeting on Co-operation and Development, to be held at Cancun. An important idea of the Brandt Commission becomes a reality. The great opportunity afforded by this unprecedented Cancun meeting must be seized. We want it to generate a new resolve to settl~the urgent problems of the worldecon- omy and development by means of solidarity and global co-operation. Lastly, we want it to pave the way for the beginning at long last of global negotiations. We want to work for a global energy strategy which will create se- curity among both producers and consumers. We want to work for a global food strategy in order to guarantee food security and thus eliminate hunger. 121. The outcome of the twelfth session of the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, to be held in 1982, will be ,clucUd. Its importance for the future of the North-South dialogue tan hardly be overestimated be- cause, as the Secretary-General has emphasized, it is a question of whether we in the United Nations are capable of negotiating solutions for global problems which strike a fair balance betwe~n the elementary and basic interests of all nations and at t~e same time serve the world as a Whole. 122. A return to world economic growth and develop- ment calls, first and foremost, for energetic efforts on the part of all countries. The industrial countries must break the back of inflation .and thus restore the basis for con- stant growth and the elimination of unemployment. The nations of the third world, on the other hand, must adopt development strategies that involve the masseS of the poor in the growth process. Labour-intensive agricultural pro- ductionand industries, coupled with an effectivepopula.. tion policy, must form, the nucleus of development plans. But if they a~ to be successful, the efforts of the devel.. oping countries th~msetves need adequate support'from 123. The Federal Republic of Germany gives high pri- ority ~o co-operation in the field of development. This means, first, that in spite of our own economic difficulties we shall not relax our efforts to provide financial and technical assistance. Even our budget for 1982, which is one of self-restraint for our citizens, allows our develop- ment aid to grow at a greater rate than that of the budget as a whole. The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany welcomes the programIll:~ of action adopted at the United Nations Conference ~n the Least Developed Countries, held recently in Paris, because these countries are the ones )hat depend most on official development aid. 124. Secondly, we are still strongly in favour of markets in industrial countries being kept open and widened to take in the exports of developing countries. There must be no lapse into protectionism. We do not try to solve our problem of unemployment by erecting trade barriers, but by promoting structural change with the necessary sup- porting social measures. Only with free world trade can North and South advance. 125. Thirdly, to many dev.eloping countries, exports of raw materials are still the main source of foreign ex- change. These countries in particular are suffering as a result of the decline in the growth of the world economy, a situation which has lasted for several years now and which has checked demand for raw materials and caused prices to drop. The Government of the Feqeral Republic of Germany attaches great importance to the problems confronting commodity-exporting developing countries. We have just decided to make a substantial voluntary con- tribution to the Second Account of the Common Fund for Commodities. 126. Fourthly, the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy has, for the tirst time, made energy issues a subject of negotiations within a global framework. We must continue along this path. The steep, abrupt increase in the price of energy has placed a heavy burden on the industrial countries. To the oil-im- porting developing countries, it has become a question of their very existenc.e. We need partnership and co-opera- tion between the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC], industrial countries and oil-importing developing countries. This is the only way the world can come through the transition to the post-oil era intact. The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany also ad- vocates the establishment of a World Bank affiliate for energy which could help considerably to resolve the en- ergy problems of the third world. 127. We must not allow national egoism to gain the up- per hand in the process of North-South co-operation. We are called upon to play our part·-the industrial countries of the West and of the East and the developing countries. The Nortlt-South problem is not merely the global social issue; it I~ a task of world peace which we shall hav.e to accomplish if we want ~o ensure'the survival of mankind. 128. To the Federal Republic 9fGernlany, respect for and protection of the dignityartd the rights of man are 129. The United Nations has created procedures and in- stitutions to foster respect for human rights all ov~r the globe. These procedures are still relatively weak, but they are having a growing effect. It is important to continue this work with determination.and to develop further the possibilities open to the United Nations for protecting human rights. The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany continues to support the idea of an international court of human rights. 130. We have noted with satisfaction that our initiative regarding a conven.,tion on the ultimate abolition of the death penalty8 has met with a favourable response from many countries. The draft convention takes the form of a second optional protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. This form should make for constructive discussion leading t~ progress ~n this field. 131. The Government of the Federal Republic of Ger- ma!1y is aware that other legal traditions, religious convic- tions and historical experiences have led many countries to take a different view of the death penalty. But no one can overlook the frequent abuses of the death penalty in the world of today and the 'growing incidence of execu- tions without regard for the due process of law. Equally de?ressing is the fact that people are still subjected to torture. This makes the struggle to abolish' the death penalty and torture more urgent than ever. 132. Mankind has reached the highest point to date in its level <?f knowledge and in its capabilities. It can use that knowledge and those capabilities to resolve the prob- lems vital to its survival, but it can also use them to de- stroy the earth's civilization and, perhaps, even the human species. 133. Only if we act in awareness of our responsibility for the safeguarding of peace and respect for the dignity of man, and only if we act with the desire for global solidarity, will we find the way to a good future. This is the foremost task of the Organization. The Federal Re- public of Gennany reaffirms its trust in the United Na- tions. 134. Mr. COLOMBO Htaly):* Mr. President, first of all, I should like to convey to you the warmest congrat- ulations, on behalf of the Italian Government and on my own behalf, on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. It is for us a source of deep satisfaction that this honour has been con- ferred upon the representative of a country with which Italy maintains relations of close friendship and fruitful co-operation. Your long experience in the activities of the United Nations and the eminent qualities you have dis- played in the service of your country are guarantees of the balanced and efficient guidance of the work of the As- sembly. * Mr. Colombo spoke in Italian. The English version of his statement was supplied by the delegation. 136. I also wish to reaffirm my Government's deep re- spect and full support for the praiseworthy actions under- taken by the Secretary-General in the interests of peace and of the settlement through negotiation of some of the most complex problems of our time, in a particularly del- icate phase of the international situation. 137. Finally, I wish to convey a warm welcome to the delegation of the Republic of Vanuatu, whose country, in keeping with the universal vocation' of the United Na- tions, has just been admitted as the one hundred and fifty-fifth Member of the United Nations. 138. It is not without emotion that I address the General Assembly, which represents the community of peoples of the earth, while thinking of the complexity and dramatic nature of the problems which make the state of interna- tional relations uncertain and precarious. 139. Besieged as we are these days by problems that are all apparently urgent and critical, we run the risk, in thf tumult of our everyday lives, of failing to grasp the full significance of events. I believe that this Hall, in which nearly all the nations of the world are represented, is the most appropriate place for trying to work out a synthesis designed not only to provide a better understanding of the course of contemporary history but, above all, to make more effective and incisive the contribution that all of us, as Governments, are called upon to make in order to create the conditions for a better future for mankind. 140. That is why I feel it necessary to take an over-all view of the individual problems which face us, reducing them basically to two common denominators, namely, the East-West relationship' and the North-South relationship. These relationships, while maintaining their own indi- viduality and special characteristics, are not really sepa- rate but affect and influence each other. 141. We must bear in mind this close interrelationship. It would be unrealistic to ignore the fact that the slowing down in the East-West negotiation process has brought about a situation of general insecurity and has exercised a negative influence on the orderly development of interna- tional relations. At the same time, we are 'convinced that a fairer distribution of world resources, through a transfer of wealth from the more prosperous to the less favoured countries, would help to reduce the tensions which exist in so many parts of the world, to promote stability in the more ~flicted areas and, indirectly, also to improve the state of East-West relations. 142. Closely connected with the East-West· relationship and the North-South relationship are tne spe'c~fic roles which Italy, -taking into account its international ,position, its vocation and traditions and its geographical lOcation, can and intends to play in order to make a positive contri- 144. Italy, precisely because it is an expression of the civilization of the Mediterranean, has always been es- pecially aware of the problems and crises of that area, which, in its turn, remains central to world balance. In that region old tensions seem'to become more entrenched while new tensions are making the old ones more threatening, thus imposing on all the countries concerned a common respon- sibility to eliminate the ~ources of danger. 145. As regards relations between East.and West, with all their historical al1,d political complexities, Italy isfollowing a policy which reflects responsibility and firmness but also an effective desire for dialogue. This has been our attitude in the consultations held with the Western nations with which we are linked in a defensive alliance, as well as in our contacts with the Soviet Union and the other countries of Eastern Europe. 146. The cardinal points of the Italian position are well known. They are based on the search for a balance offorces, linked with a gradual reduction of those forces to the lowest possible levels, and on the commitment to negotiations without pre-conditions, but founded upon mutual recogni- tion of the essential requirements of security and peace. We also believe that a policy of detente cannot be conducted within watertight compartments, but requires a renunciation of adventurist policies and the adoption of cohe~nt and responsible ones. simu~taneously and in, all geographical regions. The degree of interdependence of our world is so great that we cannot hope to be able to guarantee oases of' peace and stability while elsewhere tensions in0rease and the basic rights of nations and States are violated. 147. Concerning tucticalnuclear fon:es, a particuldrly se- rious imbalance has occurred in the very heart ofEurope,'an area where the concentration ofmilitary forces is extremely high. This imbalance must therefore be corrected through the adoption ofthe necessary decisions and the active use of negotiation. Accordingly, Italy has worked with its allies and with the potential negotiators to bring closer the pros- pect of negotiation~ and is now awaiting the initiation of proces~ which, in our view, remains a basic point of refer- ence in tbe field of disarmament. 149. At this point I should Jike to stress that every result achieved in the field of disarmament can have positive ret:ercussions on development aid. ISO. For its .part, Italy has helped, in a spirit of responsi- bility and moderation, to keep open the prospects for an inter-European dialogue, and it intends to accord the Con- ference on Security' and Co-operation in Europe the im- portance that it deserves. Throughout the course of the: Madrid negotiations we have refused to abandon the hope of achieving substantial and balanced results, including the convening of a conference on disarmament in Europe. Moreover, we have agreed that next autumn a further at- tempt should be made in that direction. It is in the inter- ests of all that that attempt should yield the hoped-for results. 151. A great European country, Poland, has experienced in recent months and is experiencing at present difficulties deriving from its internal evolution. We fervently hope that this country may carry out its chosen action with full respect for the inherent values of its culture and, its sovereignty. 152. Here I should like to point out that the major failures of the United Nations, when they have occurred: are to be attributed to the lack, at the world level, of the political will for. peace and progress based on a careful, balanced anq. realistic assessment of regional conflicts within a global perspective. 153. I said earlier that the \I)recarious nature of the East- West relationship, because ill the indivisible nature of se- curity and hence of peace, has had inevitable repercussions on existing world tensions and that, conversely, the elimina- tion ofthose tensions becomes an important means ofreduc- ing the difficulties which stand in the way of the stabiliza- tion of East-West relations. 154. For their part, the 10 members of the European Community have tried and are still trying to contribute to . this stabilizing action by pt'Oposing formulas abled at re- moving the various causes of tension and restoring peace to SUffering peoples, thus contributing to stabilization. 155. In the Assembly, at the eighth meeting, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom, Lord Carrington, described the European Community's position on the major sources of conflict and tension. I take this opportunity to give Italy's full support to the views that he voiced. 156. for its part, the Italian Government notes with deep concern. that more than 18. months have elapsed since Afghanistan was invaded Py Soviet forces, in flagrant vio- lation of internatiomu norms and the Charter of the United Nations. In the meantime, no attention has been paid to the requests and appeals made by the ovetwhelming majority of the members of this Assembly, th~"members of the non- 157. There is another case of military occupation-the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia-that violates the basic principles of coexistence among peoples. The appeals l1100e by the United Nations arid by the non-aligned move- ment for a solution based on those principles have so far remained unheeded. The Italian Government feels that the fntemational Conference on Kampuchea, held in New York last July, should be given credit for having worked out a baHmced and constructive basis for n.egotiation. My govern- ment hopes that Viet Nam will recognize the serious and reasonable nature'of the proposals put forward by the Con- ference and decide to take part in its future deliberations, thus fulfilling its obligations to the United Nations and contributing to the cause of f~tability in South-East Asia. 158. I turn nowto the African continent and I should like, first of all, to express the full solidarity of the Itidian Government with the Angolan Government, victim of re- cent bloody aggression by South African forces. Violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a State Member of the Organization, from what~ver source, must give rise to the st.-ongest condemnation by the international community. 159. Once more, the aggression against Angola was launched from Namibian territory, which is still subject to an illegal regime of occupation. This cannot but further emphasize the urgent need.to solve a problem which has been dragging on for years, that of the independence of Namibia. Italy maintains that it must be solved without recourse to force, but rather by political means ~md t~rough negotiations, on the basis ofSecurity Council resolution .435 (1978). Hence, the Italian Government addresses the most urgent appeal to all the parties directly concerned, including the countries belonging to the Vlestern contact group, to make every constructive effort to ensure that Namibia rapidly achieves its independence and can occupy at our next session, as a soverei~n State J the place to w~ich it is entitled '1in our Assembly ld in -"!. international commu- nity. 160. The accession of Namibia to independence would favour the development of the entire region, increase the stability of all the countries concerned- ,and primarily An- gola-·and eliminate every justification for the presence of non-African troops in the region. 161. Still dealing with the problems of southern Africa, we must note with regret the absence of any significant progress towards the abolition of apartheid in South Africa, an iniquitous system which constitutes an intolerable insult to human dignity and which my Government firmly con- demns, as reflected in our scrupUlous observance of the military embargo decreed by the Security Council. 162. With regard to the other African crises, Italy consid- ers that the OAU is the forum best qualified to promote the stability of the continent and to settle its disputes without dangerous external interference. 164. Thrning finally to the problems of the Horn of Af- rica, while we note with satisfaction the signs of improve- ment in the relations between Kenya and Somalia, wc are bound to express our deep concern at the continuing tension between Somalia and Ethiopia, two countries with which Italy is linked by ancient historical and cultural ties. Within the limits of its possibilities and with respect for the inde- pendence of both countries, Italy awaits with interest and is ready to contribute to every effort which may help to pro- duce a just solution of this crisis and which will allow the peoples of the Horn of Africa to end the present dangerous spiral of confrontation and concentrate their energies on the fight against their common enemy, namely, underdevelop- ment. 165. I would like to express in this Hall my gratification at the recent return of some countries of the Latin American continent to democratic normality and at the trends in that direction which may be noted in certain countries. Italy hopes that such trends wliI be further intensftied and will yield concrete results, because it is convinced that a substan- tial affirmation of the principle of the respect of the popular will and of the ideals of pluralism and democracy can only strengthen the cause of peace.on the continent, particularly in Central America, and prevent the resurgence of fratricidal struggles such as those which, linked to the. pressure of external destabilizing factors, are tearing apart the people of El Salvador. 166. At the beginning of my statement I observed that the Government of Italy devotes particular attention to the prob- lems of the Mediterranean. 167. If the objective to be pursued is that of the security of the area, its attainment requires the solution of the various crises that afflict the region, and, above all, the establish- ment of peace in the Middle East. This area has too ~at a need for peace and justice for us to sit back and conclude, with facile pessimism, that we have exhausted the pos- sibilities for seeking a political solution. On the contrary, we feel that.important and positive factors are emerging which, together with the effort the European Community is making, gives us reason to believe that today in the Middle East the starting point is no longer zero. Italy will continue to support any prQgress towards a political settlement of these disputes and remains committed to. the contribution which the Ten feel able usefully to offer. May I add, in this respect, that we have noted with interest the proposals put forward by Prince Pclhd of Saudi Ai'abia9 because they reveal the readiness of that country for a negotiated solution of the Middle East problem and because there is an interesting principle implicit in them. 168. Our action is based on certain essential principles which may b.e summed up as follows: the righ.~ to existence and the right to security of Israel, a great people to whom mankind owes a considerable cultural debt, are ,fQr us facts which we cannot renounce; we recognize as well tile right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and, if it so 169. Crises such as that in the Middle East require real- ism, but also courage and hope. We must encourage moves towards detente by both parties so as to prepare the ground for direct dialogue since, in this case also, any lasting solution finally depends on the will of all directly concerned parties. 170. The best proof of the validity of this approach has been provided by the truce and cessation of hostilities in southern Lebanon, achieved through diplomatic efforts, that Italy fully supported. That development has opened the way to the beginning of a pacification process in that long- suffering country. It is now more than ever necessary to guarantee, with the help of all countries, the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon, thus avert- ing a recurrence of the sufferings endured in the past by that defenceless people. Italy is co-operating in the pursuit of that objective by its participation in the peace mission of the United Nations in southern Lebanon, which we hope will be allowed to play an increasing role in that country. 171. A speedy cessation of the hostilities between Iran and Iraq would put an end to the material and human losses involved and thus remove a serious obstacle to the peaceful progress of those peoples. 172. In addition to the crisis in the Middle East, recently in the Mediterranean region there have been signs of a disquieting restlessness which seems to make even less attainable the dialogue and co-operation that we would like to see built up in the area..During this delicate phase we must appeal to all concerned to show a sense of responsibil- ity, to maintain attitudes compatible with the goals of peace- ful coexistence and to renounce claims that conflict with international norms. 173. It was in the cOntext of a policy aimed at further increasing the stability of the central Mediterranean region that the Italian initiative was taken with regard to the decla- ration of neutrality issued by Malta, which can only prove to be a useful instrument in favour of peace and progress. In order to help strengthen this new status, when registering its agreements with Malta in accordance with the Charter ofthe United Nations, Italy requested the Secretary-General [see A1361348, annex] to draw the attention of Member States to that part of the Italian declaration in which all the States concerned were invited-and I repeat that invitation now-to take note of Malta's declared neutrality. 174. Anoth~r Mediterranean island, Cyprus, has unfortu- nately been experiencing a difficult situation for many years. However, the negotiations between the two commu- nities, which the United Nations can use its authority effec- tively to encourage, now have a greater chance of leading to a solution to the problem. Again, for its .part, Italy has done and will do ever~ing possible to assist those negotiations. 176. The Italian Government attaches particular impor- tance't(J the special session of the General Assembly on disarmam~nt to be held in 1982, which will offer a unique opportunity to review the results so far achieved and to outline the programmes to be followed in the future. 177. Unfortunately, it must be said that the Committee on Disarmament, at Ueneva, has not yet been able fully to carry out the tasks entrusted to it by this Assembly. At the same time an increasing need is felt within the Com- mittee to avoid abstract generalizations so that negotiating activities can concentrate primarily on subjects that offer realistic possibilities of agreement. Accordingly, Italy continues to demand a ban on chemical weapons and the destruction of stockpiles thereof in order to avert the se- rious threat posed by the proliferation of these' weapons, which are indeed weapons Qf mass destruction. . 178. In the nuclear field, Italy, which is a party to the Treaty- on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, views with sympathy the demands ofcertain non-aligned countries for security guarantees on the non-use of nuclear weapons by the nuclear-weapon States. Italy is making a direct con- tribution to their efforts in its capacity as chairman of the pertinent AdHoc Working Group at Geneva. 179. In the field of conventional weapons, while under- standing the security requirements of many countries re- garding the protection of their independence and territorial integrity, we feel that the Assembly must none the less redouble its efforts to regulate such weapons. 180. Still on the subject of disarmament, Italy has for some years put forward proposals aimed at limiting the potentially destabilizing aspetts of an arms race in space and has consistently affinned the need to continue to work on a global programme of disarmament as an appropriate basis on which to ensure the achievement of general and complete disarmament under strict and effective interna- tional control. 181. As regards the important work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, Italy is finnly convinced that the exploitation of the mineral resources of , the sea-bed must benefit all"'mankind. 182. During the past yem.~ ir. spite of the difficulties aris- ing from the present crisis, international economic co-oper- ation has made modest but significant advances. An au- thoritative and inspired voice, that of Pope John Paul 11, has recently. been raised in the context of that comprehensive review, the encyclicalLaborem Exercens, to encourage that co-operation. It recommends a profoundly innovative vision of labour problems as wen as a new relationship between institutions and labour. I believe that all men of good will should carefully study those lofty pronouncements. 183. The United Nations Conference on New and Re- newable Sources of Energy has given positive indications as to the road we should follow in order over the long tenn to solve the energy problems·of the non....oil-producing devel.. opingcountries. As for the short and'medium tenns, these 184. The recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries was also successful in adopting the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 19808 for the Least Develop~d Countries. That programme will now con- stitute the basic reference' point for the initiatives of the international community. I should like to stress that these are countries to which Italy is already devoting a substantial percentage of its official development aid and for which it plans in the future to develop a more effective and differ- entiated policy of co-operation which will allow us to ac,hieve the target amQunts set in that programme. 185. Italy is also. playing an active role in the field of science and technology for development. As I had occa- sion;to stress to. a delegation of ministers from developing countries with whom I recently met in Rome, we hope that the United Nations Interim Fund for Science and Technology for Development, to which Italy has made a substantial contribution, will have sufficient resources to achieve its objectives. 186. In the trade sector, we are convinced of the need, reaffinned by the seven main industrialized countries at their meeting in Ottawa, for a vigorous joint effort to fight against the resurgence of the spectre of protection- ism and to keep open the system of world trade. Next year, the GATT Ministerial Cd'nference, welcomed by the Ottawa summit, will provide us with a valuable oppor- tunity to consider in depth the obstacles which already impede the orderly development of international trade, as well as those which threaten to arise. But the most se- rious challenge concerns the launching of global negotia- tions, since it affects the very negotiating ability of the international community. 187. The Italian Government maintains that the prob- lems of the North-South dialogue can only be tackled within the framework of the global negotiations which this Assembly will be called upon finally to launch after appropriate and careful preparation. Moreover, our aware- ne~s of tlJ.e urgency of these questions has led us to take an initiative designed to help in the solution of the tragic problem of wo(d hunger. 188. After having substantially increased in recent years its contribution to the major organizations and pro- grammes of the United Nations operating in the agri- cultural and food sector, Italy, true to its civil and Chris- tian traditions which other cultures reflect as wen, has just suggested the organization of an operational meeting for the purpose of achieving, through the action of the United Nations specialized agencies located in Rome, cer- tain concrete objectives to be given immediate effect re- lating to the struggle against hunger and malnutrition and co-operation in the field of agriculture and food produc- tion. This initiative, which was put forward by Italy, at Otta,wa and approved :n the final communique of that meeting,l° has been endorsed by the countries of the Eu- ropean Community and is now in the course of prepara- tion and development. We trust that that initiative, besides offering proJnpt solutions to the international scourge of malnutrition, will help to stengthen confidence in thepos- sibility of, advancing along the· path of economic growth 190.' 'As regards the first objective, the Organization has already achieved substantial and indisputable results. But in the matter of vigilance and respect for the norms'and principles adopted by the Organization, the United'Na- tions has not shown appreciable progress. Policies Which disregard the essence of human rights have continued· to be practised, and we are still faced with extensive vio- lations of human rights as a result of local conflicts· or situations of instability or intolerance. Italy is ready to co- operate fully in this respect with the world Organization, convinced as we are that wherever the value and dignity of the human person is at stake no obstacle must be al- lowed to stand in our way. Only thus can we give effec- tiveness and incisiveness to United Nations action in the field of the international protection of human rights. 1'~is is Perhaps one of the most difficult challenges that the United·Nations will face in 'the years to come. 191. As we tackle the specific objectives facing this As- sembly in the political and economic fields and discuss the best means of achieving those goals, we must not lose sight of the basic consideration that this Organization is, first and foremost, the supreme body at the service of mankind. Beyond the diversities of tradition and culture, man is in effect the subject of rights and freedoms, who through dignity attains a universal value. The mission of the United Nations thus becomes universal only to the extent to which the Organization proves capable of pro- moting and protecting these rights and freedoms.

Mr. President, may I congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-sixtlt session of the General Assem- bly. 1 recall with satisfaction' that relations between Yugoslavia 3Ild Iraq are distinguished by warm friendship and co-operation. We are confident that your vast experi- ence and well-known devotion to the cause of the United Nations will contribute meaningfully to our fruitful delib- erations. 193. It &ives me great pleasure to welcome the admis- sion of the Republic of Vanuatu,. which has recently gained its independence, to membership in the Organiza- tion. Thus a new step has been taken towards complete decolonization, the achievement of which is one of the most noble goals of the United Nations. 194. Rarely has there been such concordance in our as- sessment that the state of international affairs today is very grave and disturbing. During the past year new crises have arisen and the tension between the great Powets· has increased. The situation is acquiring dan- gerous proportions, affecting negatively the international climate as a whole. ". 195. The relaxation of tensions, negodation~b:dco-oper­ ation.b~sed on respect for ~utual and.common, interests are glvmg way to an ever Wlder and more frequent use of force, which is being imposed as a rule of international 196. The world community is again at the crossroads. Peace, security and development are becoming ever more uncertain, as they were in the darkest days of the cold war. It is more than clear that the o!d order of privileges, monopolies and inequalities, based on the division of the world into blocs, cannot meet the requirements of our time. Not only has it proved its impotence, but it also carries risks for the future of the international community. However, I should like to point out that the peoples have never opposed the policy of force and foreign domination more resolutely than now. Aspirations to independence and equality, as well as the demands for s~~!tantial changes in the international order, are an encouraging fea- ture of our time. 197. If we want to end the present stalemate and ensure lasting peace and progress for mankind. we must search for appropriate answers to the burning questions with which we are faced. 198. It is our belief that those answers are contained within the alternative offered to the world by the policy of non-alignment. Twenty years of the policy of,non-align- ment and its role in the international scene have irrefuta- bly confirmed this. The full affirmation of non-alignment as an independent and positive political force has net been due to its military and economic power,. but to its moral values. This policy truly reflects the hOpes and needs of mankind. Owing to this, and to its comprehen- sive programme ofnew international relations, it has won followers on all continents and has become a universal policy serving the interests of the entire internationm community. 199. No global strategy can yield positive results in ~e search for a way out of the present situation if it rejects or ignores this programme. We hold that that has been con- firmed by life' itself. 200. Lasting peace and security can be achieved only through universal detente that takes into account the inter- ests of all States and enables them to participate on an equal footing in the solving of vital international prob- lems. In other words, detente cannot exist only between the super-Powers and their respective military and political alliances, although it would he inconceivable without their participation and responsibilities. World relations cannot be reduced to their mutual relations. 201. The policy of relaxation of tensions must be clearly directed towards the elimination of all hotbeds of crisis, military interventions and interferences in the internal af- fairs of States. It must seek the peaceful sett1e~ent of disputes, progress in the field of disarmament, and the bridging of the gap between·. developed and developing countries. 202. It is important to note that Europe has not been able to avoid the general worsening of the international situation either,which has had adverse effects upon co- operation and security on our continent. We atlach~at significance to the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference, 204. My country's dedication to the spirit of He~.i~inki is a logical result of its foreign policy of non-alignment. In this regard, we also attach the greatest importance to the promotion of g~od relations with all neighbouring coun- tries. 205. Non-interference in internal affairs, and uncondi- tional respect for sovereignty, the inviolability 'of borders and territorial integrity are cornerstones of this policy. We also consider full recognition of the rights of,national mi- norities to be an important element of mutual confidence and good-neighbourly relations. In our view, these princi- ples must be consistently respected in relations among all States, particularly between neighbouring States. They should, of course, be applied on a basis of reciprocity. 206. Such a practice prevails today in the Balkan re- gion. The importance of this positive process can best be understood if we recall that not so' long ago this-area was often referred to as a grey zone between existing power blocs. 207. With regmd to the major problems facing the world today, we are of the opinion that their solutions must be sought primarily within the framework of the United Nations. However, there are tendencies to exclude the Unite.d Nations from that process, allegedly for the sake of greater effectiveness. We consider that to be com- pletely unacceptable. 208. Undoubtedly, the solving of major problems with the participation of a large number of countries is, like any other democratic process, neither easy nor simple.' But it is the only lasting and effective way to reach solu- tions that will be in accordance with the interests of the world community as a whole. With that in mind, the Yugoslav delegation will again do its utmost to contribute to the success of this session of the General Assembly. 209. We consider the question of disarmament to be of great urgency. The unprecedented escalation of the arms race has become a dominant phenomenon of our time. Disannament negotiations have so far failed to produce even a minimal result. Region after region is being cov- ered with medium-range and long-range missile systems. Enormous financial resources are wasted for such pur- poses. They already equal annually the total debts of all the developing countries. This h!S the gravest conse- quences for international relations. In order to curtail that race, it is essential that this session ensure successful preparations for the second speci.afsession of the General th~ '.many international meetings 'held this year, have -Clearly confirmed this. A quarter of the total poP1.!lation of the developing countries is exposed to permanent star- vation, while another quarter suffers from malnutrition. 21l.' 'Still: efforts to establisn the new international eco- nomic order have so far not produced even initial results. The global negotiations are not yet off the ground. We believe that at this 'session, the necessary political will should be demonstrated to launch those negotiations and thus,to pave the way for international co-operation. Pro- gress achieved, in t~is regard would greatly contribute to the: creation.of a favourable climate for dealing with the acute issues confronting the world. We will welcome any positive demonstration of goodwill and readiness to con- tribute to that end. 212. It is important that at this session the Assembly devote the greatest attention to the final elaboration and adoption of the proposed Declaration on the 'Inad- missibility of Intervention and Interference in the'Internal Affairs, of States. 1I That would' greatly increase the readi- ness of nations to resist the use of force in international relations. 213. The security of the Mediterranean is of the utmost importance not only to the littoral countries, but also to all of.Europe as well as to the Middle East. Current de- velopments in the. Mediterranean give' us cause' for great concern. We are witnessing intensified bloc riv/ilry, a con- centration of armaments and the incre~sed'presence of for- eign fleets. This calls for Constant effort on 'our part to transform the Mediterranean into a zone of peace and in- ternational co-operation. 214. Hotbeds of crisis have year after year been high on the agenda of General Assembly sessions. Again we note with concern that those crises are not being s~ttled; on the contrary, they are flaring up. That is due to the continued violation of the basic right of nations to independence and to free choice as regards their own internal development. 215. We believe that it is clear to everyone today that there is no way out of the Middle East crisis without the withdrawal of Israel from all territories occupied since 1967 and without a solution of the Palestinian question with the participation, on an equal footing, of the PLO. Any just, lasting and comprehensive settlement must in- clude the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to its own State, as well as the recognition of the right of all countries and peoples of that region to live in peace and security. 216. NerAless to say, partial solutions to· the Middle East crisis can be neither just nor realistic. In spite of that, there has been no progress since the last session. The situation has deteriorated, particularly because of the repeated aggression carried out by Israel against Lebanon, which threa~ns to escalate the war even further. ' 219. It is really the crucial moment for justice a.l'ld polit- ical realism to prevail; now is the time to cease any kind of support for and to stop tolerating provocations by the racist regime of Pretoria against its neighbouring African States. Such dangerous playing with fire can produce far- reaching consequences. 220. It seems proper to recall the positive contribution made by the non-aligned movement to eradicate finally the last vestiges of colonialism and racism on African soil. Those include efforts exerted at the Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting of the Co-ordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Countries on the Question of Namibia, held at Algiers, at the Security Council and, later, at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly. By their efforts, the non-aligned countries have searched for a just solution and have sounded a warning which should not remain unheeded. We also believe that the five-mem- ber contact group, which had presented a p3an for Namibia" should itself firmly resist Pretoria's blackmail. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) should unam- biguously be reaffirmed as the only possible basis for the urgent and just achievement of independence by Namibia, with the full participation of the South West Africa Peo- pie's Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. Only thus can peace be brought to the l'eoples of southern Africa and andependence and non- alignment in that part of the African continent be strengthened. 221. Remaining colonial problems, anywhere hi the world, should be eliminated, since they constitute an un- acceptable anachronism, We are also of the opinion that the necessary conditions must urgently be created to en- able all peoples whose right to self-determination is still denied to decide freely their own destiny. 222. We support all efforts in that direction. This ap- plies equally to the right of the ~"pie of Western Sahara and to the search for a just solution based on the decision of the DAU [see A/36/534, annex /I. resolution AHO/Res. 103 (XVIII)]. 223. We also favour continuation of the dialogue on the peaceful reunification of Korea, which corresponds to the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people. We fully sup- port the constructive initiatives by the Democratic Peo- ple's Republic of Korea for the solution of that question. 224. Regarding the crises in Afghanistan "~nd Kam- puchea, we continue to support a peacefulpoli~cal solu- tion, which should be found on the basis of Gerteral As- sembly resolutions calling for the withdrawal' of all foreigp troops, the elimination of foreign interference and 226. The current session of the General Assembly will consider a number of issues of vital importance for man- kind .and for peace in the world. 227. The accumulation of international problems and the exacerbated relations between great Powers threaten to in- stigate confrontation instead of the constructive co-opera- tion we would like to see at this session. We are afraid that such tendencies would deepen the already existing atmosphere of mistrust and thereby create new difficul- ties. 228. So far, on several occasions in critical situations, the United Nations has made a very significant contribu- tion to the consideration of complex international issues and to the lessening of tension in international relations. If all of us here, regardless of which groupings of coun- tries we belong to, exert a joint effort and unite our polit- ical will, we could again succeed. 229. Such an effort certainly calls fo'( a high sense of responsibility, especially on the part cf the great Powers. We must demonstrate our comml,)O madiness to meet new challenges and to search together for solutions which would not favour selfish interests but would reaffirm the lofty principles of the Charter, on the basis of which we have joined_together in the Organization. 230. Thus we would, despite all'the existing difficultie3, open new avenues into the future, to a world of co-opera- tion and peaceful coexistence, to economic prosperity and independence and to a life in peace and' ~ecurity. NOTES '2 Independent commission on International Development Issues. under the Chairmanship of Willy Brandt. 3 Signed on 28 February 1975 and 31 October 1979. For the text of the first Convention. see AJAC.17611. and for the text of the second. see The Courier, ACP·EEC. No. 58, November 1979. ~ 'See CD/22S. AppendiX lINo!. Ill. document CD/205-CD/CPD/ WP.52. , Adopted as resolution 34/87 13. , 6 Signed in Berlin on 3 September 1971, by France. the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America. For the text, see United Nations. Treat.v~Series, voJ. 880. No. 12621. p. 124. .. 11 Subsequently adopted as resolution 36/103.