A/78/PV.93 General Assembly

I have the honour to make the following solemn appeal in connection with the observance of the Olympic Truce: “The ancient Greek tradition of the ekecheira, or ‘Olympic Truce’, born in the eighth century B.C., serves as a hallowed principle of the Olympic Games. In 1992, the International Olympic Committee renewed this tradition by calling upon all nations to observe the Truce. “Through its resolution 48/11 of 25 October 1993, the General Assembly urged Member States to observe the Olympic Truce from the seventh day before the opening to the seventh day following the closing of each Olympic Games. This appeal was renewed in the Millennium Declaration. “In the 2005 World Summit Outcome, our leaders emphasized that ‘sports can foster peace and development’ and encouraged the General Assembly to foster a dialogue and agreed proposals for a plan of action on sport and development. “On 3 November 2005, the General Assembly held a plenary debate on the agenda item entitled ‘Sport for peace and development’ and also adopted, with universal support, resolution 60/8, entitled ‘Building a peaceful and better world through sport and the Olympic ideal’, deciding to consider this item every two years in advance of each Summer and Winter Olympic Games. “The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development acknowledges sport as an important enabler of sustainable development, recognizing the growing contribution of sport to the realization of development and peace in its promotion of tolerance and respect and the contributions that it makes to the Sustainable Development Goals, including the empowerment of women and of young people, individuals and communities, as well as to health, education and social inclusion objectives. “To this end, on 21 November 2023, the General Assembly adopted resolution 78/10. In that resolution, the Assembly urged Member States to observe the Olympic Truce individually and collectively, within the framework of the Charter of the United Nations, throughout the period from the seventh day before the start of the XXXIII Olympiad until the seventh day following the end of the XVII Paralympic Games, to be held in Paris in 2024. “The Olympic movement aspires to contribute to a peaceful future for all humankind through the educational value of sport, in particular youth. The Games will bring together athletes from all parts of the world in the greatest of international sports events as a means to promote peace, mutual understanding and goodwill among nations and peoples — goals that are also part of the founding values of the United Nations. For the first time in the history of the Olympics, the same number of places have been allocated to female and male athletes, breaking new ground in gender equality and inclusivity. For the third time, the International Olympic Committee Refugee Olympic Team will participate under the Olympic flag in the Olympic Games in Paris, acting as a powerful symbol of inclusion and our shared humanity. “As an expression of these common objectives, the International Olympic Committee has decided to fly the United Nations flag in the Olympic stadium and the Olympic villages. The United Nations system and the International Olympic Committee have strengthened their mutual cooperation and support through joint endeavours in such fields as human development, poverty alleviation, humanitarian assistance, health promotion, HIV and AIDS prevention, child and youth education, gender equality, peacebuilding and sustainable development. “I welcome the leadership of Olympic and Paralympic athletes in promoting peace and human understanding through sport and the Olympic ideal, and the commitment made by various States Members of the United Nations to developing national and international programmes that promote peace and conflict resolution and the Olympic and Paralympic values through sport and through culture, education and sustainable development. “As President of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session, I solemnly appeal to all Member States to demonstrate their commitment to the Olympic Truce for the 2024 Paris Olympic and Paralympic Games and to undertake concrete actions at the local, national, regional and world levels to promote and strengthen a culture of peace and harmony based on the spirit of the Truce. Referring to the original tradition of the Olympic Truce practiced in ancient times, as described in resolution 78/10, I also call upon all warring parties of current armed conflicts around the world to boldly agree to true mutual ceasefires for the duration of the Olympic Truce, thus providing an opportunity to settle disputes peacefully.” May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to take note of the solemn appeal in connection with the observance of the Olympic Truce?

May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 11?

In accordance with the provisions of Article 12, paragraph 2, of the Charter of the United Nations and with the consent of the Security Council, the Secretary-General notifies the General Assembly of matters relative to the maintenance of international peace and security that are being dealt with by the Council, and of the matters with which the Council has ceased to deal. In that connection, the General Assembly has before it a note by the Secretary-General circulated in document A/78/300. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to take note of the note by the Secretary-General contained in document A/78/300?

May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 112?

As we convene today’s debate, we recall that the General Assembly and the Security Council work together — alongside the entire United Nations apparatus  — to serve the higher purpose of saving future generations from the scourge of war. While the Charter of the United Nations confers primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security on the Security Council, the General Assembly holds a residual, albeit increasingly important role in that field. Moreover, in carrying out its duties, the Security Council acts on behalf of the Member States, of which the General Assembly is the most representative organ. The General Assembly is at once empowered to make recommendations to Member States, the Security Council or both on matters of global concern. Thus, I encourage Members to view today’s debate as an exercise of that right, assessing how the Council acts on behalf of the Member States. I welcome the timely adoption of the annual report of the Security Council (A/78/2) and its submission to the General Assembly. Moreover, I welcome the fact that the report references  — and importantly, includes — views expressed by Member States during the informal consultation I convened in January, alongside the Permanent Mission of the United Kingdom, which was then the penholding member of the Security Council. The consultation was the first of its kind, responding to repeated calls for a more collaborative and transparent approach to drafting the report’s introduction, including representations made during gayap dialogues that I have convened throughout my presidency. Several of those views are long-standing and widely shared, including the need for a more analytical report that goes beyond merely listing the Council’s work. It is my hope that this positive pattern of closer cooperation and collaboration between the Assembly and Council will continue in the future. Throughout the year, the Security Council and the General Assembly have closely cooperated, within their respective mandates. As examples, I have continued to hold monthly coordination meetings with the rotating Council Presidents and shared the readouts of those meetings with a wider audience. The Security Council has submitted special reports on the use of the veto in the Council; subsequently, I have convened plenary meetings to hold a debate in accordance with resolution 76/262, known as the veto initiative, on every such occasion, and my Office has also routinely prepared summaries of major highlights of those debates for the attention of the Security Council and all Member States. Additionally, I convened a joint briefing with the Presidents of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council following my visit to Haiti in December 2023. That relationship continues to deepen, with practical effect, and I look forward to the continuation of this trajectory. To bolster those efforts, as mandated by the General Assembly, my Office is also finalizing a digital handbook on the past practice and role of the General Assembly in matters of international peace and security, which I will present to Member States later during this session. It is a testament to the concerning state of global affairs that, despite the technical presentation and anodyne format of the Security Council report, a vivid picture of a world fraught with tension and conflict emerges from its pages. Recent years have challenged the international community to an extent not seen in decades. From the Gaza Strip to the Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo to Myanmar, and Ukraine to the Syrian Arab Republic, 2023 was a deadly year for civilians trapped in conflict. The United Nations recorded over 33,000 civilian deaths  — a 72 per cent increase when compared to 2022. The scale of the tragedy comes into even starker relief when we consider that those are reported numbers, as the actual figures are likely much higher. Throughout those crises, the Security Council’s ability to act to preserve and restore peace has been under severe and constant strain. Geopolitical tensions are stymieing its work, as made evident when five draft resolutions and one draft amendment were vetoed in 2023. At the same time, we must recognize that the Council has taken several important decisions. Those include authorizing the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti, which should now be expeditiously deployed; adopting the landmark resolution 2719 (2023) on the financing of African Union-led peace support operations, which is a breakthrough in partnerships between the United Nations and regional bodies on peace and security matters; and renewing the mandates of numerous peacekeeping operations on which millions of vulnerable people rely for life-saving protection. I commend those achievements and call upon the Council to act with the same united purpose to resolve more global peace and security challenges. Let me end by reminding Members that the millions of people mired in conflict, poverty and crises do not care about distinctions between the various bodies of the United Nations — nor should they. They see a single, united Organization responsible for addressing their concerns. We owe it to them to take decisive, collective action that improves their lives. As this debate proceeds, I encourage constructive dialogue and feedback, as well as an increased openness of Council members to suggestions presented by the General Assembly, because in carrying out its duties the Security Council acts on behalf of all Member States. I express my readiness to continue to collaborate in deepening the Assembly’s relationship with the Security Council throughout my presidency, in support of our primary shared goal of peace for all, everywhere. I now give the floor to the President of the Security Council, Mr. Joonkook Hwang, to introduce the report of the Security Council. Mr. Hwang (Republic of Korea), President of the Security Council: On behalf of all Security Council members, I would like to convey my sincere gratitude to you, Sir, for convening this meeting and for your leadership during this session of the General Assembly. In the Republic of Korea’s capacity as President of the Security Council this month, I have the honour of introducing the annual report of the Security Council (A/78/2), covering the period 1 January to 31 December 2023. I would like to thank the United Kingdom for leading the negotiations within the Security Council towards consensus on the report, and all the other Security Council members for their contributions. We are grateful to the Secretariat for producing the body of the report and for the inclusion of comprehensive data on the work of the Council in 2023. The report was adopted by the Security Council on 16 May, in accordance with the timeline set out in the note by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2019/997, for the fourth year in a row. This exercise is more than a routine, mandated reporting requirement. It is an opportunity to further strengthen the relationship between the General Assembly and the Security Council. It is also a tool for transparency and demonstrates the accountability of the Council to the wider United Nations membership. We thank Member States for their participation in the informal consultations that you, Mr. President, hosted with the United Kingdom ahead of the drafting process. The report includes information on instances when vetoes were cast and when votes were held on procedural issues. The report also includes information on the submission of six special reports on the use of the veto to the General Assembly, which was followed by its subsequent plenary meetings. The Charter of the United Nations lays out the parameters of the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly, and that relationship has been built upon over the years. The General Assembly, as the main deliberative organ of the United Nations, has the task of considering the annual report of the Security Council. Another important example of the relationship between those two main organs is the holding of Security Council elections in the General Assembly, as we saw earlier this month. I will now briefly summarize some key aspects of the Security Council’s work last year. In total, in 2023 the Council held 290 formal meetings, 271 of which were public meetings and 19 of which were private meetings; 124 closed consultations; and 6 informal interactive dialogues. There was also an increase in unscheduled meetings from 85 in 2022 to 118 in 2023, which represents a 47 per cent increase. In 2023, the Council adopted 50 resolutions and 6 presidential statements, and members of the Council issued 34 statements to the press. The Council resumed its practice of conducting field missions, with a visit to the Democratic Republic of the Congo in March. In October, the Security Council and the Peace and Security Council of the African Union held their seventeenth annual joint consultative meeting in Addis Ababa. Thematic and cross-cutting issues remained high on the agenda, including women and peace and security, the protection of civilians in armed conflict, peacebuilding, general issues relating to sanctions, and children and armed conflict. We look forward to this morning’s discussion of the Security Council’s 2023 annual report and to hearing feedback and comments from the members of the General Assembly.

I am pleased to take the floor on behalf of the 27 members of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency (ACT) group. We welcome the timely adoption on 16 May of the annual report of the Security Council to the General Assembly (A/78/2), under Mozambique’s presidency of the Security Council, which we thank for facilitating its smooth adoption. We also thank you, Mr. President, for convening today’s meeting and the Republic of Korea, as President of the Council for the month of June, for the presentation of the report. The ACT group aims to promote a more transparent, effective and efficient United Nations. In that regard, we advocate for the improvement of the Council’s working methods, as well as other ways to promote meaningful interaction between the Security Council and the General Assembly, as well as with the Economic and Social Council and the Peacebuilding Commission. The ACT group would like to address the process and the substance of the annual report of the Security Council. First, the ACT group welcomes the adoption of the report of the Security Council before the deadline of 30 May 2024, and commends the United Kingdom for its dedication in steering that process and coordinating the report’s introduction. We would also like to welcome the interactive informal session held in January in preparation of the annual report, in line with the note by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2017/507 and ACT’s prior recommendations. The meeting allowed for an insightful exchange of views on the Council’s work last year, ahead of the drafting of the introduction of the report. The Council must continue to implement that agreed provision of note 507 next year and in the future, so that Member States and Observers can express their views and provide input for the preparation of the reports. Furthermore, we welcome the fact that last year’s resolution on the revitalization of the work of the General Assembly took a first step towards setting a fixed timeline for the General Assembly’s discussion of the annual report, suggesting its “timely consideration by the General Assembly in June of each year” (resolution 77/335, para. 25). That enhances transparency and predictability for all. We would also highlight that a timely consideration would include the possibility for the General Assembly to discuss the report earlier than June should the Council have successfully agreed it before the end of May. Secondly, the introduction of the report provides a factual overview of the work of the Security Council in 2023. We welcome the inclusion of statistics in the introduction  — namely, on the participation of women — and of relevant information on the number of occasions when a veto was cast. The ACT group also commends the references in the report to substantive issues or trends, notably the references to the discussions on cooperation with regional organizations, peacebuilding and small arms. We note in the body of the report the factual account of the work of the Security Council, and we encourage the Council to provide a more complete, substantive and analytical account of its work to the General Assembly. We would also like to highlight the importance of discussing instances where the Council has been unable to act despite an obvious need and a mandate. We would therefore welcome further details on the draft resolutions that failed to be adopted by the Council, such as a brief description of the draft resolutions’ purposes and main provisions and an indication of the grounds for rejection. We acknowledge the reference to the submission of special reports in accordance with the veto initiative and the information included on the adoption of a resolution, in line with the “Uniting for peace” resolution 377 (V). This is the first time that such a chapter on the veto, with the cases in which it has been exercised, has been included in the body of the Council’s annual report. That is a significant achievement following successive calls in that regard. We welcome that very positive step towards more accountability. We believe that the report should also include statements of explanation by the permanent members that exercised the veto, and statistics on the number of times it has been exercised in the past. Information could also be included on the implementation of the Security Council’s resolutions and decisions, with an indication of the constraints and reasons behind any lack of implementation. At a time when the number of vetoes has increased significantly, the General Assembly must be ready to fill the gap left by the use of the veto. We need to strengthen the General Assembly’s own role in the maintenance of international peace and security, particularly when the Council cannot or does not act. In that regard, Mr. President, we also commend your commitment to working with the membership to produce a handbook on the peace and security role of the Assembly during your tenure. Thirdly, the ACT group has long advocated for greater transparency in the work of the Council. We therefore wish to encourage the timely compilation and use of the monthly assessments by Council presidencies, which constitute important reference documents reflecting the views of members on the work of the Council. As such assessments represent not the views of the Council as a whole, but rather the view of the presidency of the month, their substance should not be reduced to the lowest common denominator. We commend the efforts to increase transparency by holding wrap-in and wrap-up sessions, and we recall ACT’s non-paper with a view to improving interactive exchanges. As a complementary document, we would also like to highlight the important work of the Security Council Affairs Division in preparing the repertoire of the practice of the Security Council. We encourage all Member States to provide contributions to ensure the preservation of the Council’s institutional memory. Fourthly and lastly, we suggest that the annual report highlight information regarding the Council’s closed consultations and discussions held under the item “Any other business” in order to promote transparency and help the membership understand the full range of issues and situations the Council is engaged with. The ACT group also encourages the President of the General Assembly to assess today’s debate and to continue transmitting a summary of the recommendations expressed by the membership to the President of the Council for subsequent consideration, and action by the Security Council Informal Working Group on Documentation and Other Procedural Questions, bearing in mind that note 507 encourages the Council President to report back on the suggestions of the United Nations membership. In all those efforts, we maintain that the Council works on behalf of the membership, and we therefore stress the need for the Council to be genuinely transparent and accountable with that in mind. The ACT group looks forward to engaging with all Council members in the drafting process of the 2024 annual report.

We appreciate the convening of this meeting to discuss the 2023 annual report of the Security Council (A/78/2). We also thank the representative of the Republic of Korea, in its capacity as monthly President of the Security Council, for introducing the report. Chile subscribes to the statement made by the Permanent Representative of Portugal on behalf of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency (ACT) group, of which we are a member, and we make this statement in our national capacity. It is essential to support, encourage and respect dialogue and substantive interaction between the Security Council and the General Assembly. We believe that such interaction generates synergy in the working methods, and any effort made to increase transparency and accountability is always appreciated. It helps us to determine whether the responses delivered are appropriate, balanced and consistent. In that regard, we consider the note by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2017/507 to be a living document that requires constant review. We therefore welcome the consensus reached last year by the Security Council on three issues related to working methods, as that responds to the good functioning of that organ. At the same time, it is necessary to review, update and rationalize those notes that no longer meet the current reality. Like other delegations, we stress that the members of the Security Council complied in a timely manner with the deadlines, allowing the annual report to be discussed today in the General Assembly. We recognize that the United Kingdom, the member responsible for the introduction of the aforementioned report, coordinated with the presidency of the General Assembly in calling for informal consultations with the entire membership and considered some comments to be incorporated in the text, such as those concerning the use of the veto and references to votes on procedural issues. Without prejudice to what I have just said, we maintain that the members of the Security Council could still prepare a more complete, substantive and analytical report. We insist that the document not only be factual, but incorporate reflections and reasoning for its decisions, as well as elements of self-criticism that help to improve the work of the Council. We believe that this would contribute valuable elements to improve that organ. We also highlight the participation of civil society representatives in the briefings of the Security Council, who provide us with additional information from their experiences on the ground, and we also encourage more women to take their place as speakers. The year 2023 was challenging and complex for the organ responsible for maintaining international peace and security. That is evidenced by the sharp increase in unscheduled meetings, from 34 in 2021 to 85 in 2022 and 118 last year. We are not indifferent to the use of the veto by the permanent members, which required the Security Council to send a total of six special reports to the General Assembly in order to convene formal meetings under the veto initiative, endorsed by resolution 76/262. We emphasize our position on the use of the veto and the danger it poses by eroding the credibility of the multilateral system. We stress that this should be limited, that this prerogative should be carried out responsibly and that this power should be limited in circumstances such as mass atrocities and war crimes, since we are aware that the protection of human life must be our highest priority. We therefore maintain that we should continue to discuss and ultimately approve in the General Assembly the Franco-Mexican initiative, which already has 106 signatory States, and the ACT group’s code of conduct for the Security Council’s response in cases of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, with 130 signatory States. We call on more Members to endorse both initiatives. We highlight the efforts of the 15 States members of the Council to achieve important results and to put the need to cooperate above individual interests. However, we are surprised that so many deep crises remain unresolved and that, of the total number of draft resolutions adopted, unanimity has been achieved on only 70 per cent of them. Along with calling attention to the situation in the Middle East and Ukraine, among others that are equally pressing, I would highlight the situation in Haiti. We trust that the Security Council will mobilize the capacity to carry out actions that serve to control the suffering that its inhabitants have endured for years. Once again, we emphasize the importance of achieving reform of the Security Council so that decisions on safeguarding international peace and security can be taken in a timely manner and that current geopolitical realities are better reflected. In that sense, the annual report provides us with input to improve working methods, practices and substantive aspects. Such reform is crucial to strengthening the capacity and credibility of the Organization as a whole. In addition, it is essential to legitimize not only decisions on international peace and security but also the United Nations ability to arrive on the ground in time and carry out its main task of effectively protecting civilians, who are disproportionately impacted by current conflicts and new threats.

We would like to thank you, Sir, for providing the United Nations Member States with an opportunity to consider once again the annual report of the Security Council, covering the year 2023. South Africa believes that the report provided (A/78/2) is in accordance with the obligation under Article 24, paragraph 3, of the Charter of the United Nations and on the understanding that the Council acts on behalf of and is accountable to the broader membership of the United Nations. It is this understanding that the General Assembly demonstrates when electing the non-permanent members of the Council. Therefore, allow me to make the following key points. First, we welcome the extensive report provided. We believe that the current report serves nearly as a record of the activities of the Council during the reporting period. We therefore join others in requesting the provision of a more analytical report of the Security Council, which would allow for a more complete understanding of the Council’s efforts to execute its mandate for the maintenance of international peace and security. We would like to emphasize the utmost importance of the Council’s unity in fulfilling its mandate of maintaining international peace and security, and we are concerned at the declining trend in Council decision-making of resolutions being adopted unanimously. Secondly, South Africa remains concerned that during the reporting period the Council was not able to make progress on important and long-standing matters, such as the question of Palestine, allowing the situation to deteriorate. We believe that the Council’s inability to respond to the dire needs of the population in Gaza, given Israel’s unrelenting attacks — which constitute a grave violation of international law and which the International Court of Justice has concluded are a possible case of genocide — constitutes an acute failure on the part of the Council. The International Court of Justice has since ordered Israel to end its military assault on Rafah, provide access to investigators and ensure an immediate increase of humanitarian aid, to which the Security Council has been unable to give effect. An analysis of how such inaction undermined the credibility of the Council would have been welcomed. South Africa firmly believes that the United Nations must reflect contemporary realities to ensure that it is equipped to address and respond decisively to gross violations, provide access to aid and call for an end to conflicts in the interest of fulfilling its mandate. We therefore believe that genuine text-based negotiations on Security Council reform should commence, as that is the only way to achieve the commitments made in the 2005 World Summit Outcome document (resolution 60/1) almost two decades ago. Thirdly, South Africa believes that elected members of the Council can have a more vital role to play, as has been demonstrated in the dynamism shown in addressing fundamental issues related to the maintenance of international peace and security, such as the women and peace and security agenda. They also play an important role in ensuring that open debates are meaningful and are maintained. The elected members have also made strides in the codification and clarification of the working methods of the Council, making tangible gains in increasing the effectiveness, transparency and accountability of the Security Council. Fourthly, South Africa knows that Africa continues to occupy an important place in the work of the Council, accounting for the largest share of all country- specific meetings. Attention should continue to be paid to crises on the continent, such as the dire situation in the Sudan. We believe that Council efforts should continue reinforcing close cooperation with the African Union, such as through annual consultations between the members of the Security Council and those of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union, as per the presidential statement adopted during South Africa’s presidency of the Council in December 2020 (S/PRST/2020/11). Finally, at the conclusion of the consultations of the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Revitalization of the Work of the General Assembly on its annual resolution, we welcome all efforts to emphasize the role and responsibility of the General Assembly, particularly the recognition of the functions, powers and role of the General Assembly in matters related to the maintenance of international peace and security, consistent with the Charter of the United Nations. We must, however, promote more immediate and effective action, in accordance with the Council’s mandate, and make reforming the Council our top priority in order to allow it to respond to the needs of a changing world by being more representative and more accountable.

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening today’s debate. We consider it to be an essential part of the relationship between the General Assembly and the Security Council. I extend my gratitude to Mozambique for facilitating the adoption of the Security Council’s report (A/78/2) in May, to the Republic of Korea for the presentation, and to the United Kingdom for coordinating the efforts in preparing the report’s introduction. The report provides an important record of the Council’s work. However, I would like to encourage the inclusion of more analytical content to reflect the Council’s activities in a more substantive manner. The report should not only list actions and enumerate meetings, but also highlight instances where the Council has been unable to act. In that context, Poland welcomes the introduction of a chapter on the veto for the first time, in response to a long-standing request from many Member States. We have observed an increase in the number of vetoes, which often become the subject of public discourse and frustration, casting a shadow over the entire United Nations system. While we should strive to limit the use of the veto, we must not fall into the trap of weakening our commitment to multilateralism, with the United Nations at its core. Recognizing the weaknesses in the mechanisms established to protect peace and security, we should strengthen the United Nations system. The challenges the world faces are being and should continue to be addressed by the United Nations in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The Charter of the United Nations must remain our fundamental reference point. It is imperative to ensure that non-Council members have a voice in discussions relevant to them, upholding the principles of multilateralism and reinforcing the Council’s legitimacy. We commend the Council’s presidencies for enabling the in-person participation of non-Council members in relevant meetings, thereby bringing important perspectives to the Council’s work. We also find it crucial to ensure that the Council addresses broad topics that may extend beyond the traditional understanding of peace and security threats but are essential to the Council’s relevance. Issues such as cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, climate change, the women and peace and security agenda, conflict- induced global food insecurity and human rights are vital for maintaining peace and security. Making the report more substantive would surely enhance our debate today and provide a text that more accurately reflects the Council’s work. Beyond further suggestions for improvements, today’s debate also serves as an opportunity to reflect on the overall condition of the Council and its ability to fulfil its mandate. In that context, Poland continues to support the enhancement of multilateral diplomacy, including improvements in the Security Council’s operations to make it more efficient, transparent, representative, and accountable.

We welcome the submission of the annual report of the Security Council (A/78/2), in accordance with Article 24, paragraph 3, of the Charter of the United Nations, and thank you, Sir, for convening today’s debate. We also align ourselves with the statement made earlier this morning by the representative of Portugal on behalf of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency (ACT) group. The Security Council carries out its duties on behalf of all of us and of the peoples we represent. Today’s debate is an important opportunity for us to take account of the way it has carried out its primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security and the way it has communicated that work to the membership. On the latter point, we continue to seek a more substantive and, in parts, accurate portrayal of the Council’s work. We also remind Council members that monthly assessments of their presidencies do not in themselves require unanimity amongst Council members and are the most obvious way to have a more analytical reflection of the Council’s work. We want to thank our colleagues from the United Kingdom. Their initiative to invite the membership to informal consultations on the report was genuinely innovative, and the inclusion of references to special reports submitted as the result of the veto under the veto initiative (resolution 76/262) and the creation of a new chapter to cover special reports on the use of the veto are reflective of that more transparent approach. We hope that those references demonstrate an enhanced recognition of the Security Council’s accountability to the wider membership and for a similar degree of accountability from future penholders. For your part, Mr. President, we hope that you and your successors will continue the practice of sending a summary of General Assembly meetings on that agenda item to the Security Council for its consideration in response. Even the most far-reaching, analytical and substantive annual report is no substitute for a functional and effective Council. On that metric, the Council’s work is a cause for increasing concern, both over the period covered by the report and up to the present day. Six vetoes  — concerning five draft resolutions and one draft amendment  — were cast in 2023; six have already been cast this year. Both years represent the highest number of vetoes cast since 1986, before the end of the Cold War. One significant sanctions regime was terminated in 2023 through the use of the veto, and another — the regime established pursuant to Security Council resolution 1718 (2006), on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea  — now lacks a Panel of Experts that is sorely needed for its implementation. The Council’s lack of action, both implicit and overt, in that case not only fails to implement its overall mandate but increasingly undermines its own resolutions. Vetoes are symptomatic of a body unable to carry out its work and to take the decisive and timely action necessary to protect civilians from conflict and insecurity. Increasing dysfunction in the Council has highlighted the increased need for the Assembly to take on a more dynamic role in the maintenance of peace and security, in line with Article 11 of the United Nations Charter. In adopting the veto initiative by consensus, we believe that the membership has made it clear that there is a need to rebalance that division of labour. We encourage all Members, accordingly, to consider when and how products adopted by the Assembly can enhance the maintenance of peace and security, including by stimulating Council action. The events of the past two years do not leave us short of examples. We encourage you, Mr. President, to work with the membership — as you have today announced your intention to do — to compile a repository of occurrences where the Assembly has taken action on peace and security. We strongly believe that the Council and the Assembly, working together, can enhance the United Nations contribution to peace and security at a time when it is needed the most. Even when the Council has been able to act, we have frequently seen a lack of implementation without significant consequences. In a growing number of cases, Council members have actively violated their own resolutions, either directly or by assisting conflict parties. Article 25 of the Charter makes it clear that all decisions of the Security Council are binding on Member States. Statements to the contrary, especially by Council members, weaken the Council and undermine our institution. When there is no implementation of the Council’s binding decisions, the argument that Council resolutions are more effective than pronouncements of the General Assembly, due to their binding nature, ceases to hold water. We also encourage the Council to take steps to ensure adherence to the provisional measures and rulings of the International Court of Justice, which are also legally binding. Where States on the Council are parties to a dispute, we see a refusal to implement Article 27, paragraph 3, of the Charter in full. We commit to working with the large and growing number of Member States that have taken note of the need for parties to a dispute to abstain in the voting to ensure that the United Nations Charter is implemented effectively. As ever, we continue to urge all States, particularly members of the Council and those aspiring to membership, to sign the ACT code of conduct. This year’s report also shows a dramatic reduction of the Council’s footprint in an area where it has historically been the most effective. Peacekeeping missions are phasing out or closing before they have had time to go through the achievable and realistic transition period laid out in Security Council resolution 2594 (2021). Other missions continue under the threat of termination or are on hold, lacking the personnel to operate. We urge the Council to consider how it can work more closely with the Assembly and the Peacebuilding Commission, in particular to ensure sustainable transitions. We also look forward to meaningful decisions on the future of peace operations in the framework of the pact for the future. We will continue to prioritize advocacy for improved working methods in the Security Council, including as part of the ACT group, recognizing that this year the Council is negotiating an update to the note by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2017/507. We note in particular that the success of Council products reflects in part the quality of its penholdership and encourage the increased use of co-penholderships and the leveraging of the expertise of the elected members in that respect.

I thank you, Sir, for convening this debate in a timely fashion. I also thank the President of the Security Council for the month of June, the Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea, Mr. Joonkook Hwang, for introducing the Council’s report (A78/2) earlier today. I take this opportunity to also like to thank the United Kingdom for preparing the report. The annual debate on the report of the Security Council is fundamentally an exercise in transparency and accountability, in accordance with Article 15 of the Charter of the United Nations. It is worth recalling that Article 24, paragraph 1, of the Charter makes it clear that Member States confer primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security on the Council and that the Council acts on behalf of Members. This debate therefore represents an opportunity for members of the General Assembly to exercise their constitutional responsibility to provide oversight and feedback on possible areas for progress and improvements in the work of the Council. That feedback loop is important, in our view, to enhancing the credibility and legitimacy of the Council. Allow me to make three observations on the process of the 2023 annual report before I turn to the substance of the report. First, I commend the Council for the early adoption of its 2023 annual report before the deadline of the end of May, as set out in the note by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2019/997 and as stipulated in paragraph 25 of resolution 77/335, on the revitalization of the work of the General Assembly. That has allowed us to hold the debate in the General Assembly slightly earlier than last year. We hope that this trend will continue. Secondly, I commend the fact that this was the first time the penholder of the annual report has informally discussed the report with the larger membership before the drafting was done. I appreciate the United Kingdom’s convening of the first-ever informal consultations on the annual report in January. That finally responds to my delegation’s long-standing call for an exchange between the Council and the wider United Nations membership when the annual report is being drafted, in accordance with paragraph 129 of the note by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2017/507. We hope that this practice will henceforth become an annual one. Thirdly, we are disappointed with the fact that, despite consistent feedback to Council members, there continues to be incomplete submission of monthly assessments by the Presidents of the Council. In 2023, almost half of the Council’s members , including two permanent members, did not submit their monthly assessments. One permanent member has not submitted any monthly assessments of its presidencies since 2017. We hope that Council Presidents will take the duty of submitting monthly assessment reports seriously. The monthly assessments are not an optional exercise; they provide regular updates throughout the year on the work of the Council to the wider membership and contribute to enhancing transparency and accountability in the work of the Council. In our view, the annual report, which is itself mandated by Article 15 of the United Nations Charter, is incomplete without all monthly assessments, particularly as paragraph 9 of the annual report directs Member States to refer to the monthly assessments for further information on the work of the Council and more detailed reports of its meetings. That reference in paragraph 9 is meaningless if the list of monthly assessment reports is not complete. I shall not mention the names of members that have not submitted their monthly assessment reports, but they can be found in a footnote in the formal text of my statement, which will be made available to all interested delegations. On substance, the annual report again falls short of our expectations. Despite the report being 201 pages long, 180 of those pages comprise a listing and description of resolutions, statements, meetings and other correspondence. A lot of that information is already easily available on the Internet. What Member States are more interested in are the Council’s assessment and perspectives on how it has performed, what are the areas of divergence and what are the areas of potential convergence, and how the Council might improve its performance. Those are the questions that we are interested in hearing about from the Security Council. While we understand the difficulties with achieving consensus on a comprehensive analysis of the Council’s work, we believe that Council members can make a greater effort to produce a more substantive and analytical introductory chapter. If the Council is not able to provide an analytical overview of its own performance, then it is perhaps high time for the members of the General Assembly to consider preparing their own analysis and assessment of the performance of the Security Council. I leave that suggestion for the reflection of all members of the General Assembly. Let me identify two areas where substantive analysis would help Member States’ understanding. First, it is clear that the unity of the Council has declined significantly in 2023 and since the beginning of this year, as demonstrated by the increasing use of the veto. In 2023, six vetoes were cast on five draft resolutions, an increase from four vetoes cast on three draft resolutions in 2022. The sharp decline in Council unity is further demonstrated by the high number of draft resolutions that failed to be adopted due to insufficient votes, and the lowest-ever number of presidential statements in 2023. In other words, the Council is facing the risk of becoming a platform for public posturing, a stage for political theatre and a megaphone for geopolitical narratives. In 2023, the fact that the Council took over a month before it finally adopted resolution 2712 (2023) in response to the conflict in Gaza simply served to underline the polarization and paralysis in its work; the General Assembly, on the other hand, was able to respond within the same month the conflict broke out with the adoption of resolution ES-10/21 at a meeting of the tenth emergency special session. Unfortunately, it does not look like things will get any better this year. We are only halfway through the year and we have already seen six vetoes on five draft resolutions. Those are the same figures as those for the entirety of 2023 and do not even include the threats of veto and pocket vetoes, as they are known. At a time of deepening tensions all over the world, it is disappointing to see a fractured Council. That warrants deep reflection on whether members, in particular permanent members that frequently resort to the veto, are committed to the call in paragraphs 74 to 77 of note 507 for intra-Council cooperation and consultation, or whether that intra-Council cooperation and consultation are absent because they are outweighed by the need to promote narrow national interests and to pander to the public gallery. Secondly, the annual report appears to indicate that Member States are increasingly uncomfortable with resort to peacekeeping and sanctions, both of which are key tools of the Council in maintaining international peace and security, short of authorizing the use of force. The annual report, for example, acknowledges that those tools are facing scrutiny and that there is unease among some Member States regarding the efficacy of those mechanisms in certain contexts. In that regard, the question arises as to the role of the Council in preventive diplomacy. The Council needs to move away from simply managing conflicts after they have erupted and towards a more effective use of the tools of preventive diplomacy, including by examining how the main bodies of the United Nations, such as the General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council and the Peacebuilding Commission, can work together to that end. Additionally, Article 99 of the United Nations Charter is one of the most powerful tools at the Secretary- General’s disposal for preventive diplomacy. In that regard, it was significant that the Secretary-General invoked Article 99 of the Charter in December 2023 to ask the Council to avert a humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza and call for a humanitarian ceasefire. Yet, that invocation of Article 99 is not mentioned in the annual report beyond a cursory listing of the reference number of the letter from the Secretary-General to the President of the Security Council. We hope that the Council will reflect seriously on the Secretary-General’s role in contributing to preventive diplomacy and consider how the Council might react more effectively, substantively and supportively to the use of Article 99 by the Secretary-General. Let me conclude on a positive note. Singapore is heartened to see that the Council is starting to look at the impact of non-traditional issues on international peace and security, including the open debate organized by the Republic of Korea on cyberspace just last week (S/PV.9662) and Malta’s signature event on children and armed conflict in April 2024 (S/PV.9594). We were also pleased to see the adoption in May of Switzerland’s resolution 2730 (2024), on the protection of humanitarian and United Nations personnel in conflict zones, which Singapore co-sponsored. In 2023, there were also pertinent debates on sea- level rise, climate change and transnational organized crime. All those follow a long line of important initiatives that the Council had previously considered, including resolution 2664 (2022), which created humanitarian carveouts for sanctions, and resolution 1325 (2000), which first put the women and peace and security agenda on the Council’s programme of work. Those are important achievements of the Council, and we urge the Council to continue to push the envelope in exploring the interlinkages between new and emerging challenges and international peace and security, and not to cling to outmoded and narrow definitions of peace and security, especially if the Council wishes to remain relevant as the actor primarily responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. I conclude with a final observation. The United Nations is at an inflection point, as is multilateralism. This year, we take stock of our progress just ahead of the Organization’s eightieth anniversary and our decisions will determine our course for the next decade and beyond. The Security Council, as the guardian of international peace and security, should be at the centre of that reflection, review and stock-taking exercise. I urge Member States to consider how the Council might ensure its relevance going into the future and to reflect our goals for the Security Council and its reform in concrete and ambitious terms in the pact for the future.

Malaysia expresses its appreciation to you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting to consider the annual report of the Security Council for the year 2023 (A/78/2). We thank the Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea for introducing the report. Malaysia commends the Security Council for fulfilling its responsibility by submitting its report annually to the General Assembly, as stipulated under Article 24, paragraph 3, of the Charter of the United Nations. The sustained efforts detailed in the report stand as a testament to the dedication and commitment of the Council’s members in fulfilling its primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. Malaysia in that regard commends the United Kingdom for its proactive engagement with the wider United Nations membership in preparing the introductory part of the report. That approach not only enhances the quality and comprehensiveness of the report, but also reinforces the principles of transparency, inclusivity and accountability that underpin the United Nations. We also believe that diverse perspectives are invaluable in crafting a comprehensive and balanced report. Malaysia views the annual report not just as a record of events, but as a tool for accountability and transparency. It also serves as a foundation for future action. By providing detailed accounts of the Council’s activities and the situations it addresses, it helps to inform and shape the response to those critical issues. It is through that shared understanding and coordinated effort that we can hope to address the complex challenges of our time. Turning to the content of the report, Malaysia notes the sub-chapter on special reports on the use of the veto. That is a positive step in response to the request by non-Council members for increased transparency in the work of the Council. However, in the context of the use of the veto, Malaysia believes that there should be critical assessment and incisive analysis of how and why certain decisions were made or blocked. Enhancing transparency regarding the Security Council’s deliberations and decision-making process would not only foster better understanding but also enable accountability for permanent members that cast the veto. That is especially pertinent to the agenda item on the question of Palestine. It is further concerning to learn that only half of the presidencies submitted their assessments for the 2023 report. In that connection, we continue to call on all Council members to make their monthly assessments available to the broader United Nations membership in a timely manner. While noting the challenges posed by the unanimity requirement, we continue to encourage Council members to pursue innovative approaches in presenting their presidency assessments. On a positive note, Malaysia recognizes the efforts of the President of the General Assembly in his initiative to enhance relations between the Security Council and the General Assembly. The good practices of hosting gayap dialogues, holding monthly discussions with the Presidents of the Security Council and providing summary debates of veto initiative meetings should continue. In conclusion, Malaysia reiterates its commitment to supporting the work of the Security Council and contributing to ongoing efforts to promote international peace and security.

The annual reports of the Security Council are an important tool for demonstrating transparency in the work of the Council. They allow States Members of the United Nations to assess the efforts made by the Council on their behalf. The majority of Member States have consistently called for improving the quality of such reports by including accurate, detailed information about the work of the Council and by reducing narration, which could allow for an objective and comprehensive assessment of the activities of the Council, in line with the Charter of the United Nations. My delegation would like to make the following observations. First, it is important to adopt permanent rules of procedures, as opposed to the current provisional rules of procedure. It is also important to respect the Council’s working methods and not to exploit them in a selective way, at the whim and in the interest of certain States, because that impedes the ability of the Council to meet its responsibilities effectively and efficiently and negatively affects its ability to address different crises. Secondly, it is important for the Council to adopt firm measures to implement its mandate for the maintenance of international peace and security, especially in very critical issues, such as the Palestinian question, Israel’s aggression against Gaza, its occupation of Arab territories, including the Syrian Golan and southern Lebanon, and its repeated attacks on Syria. Thirdly, my delegation stresses the need to reform the Security Council to include an equitable and just geographical representation that responds to the needs of developing countries, including Arab States. That would allow those States to make their voices heard and to exercise their sovereign rights on an equal footing with other States without exception or discrimination. Fourthly, all Member States presiding over the Council have to interact professionally with non-Council members that are discussed by the Council. They have to listen to their views and concerns and take them into account in drafting resolutions and statements, while avoiding any practice that could lead to isolation or exclusion. Fifthly, it is important to review the distribution of penholderships in the Security Council so as to ensure equitable rotation among all member States, while focusing specifically on elected States, which can enrich the Council with the varied expertise and experience of those States’ delegations. Sixthly, it is important to make optimal use of the time and resources of the Security Council by reducing the number of intensive and repeated meetings held within short periods of time about the situation in a particular State without an urgent need to do so. Such meetings are held because some Member States use them to pressure and insult the countries concerned. Seventh, it is important to conduct periodic reviews of the sanctions regimes imposed by the Security Council in order to ensure that they do not negatively affect the people of the countries targeted. The practical implementation of such sanctions has proven that the main victims are the people of those States, who suffer and are deprived of their rights to life, food, health care, development and other human rights. Eighth and finally, a binding code of conduct should be adopted, with clear and objective criteria, on the participation of the representatives of civil society and non-governmental organizations in the open debates of the Council. They would add value to the work of the Council by providing their experience and expertise instead of attacking a State Member of the United Nations, promoting a biased point of view or giving fake and non-objective information about a topic under consideration.

At the outset, Argentina thanks the Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea, in its capacity as President of the Republic of Korea, for introducing the Security Council report for the year 2023 (A/78/2) and commends the work of the United Kingdom in coordinating its preparation. As the report shows, the year 2023 was marked by crises and conflicts around the world, which required immediate action on the part of the Council. However, we note with concern that on most occasions the Council was blocked by the use of the veto, which hindered its ability to fulfil its mandate to maintain international peace and security. The presentation and consideration of the annual report of the Security Council is a responsibility derived from the Charter. Today’s debate is critical in allowing all Member States to assess the work that the Council does on behalf of the entire Organization and gives us the opportunity to hold the Council accountable for its actions and, more importantly, for the times when it fails to act. Argentina is pleased that, once again, Council members have submitted the annual report in a timely manner. That is a positive step towards improving the transparency and accountability of the Council to the entire membership of the United Nations. Argentina hopes that this practice will continue to ensure greater predictability and thus a more in-depth assessment of the report by the General Assembly. While the Security Council report preserves the institutional memory of that important organ, its content is mainly factual, which has made the preparation and consideration of the report a mere routine exercise. Argentina would therefore encourage Council members to review that practice. It would be useful for the report to provide a more analytical account of the Council’s work, including additional details on draft resolutions that have not been adopted, the reasons for rejection and the use of the veto. It would also be useful to have information on the Council’s main deliberations in closed sessions, as that would provide more transparency. The report should assess the Council’s performance in fulfilling its mandate, analyse the status of each conflict and the impact of the Council’s action, and evaluate the implementation of and compliance with Council resolutions. My country supports the strengthening of the relationship between the General Assembly and the Security Council on matters related to the maintenance of international peace and security. In that regard, we highlight as a positive step in that direction the adoption of resolution 76/262, which grants a standing mandate for the Assembly to hold a debate whenever a veto is cast in the Council. For millions of people around the world, the Security Council is the face and personification of the United Nations. Its success or failure in fulfilling its mandate is seen as the success or failure of the United Nations. In that sense, it is crucial that the efforts of the Security Council be efficient and effective and that they live up to the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. For my delegation, transparency is one of the central principles that must guide the activities of the Council. Therefore, we highlight that in 2023, the practice of holding briefings for the entire membership at the beginning and end of their mandate was maintained by successive Council presidencies. We also encourage the presidencies of the Council to carry out their monthly assessments. Furthermore, Argentina welcomes the inclusion in the document of a special section dedicated to the reports submitted by the Security Council to the General Assembly regarding the use of the veto, in compliance with resolution 76/262. My country would like to reiterate once again its position against the veto and the urgent need for its limitation or elimination. From the earliest days of the United Nations, Argentina has expressed its opposition to that tool, which is available only to the permanent members of the Security Council. The Council will not improve its functioning so long as the option of blocking a draft resolution is a viable alternative. In that scenario, my delegation is struck by the increase in the use of the veto in recent years in a context of greater instability and urgency. In conclusion, Argentina reiterates its commitment to achieving reform of the Security Council with the aim of making it a more democratic, transparent, responsible, inclusive and representative organ.

I thank President Francis for convening this meeting. It is a timely opportunity for the wider membership of the United Nations to discuss the work of the Security Council. This practice contributes to enhancing the transparency and accountability of the body primarily responsible for peace and security towards all Member States. We concur with other delegations on the importance of increasing the Council’s interaction with other United Nations bodies, including the Peacebuilding Commission, currently chaired by Brazil. I also thank and commend the United Kingdom for drafting the introduction to the annual report (A/78/2). In spite of the poor record in decisions on critical dossiers, such as Gaza, the Sudan and Ukraine, the report gives us a measure of the intensity of our work in 2023 — a work of which Brazil is proud to have been a part. With that experience fresh in mind, Brazil shares the frustration of other delegations at the paralysis in the face of those and other conflicts in different regions of the world. The inability to reach a minimum consensus, especially among the permanent members, has made it impossible to fulfil the essential task assigned to the Council by the Charter of the United Nations. Nevertheless, despite all the challenges that this deep division entails, in 2023 the Security Council was able to make progress on important dossiers until the very last day of the year. The adoption of resolution 2719 (2024), on the financing of African Union-led peace support operations, is one example of that. In 2023, we also saw and intensely promoted a strengthening of the role of the elected members, which on numerous occasions took the lead in dealing with crises. A relevant example was the proposal by Brazil of a draft resolution on the ceasefire in Gaza last October. Although the text ultimately failed to be adopted for reasons already discussed in this plenary meeting, the 10 elected members (E-10) demonstrated at that time the unity and the ability to open the way for dialogue and creative solutions. We believe that the United Nations should benefit more from the democratization of the Security Council’s decision-making process. An important milestone was the adoption in December 2023 of the note by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2023/945. The initial proposal was presented by Brazil and the United Arab Emirates. The note encourages elected members to play a prominent role in the distribution of penholderships among permanent and non-permanent members, the latter being elected by the General Assembly. Based on the experience of its recent mandate, Brazil strongly recommends that current and future members of the E-10 continue to explore spaces for independent and strong action. We need to keep moving forward. The Council’s incapacity to act in certain situations is partially a consequence of an archaic structure that is not representative of today’s political realities and needs. There is a serious underrepresentation, and even a lack of representation in the permanent category, of developing countries and entire regions, including Latin America and the Caribbean and Africa. Brazil reiterates its commitment to a speedy reform of the Security Council in both categories and urges other Member States to work towards that goal, including through text-based negotiations. Next September’s Summit of the Future will be an invaluable opportunity to make meaningful progress in that direction.

We are grateful for the introduction of the report on the work of the Security Council for 2023 (A/78/2) and for the convening of this meeting. It is right to remember that the founders of the United Nations conferred on the Security Council the primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security in order to secure swift and effective action by the United Nations in situations that represent a threat or jeopardize the international system. The Security Council therefore acts on behalf of us all as it performs the delicate functions conferred by that mandate. It is important to recognize that the Council, in its practices, has also held weighty debates and carried out important functions on cross-cutting thematic issues that affect all Members. We are pleased to note that, in the period covered by the report, that practice was maintained and the Council was able to deal with important aspects and wide-ranging topics, such as children and armed conflict, the protection of civilians in armed conflict, small arms, and women and peace and security. With that said, the introduction and consideration of the annual report of the Security Council to the Assembly, in accordance with Article 4 of the Charter of the United Nations, is an annual milestone and an opportunity for the Assembly to assess how the Council is fulfilling the very serious responsibilities we have entrusted to it. First, we commend the Security Council for its ongoing, permanent and unanimous support for Colombia in our peacebuilding efforts. In 2023, the Council held quarterly briefings and consultations on Colombia. In particular, we highlight and express our gratitude for the press statements through which the members of the Council reiterated their full and unanimous support for the peace process in Colombia and commended the ongoing momentum of the full implementation of the Final Agreement for Ending the Conflict and Building a Stable and Lasting Peace. In addition, we highlight the fact that, on two occasions, the Council approved extensions of the United Nations Verification Mission in Colombia. First, through resolution 2673 (2023) it tasked the Mission with monitoring the implementation of the sections on comprehensive rural reform and on the ethnic chapter. Secondly, under Security Council resolution 2694 (2023), it entrusted the Verification Mission with monitoring and verifying the implementation of the ceasefire between the Government of Colombia and the Ejército de Liberación Nacional. Finally, it unanimously extended the mandate of the Verification Mission until 31 October 2024. Colombia recognizes, appreciates and highlights the sustained support of the international community for the building and consolidation of peace in Colombia, which has been met by the tireless commitment of my country and of President Petro Urrego’s Government of change to peace, both within and beyond our national borders. While Colombia acknowledges the work of the Security Council on the situation in Haiti, we wish to express our concern over the deterioration of the humanitarian and security situation in that country. We therefore call on the Council to redouble its efforts to promote stability and security in Haiti. That, in turn, will impact the stability and security of the region. I take this opportunity to assure Haiti that it can look to Colombia to support its efforts towards a peaceful outcome of the serious situation it is facing. I conclude by referring to a topic that truly shook the international community in 2023 — the question of Palestine. The Security Council met on many occasions in order to address the situation in the Middle East, and the Palestinian question in particular. Nevertheless, Colombia is concerned that, over the course of 2023 and the critical months that followed the escalation of the Gaza conflict, the Council was not able to act decisively to maintain international peace and security in the Middle East, in accordance with its mandate. With respect to that worrisome situation and its extremely high cost in terms of lives lost, persons injured and vulnerable people directly impacted by the conflict in Gaza, it is difficult to assert that the action of the Security Council has fulfilled its role of ensuring swift and effective action by the United Nations. The Security Council should reconsider its procedures and working methods in order to ensure that it is able to act swiftly and decisively to address matters that impact all humankind and endanger international peace and security. According to the annual report, the prerogative of the use of the veto was exercised on six different occasions in 2023 to prevent the adoption of draft resolutions or amendments, five of which related to the issue of the Middle East. We cannot continue to witness a Security Council that is impotent and paralysed in the face of conflicts that have deplorable consequences in terms of civilian lives, undermine life and harmony on the planet and destroy our very sense of humanity. The Council’s dysfunction, due to the indiscriminate use of the veto, will lead global public opinion, and especially that of new generations, to see our Organization as being in a state of structural paralysis. That situation must change. That is why we feel that it is necessary to strengthen and broaden the use of those instruments that we have designed collectively to limit the use of the veto, especially in cases of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, all of which are atrocities that entail a collective responsibility to act. There is no valid excuse for not taking action.

Indonesia extends its appreciation to the Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea for introducing the Security Council’s annual report (A/78/2). The report plays a pivotal role in fostering dialogue with the wider United Nations membership and reaffirms the Council’s commitment to transparency and accountability, which are fundamental for promoting collective efforts towards international peace and security. In 2023, the Security Council navigated a complex geopolitical landscape where trust issues and double standards became increasingly apparent. The rising frequency of vetoes in the Security Council, compared to 2022, has exposed its deepening internal divisions and inability to swiftly address pressing issues. The casting of vetoes not only undermined the upholding of international law, but also prevented the Council from taking urgent actions to save lives. We witnessed how the Council was paralysed in addressing the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza, with draft resolutions that were vetoed outnumbering threefold those that were adopted. While we welcome the fact that a dedicated chapter on the special reports on the use of the veto was featured in this year’s annual report, the chapter merely lists the reports without providing the necessary insights. A thorough review of the Council’s performance in effectively fulfilling its mandate is vital, with the annual report serving as a guiding tool for the Council. Over the years, the annual report has mainly focused on listing events and summarizing the Council’s activities without offering critical assessment or in-depth analysis of urgent peace and security matters. However, the report could be more beneficial to all Member States should it incorporate two critical elements. The first is in-depth analysis of annual trends in the Council’s operations. That would encompass, among other things, the drawdown and withdrawal of peacekeepers alongside the strengthening of the role of the regional organizations, in addition to what I mentioned earlier, the exercise of the veto power. Such a review could lead to better-calibrated adjustments in how the Council exercises its mandate, while also ensuring that the broader United Nations membership and the public are well-informed about the decisions taken throughout the year. The second element is an assessment of challenges related to the working methods. That would include, among other things, the challenges to the Council’s decisions on a two-month programme of work, penholderships and the formulation of new agenda items. By systematically assessing its working methods, the Security Council could streamline its operations, leading to more efficient decision-making processes, and might foster greater consensus. Indonesia wishes to reiterate its strong support for a more robust annual report of the Security Council that goes beyond a compilation of institutional memory. A more analytical assessment of the work of the Security Council over the course of one year could shed light on how to improve the work of the Council in the future, which can be used to achieve meaningful progress towards the reform of the Security Council, be it in the intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform or in the current discussions in the framework of the Summit of the Future. An effective, efficient, accountable, democratic, transparent and representative Council would contribute to strengthening the multilateral system as a whole.

First of all, I would like to thank the President of the Security Council for introducing the Council’s annual report (A78/2). We also thank the President of the General Assembly for convening today’s meeting. Austria fully aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency (ACT) group. Most of our substantive points were covered in that statement, so let me just add a few short points. First, we welcome the fact that, for the fourth year in a row, the report on the Security Council’s activities was adopted in a timely manner, followed by today’s debate in the General Assembly. That enables a timely discussion of the report. We also welcome the holding of informal consultations on the work of the Council in January, which was an important opportunity for exchange ahead of the report’s adoption. We hope to see that practice continued, as it demonstrates that both main United Nations organs acknowledge the importance of engaging on equal terms. That is very positive and crucial to fruitful cooperation. Secondly, we are deeply concerned that six vetoes were cast in 2023 by permanent members of the Security Council, which have a special responsibility to maintain international peace and security. According to Article 24, paragraph 1, of the Charter of the United Nations, they assume their responsibilities on behalf of all Member States. They must act in compliance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations and must not block effective Security Council action. We therefore call on all Member States to support the ACT group’s code of conduct. In the light of the many crises challenging international peace and security, it is deplorable that the Security Council often cannot respond with the necessary clarity or does not respond at all due to the politicization of debates and the misuse of the veto. In that regard, we would like to once again reiterate our call for the full implementation of Article 27, paragraph 3, of the United Nations Charter. On a brighter note, we welcome the inclusion of the special reports on the use of the veto in this year’s annual report and would like to thank the United Kingdom for its efforts in that regard. We hope to see that practice continue next year. Thirdly, we should like once again to stress the importance of close cooperation between the Security Council and the General Assembly. The annual report of the Security Council is a key element of collaboration between the two organs and, more crucially, the central tool for transparency and accountability vis-à-vis us, the wider membership. An additional aspect of strengthening cooperation and increasing transparency are the monthly wrap- in and wrap-up sessions. Austria commends each and every presidency for holding those meetings. We regularly seize those interactive sessions to gain an even deeper understanding of the Security Council’s deliberations and to share our ideas on different files. We encourage all Member States to leverage that opportunity in order to create a rich discourse between the wider membership and the Security Council. As a candidate for a seat on the Security Council for the period 2027-2028, Austria is committed to the principles of accountability, coherence and transparency and underlines the significance of direct and open exchange with all Members of the Organization.

I extend my gratitude to the President of the General Assembly for convening today’s meeting and to the President of the Security Council for presenting the Council’s annual report for 2023 (A/78/2). This forum is crucial for ensuring transparency and accountability in the Council’s work and serves the interests of the entire United Nations membership. The report outlines the Security Council’s significant efforts in 2023, notably the adoption of 50 resolutions and the increase in the number of meetings convened on short notice. However, it is regrettable to observe as a general trend that the Council remains deeply divided on many critical issues. As a particular example, the ongoing war against Ukraine has shown the limitations of the Council’s ability to act. That is due to the use of the veto by a party to a conflict — in other words, by the aggressor itself. We view critically efforts to dismantle the instruments of the Security Council to address threats to international peace and security, an example of which is its failure to agree on mandates of United Nations missions. It is imperative that the Council find ways to address deadlocks and prevent the erosion of the international architecture for peace and security. Generally, the Security Council would benefit from even greater transparency and accountability in its operations. Germany would like to reiterate two proposals in that regard. Future reports should provide more analytical insights into decisions and challenges While the report offers a comprehensive overview of meetings and activities, providing analytical insights and integrating infographics and tables would make the report more accessible and enhance its informative value. More regular and substantive interactions between the General Assembly and the Security Council are needed in order to facilitate better understanding and cooperation. The General Assembly must play a proactive role in assessing and contributing to the Council’s work, ensuring that the interests of all Member States are heard and considered. In a time when the reputation and credibility of both the Council and the entire United Nations are at stake, it is vital that the institution responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security operate effectively, with openness and accountability. Germany remains committed to reforming the Security Council to ensure that it is more transparent and fully accountable, which is key to reinvigorating the United Nations as a whole.

We thank the President of the General Assembly for convening today’s meeting. Norway aligns itself with the statement delivered earlier by the representative of Portugal on behalf of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency group. The General Assembly’s consideration of the annual report of the Security Council (A/78/2) is a vital, Charter-mandated obligation and not a mere box- ticking exercise. It is truly an accountability mechanism between two of the main organs, the Security Council and the General Assembly. We welcome the Council’s timely adoption of the report and the much-improved process to get there, including the dialogue held in January by the President of the General Assembly and the United Kingdom, as the drafter of the introduction. Nevertheless, a true reflection of the Council’s work in 2023 remains lacking. This debate is a valuable opportunity for all of us to reflect on that and on how, and whether, the Council fulfilled its mandate towards the maintenance of international peace and security in 2023. The United Nations peace and security architecture, including the Security Council, is undoubtably under pressure. The Council has repeatedly failed to address major crises in Myanmar, Ukraine, the Sudan and Gaza, and the repeated use of the veto challenges the effectiveness of the Security Council as a decision-making organ. That highlights the growing need for the General Assembly to increasingly take on matters of international peace and security when the Council fails to live up to its responsibility. The report before us today does not reflect that dire situation. We must again repeat our calls for the Council to submit a more complete, substantive and analytical account of its own work. In the absence of that, monthly assessments are a valuable stop-gap measure. They are our sole narrative glimpse into the work of the Council. Given that they do not require consensus, we encourage Council members to produce them in a timelier manner and to make full use of them, including to outline procedural aspects of the Council’s work. Norway would also like to highlight one overdue, but very welcome feature of the annual report, namely, the stand-alone chapter on special reports resulting from the use of the veto. Special reports are a task of the Council mandated in Article 24, paragraph 3, of the Charter of the United Nations, and they have taken on a new relevance and use following the adoption of the veto initiative (resolution 76/262). We recognize that the Council works hard to agree the special reports following each and every veto, and while they also lack an analytical character, they are an important indicator of the Council’s functioning. They too tell a story of the Council’s work. They deserve to be reflected in the annual report in a recognizable way, as they are now. Norway initiated the work to include a separate chapter on special reports during our own term on the Council, ending in 2022. We hope that their inclusion, like this year’s, is just a first step towards a hopefully broader, a more analytical look into the use of the veto in the report in the years to come. We again welcome the inclusion of the annual report of the Informal Working Group on Documentation and Other Procedural Questions (S/2023/1014) in the Council’s annual report, in particular the annex containing indicators of progress in the implementation of the note by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2017/507. That gives us a statistical tool for assessing the efforts of the Council in implementing its own commitments. For example, we note and welcome the positive progress achieved in 2023 over 2022 in terms of dialogue with actors outside the Council, with a significant jump in the participation of representatives of regional organizations and other briefers invited under rule 39. We would welcome future reports also tracking Member State participation under rule 37, particularly statistics of requests versus those successfully able to participate, to give us a view of the accessibility and inclusivity of the Council. Relatedly, we note that a review of note 507 is currently ongoing within the Informal Working Group, and we would welcome more transparency on that process both now and in the 2024 annual report, with the aim of strengthening the relationship and dialogue between the Security Council and the General Assembly, on whose behalf it acts. Finally, we thank the President of the General Assembly again for facilitating this dialogue today, and we look forward to the continuation of the practice of sending a summary of General Assembly meetings on this agenda item to the Security Council for its consideration, and particularly to hearing from the Council as to what steps it is taking in response.

We welcome the convening of this meeting to discuss the annual report of the Security Council to the General Assembly for the year 2023 (A/78/2). We appreciate the presentation of the report. We note that the report includes additional information on draft resolutions that were not adopted due to the casting of a veto and references to votes on procedural matters. The document maintains, however, the descriptive nature of the work of the Council that has characterized the annual reports of that organ to the General Assembly, despite the multiple, long-standing requests of the majority of Member States that the reports of the Security Council be comprehensive and analytical, facilitate the assessment of the causes and implications of its decisions, and contribute to a true exercise of accountability before the General Assembly. The analysis of Israel’s violations of the Council’s resolutions, including resolution 2334 (2016) and others adopted since the escalation of the conflict in October 2023, is once again omitted, while the Security Council remains unable to stop the genocide being committed against the Palestinian people by the occupying Power, with the complicity of the United States. While the number of public meetings of the Security Council — including open debates and briefings by the presidencies on the programme of work at the beginning and end of each month — has increased somewhat in recent years, we regret that the tendency of the Security Council to work in closed formats continues. Informal meetings behind closed doors should be the exception and not the practice in the Council. The transparency of such consultations should be guaranteed and minutes issued. We advocate that the Security Council adopt its rules of procedure, which is essential for transparency and the necessary accountability to all United Nations Member States, on whose behalf that body must act, in accordance with Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations. The lack of special reports from the Security Council to be submitted to the General Assembly on measures to maintain international peace and security, pursuant to Articles 15 and 24 of the United Nations Charter, remains another shortcoming to be overcome. Resolution 76/262 established a mechanism to explain the use of the veto. However, we reiterate that restrictive and selective approaches to the Charter should not be applied, which would hinder the achievement of a profound reform of the Council and its working methods. A comprehensive reform of the Security Council is needed to make it a transparent, democratic and representative body. The selective manipulation of the methods and practices of the Security Council as a tool of pressure against sovereign States, in accordance with political agendas and domination, must cease. It undermines the role of that body in maintaining international peace and security and contributes to exacerbating conflicts and divisions. We regret that the Security Council takes decisions without addressing the concerns of non-member States and forces action on draft resolutions when considerable differences in content and scope remain. The Council must stop broadening the scope of the definition of international peace and security, to the detriment of the functions and responsibilities of the General Assembly. We call once again for the Security Council to adhere to its mandate and to stop usurping the functions of other United Nations organs, as has been noted on other occasions. We must preserve multilateralism and the credibility of the United Nations.

At the outset, I would like to express my sincere thanks to the President of the General Assembly for convening today’s debate, and to the representative of the Republic of Korea, as President of the Council for this month, for presenting the report of the Security Council for the year 2023 (A/78/2). Currently and throughout past years, members of the international community continue to encounter the protracted turbulence of aggression, conflict and war in different parts of the world. The consequences and impacts of that unrest are posing a serious threat to the peace, security and stability of the global community, particularly endangering the well-being of people all over the world. The Security Council, as mandated by the Charter of the United Nations, serves as a crucial international body for maintaining international peace and security. In that regard, Myanmar sees today’s meeting as an important occasion not only to study and evaluate the work of the Council through an exchange of views and understandings with the wider United Nations membership, but also to actively analyse meaningful and comprehensive ways to address the multifaceted challenges in an effective multilateral system. As I mentioned earlier, the existence of ongoing conflicts across the globe is alarming. That includes the illegal military coup in my country, Myanmar. In that respect, the Security Council, in its annual report for 2023, briefly addresses the situation in Myanmar. Myanmar indeed notes its appreciation for the inclusion of one paragraph on the situation in Myanmar. However, it is truly discouraging to recognize the level of inaction by the Security Council on the Myanmar issue. While I thank some States members of the Council for their efforts, I regret that the under- length paragraph related to Myanmar somehow reveals the minimum level of attention and action accorded by the Council to addressing my country’s situation throughout 2023. The cost of the Security Council’s inaction is huge for the people of Myanmar, and we are bearing the brunt of that inaction, which has resulted in more deaths, more disabling injuries, more displacement, more suffering, more lost hope and so on. Clearly, the Security Council is also responsible for the deaths and for the failure to protect civilians in Myanmar. Over 5,300 people have been brutally killed by the military junta, 3.1 million have been displaced and more than 18.6 million are in need of humanitarian assistance. That does not include the degradation of peace, security and the rule of law in Myanmar since the unlawful military coup; even the daily lives of our people have been strained to a degree that they are hardly able to resist. Alongside the displacement and migration issues, food insecurity, poverty, hunger and forced recruitment are the most visible threats in Myanmar. Moreover, the military junta has been abusing the fundamental rights and fundamental well- being of the Myanmar people every day. It has likewise been violating international law, international human rights law and international humanitarian law, and committing atrocities that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. Although I have elaborated those alarming figures and the grim reality in Myanmar with a heavy heart, neither I nor the people in Myanmar have lost hope in our resistance. We are resolved to end the military dictatorship and build a federal democratic union. Under those circumstances, I wish to draw the Assembly’s attention to the fact that the military junta frequently blames the people and resistance forces for the suffering by conducting misinformation/ disinformation campaigns. Here, I will highlight one incident among so many others. On the morning of 19 June, a car in which two renowned monks and a driver were riding on their way to attend a religious gathering was shot at by the junta forces in Mandalay. One monk was killed on the spot and others were injured. Immediately, the military junta announced through its news channels that the attack was staged by the People’s Defence Force (PDF). The driver was forced to make a statement confessing that they were shot by the PDF. On the contrary, on 20 June the other injured monk stated publicly that he was interrogated several times by the military authorities. He told them the truth — that he had been shot by the junta forces. When he emerged from the car with a head injury, he even asked the junta soldiers, “How can you be so cruel? We are monks.” The junta then issued a statement admitting that its soldiers had shot at the car. The junta’s coercion of the surviving driver exemplifies its efforts to suppress civilians and conceal the truth. I wish to stress that while there are many incidences of the military junta’s committing atrocities against the people, the junta readily blames the people and others, misleading the international community by disseminating its fabrications through its controlled Myanmar embassies abroad and news channels. It is very unfortunate for the people of Myanmar that some Member States are buying the junta’s falsehoods. I wish to urge Member States to be mindful of the junta’s misinformation and disinformation campaign against the people of Myanmar and resistance forces. We acknowledge the support extended since the attempted military coup by the international community towards the people of Myanmar, including the Rohingya. Myanmar also welcomes the recent appointment of the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy on Myanmar and looks forward to working with her. Nevertheless, I have the confidence that the international community, based on political will, can make further efforts to address the current crisis in Myanmar in order to find a sustainable solution. Any action or initiative to be taken by the members of the international community must be in line with the aspirations and desires of the people of Myanmar, adhering to the principle of a people-led, people-owned approach. In that regard, I must reiterate that time is of the essence for the people of Myanmar, who are bearing the brunt of the lack of effective action on the part of the international community, the Security Council in particular. With a sense of urgency concerning the impact of the crisis on regional peace and stability, as well as in the absence of progress on the implementation of the five-point consensus adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in April 2021 and the atrocious military junta’s failure to abide by Security Council resolution 2669 (2022), I urge the international community, the General Assembly and the Security Council to use all possible tools to take concrete and effective action and measures to bring tangible results to the Myanmar issue. To end the culture of impunity, bring justice to victims of atrocities and make the military junta accountable for all its crimes, the Security Council should refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. Moreover, we require an equal weight of collective action from the entire international community. Cutting off the delivery of arms, weapons, jet fuel and financial assistance to the military junta must be at the heart of all strategies to save the lives of innocent civilians in Myanmar. In conclusion, I would like to state that the people of Myanmar are resilient and strongly dedicated to ending the military dictatorship in Myanmar. People from all walks of life in Myanmar have proved their devotion by joining the resistance movement through numerous means and methods. The National Unity Government of Myanmar, the ethnic revolutionary organizations, civil society organizations and people on the ground have been working hand-in-hand to build a federal democratic union that is committed to serving for the best interest of people in Myanmar. Therefore, on behalf of the people of Myanmar, I again urge the international community, particular the United Nations and the Security Council, to fulfil their responsibility and pledges and resolve the issue in Myanmar by taking effective action without further delay. The United Nations must not fail our aspiration for a prosperous Myanmar with a brighter future for current and future generations. I ask the international community to please save lives and restore the future to the people of Myanmar, especially our young generations.

Allow me to thank the President of the General Assembly for convening this plenary debate on the 2023 annual report of the Security Council to the General Assembly (A/78/2). El Salvador also thanks the representative of the Republic of Korea, as President of the Security Council for the month of June, for introducing the report today. The year 2023 was characterized by a multiplicity of crises and conflicts in different latitudes that required immediate action by the Security Council. The holding of 47 per cent more unscheduled meetings, compared to 2022, denotes the impact of that trend on the work of the Security Council. As the report establishes, many Member States have expressed concern that the Council has not fully used the powers conferred on it by the Charter of the United Nations for the maintenance of international peace and security. From our perspective, the exercise we are carrying out today is essential, as it allows all Member States to assess the work of the Security Council with a view to strengthening the United Nations response to international peace and security. This assessment must be guided by the premise that, in order to ensure prompt and effective action by the United Nations, its Members confer on the Security Council the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security and recognize that the Council acts on their behalf in carrying out the functions imposed by that responsibility. In that regard, I wish to address the process and content of the annual report of the Security Council for 2023. With regard to the process of preparing the report, El Salvador welcomes its timely adoption in accordance with the note by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2019/997 and expresses its gratitude to the delegation of the United Kingdom for facilitating its negotiation. My delegation also extends its appreciation to the presidency of the General Assembly for convening, for the first time, an informal interactive dialogue in January with the membership of the Organization on the work of the Council in 2023 and for preparing an informal summary of those deliberations. We encourage future presidencies of the General Assembly to continue that practice to support future processes of preparing the annual report. The report provides a valuable overview of the work of the Security Council last year. We note with appreciation the inclusion of factual and accurate information on the number of meetings, issues, invitations and outcomes of the work of the Security Council. Despite that, El Salvador believes that much remains to be done if the report is to go from being a succinct and useful review of the main developments of the year to providing a substantive, analytical and material account of its work, in line with the provisions of the General Assembly’s resolutions, including resolution 77/335. In that regard, we note the inclusion of information on the six occasions in which draft resolutions or amendments were not adopted due to the veto of one or more of the permanent members of the Security Council, as well as the subsequent submission of special reports to the General Assembly, in accordance with resolution 76/262. Member States have expressed deep concern and disappointment about that trend. My country therefore supports the inclusion of a chapter in the annual report on the use of the veto, detailing the explanations provided by the member States that exercised it and a statistical account of the number of times it has been exercised in the past. Given the importance of implementing resolution 76/262, El Salvador also encourages the inclusion of relevant information on the meetings held under the mandates of that resolution and their outcomes. We encourage the future analysis of cooperation between both organs to address international crises. In the same vein, my delegation considers it extremely relevant to expand the practice of preparing substantive accounts of the open debates of the Security Council, which provide inclusive and relevant discussion platforms for the issues under consideration by the Security Council. The report should include those accounts, incorporating the recommendations of the Member States to the Security Council. Moreover, El Salvador supports the inclusion of specific information on the status of the situations under review by the Council and the impact of the implementation of its resolutions and decisions on those situations, including the challenges faced in complying with them. All of this is relevant in the context in which, as the report establishes, the instruments that the Council had at its disposal were also under scrutiny, since Member States expressed concern about the effectiveness of the United Nations peacekeeping and sanctions mechanisms in certain contexts. We also believe that the report could include a compilation of the monthly assessments of the Presidents of the Security Council, which reflect the opinions of the members on the Council’s work and constitute important reference documents. Finally, El Salvador encourages the President of the General Assembly to prepare a summary of the recommendations made by delegations at this plenary debate, in accordance with resolution 77/335, and to transmit it to the Security Council for formal consideration by its member States.

Mexico appreciates the opportunity to discuss the Security Council’s annual report to the General Assembly (A/78/2). First of all, we appreciate the efforts made to carry out a preparatory and inclusive process, including informal consultations. Mexico values the report as a tool that can contribute to transparency and accountability while promoting cooperation between the General Assembly and the Security Council. In that regard, while we recognize that the report offers Member States knowledge of the activities carried out by the Council, we believe that the document should also delve into the working methods, including the limitations in the performance of that body that we have observed in recent years. We also believe that it should include information not only on the areas in which agreements were not reached, but also on those in which there were disagreements, in addition to analysing trends in the dynamics of the Council beyond the mere reporting of facts or the presentation of lists. It would also be important to include statistical information in subsequent reports, such as disaggregated data on the participation of women and civil society representatives in Council meetings. In 2023, the prevailing geopolitical context tested the Council’s ability to effectively address international crises. The Security Council adopted only 50 resolutions and 6 presidential statements, which is the lowest number since the Council began using that format in 1994. Furthermore, eight Arria formula meetings between March and July were not broadcast online due to objections from some Council members. Furthermore, eight draft resolutions were not adopted due to an insufficient number of votes. In addition, the veto was used on five occasions. Mexico has said it before and will continue to repeat it — the veto does not foster unity or promote the search for mutual understanding. It is an act of power that constitutes a clear example of the abuse of a working method. The aforementioned data are undoubtedly an example of the increasingly complex and polarized dynamics that limit the action of the Security Council in favour of international peace and security. We also consider it unacceptable that the Council does not respond to or debate cases in which a State resorts to the use of force while invoking legitimate self-defence under Article 51, when in fact the issue is a matter in which peace and security are clearly at stake. Member States and United Nations bodies must implement the valuable recommendations arising from the Secretary-General’s New Agenda for Peace. Mexico therefore considers it necessary and urgent for the Security Council to hold solid debates on the future of peacekeeping, given the accelerated withdrawal of some peacekeeping operations and, on the other hand, the importance of promoting the role of regional organizations. The Council has not fully used the instruments at its disposal to confront the intertwined threats facing the contemporary world. However, it is also necessary to recognize that there is a lack of will or an inability to take advantage of the wide range of possibilities for action found within the Charter of the United Nations, in particular for the efficient use of its tools provided for in Chapter VII to respond to threats to peace, breaches of peace and acts of aggression. Finally, my country recognizes the importance of strengthening the working methods of the Security Council and promoting transparency, inclusiveness and cooperation among all Member States. Mexico urges the continued exploration of innovative ways to improve the operational effectiveness of the Council, ensuring that it can fulfil its mandate to maintain international peace and security in an effective, equitable and inclusive manner.

I thank President Francis for convening this meeting to discuss the annual report on the work of the Security Council (A/78/2). I also thank those who prepared and introduced the report, as well as the Secretariat for its valuable contributions. I welcome the fact that the Council adopted the report in May, in accordance with the note by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2019/997. As one of the States that participated in drafting that report last year during its membership of the Council, the United Arab Emirates would like to highlight the following points. First, we welcome the fact that informal consultations were held with the President of the General Assembly and Member States in order to listen to their views on drafting the introduction of the report. We support the adoption of that approach as an ongoing practice. Furthermore, we stress the importance of the timely issuance of monthly assessments of the Council’s work, which will facilitate the drafting of the introduction of the annual report. It is worth mentioning that this process may require more time than expected with the aim to reaching consensus on the assessments. Secondly, we stress the urgent need to enrich the introduction of the report with deeper and more inclusive analysis. We welcome the information contained about the use of the veto within the Security Council. However, we hope that this analysis will be broadened in the light of the noticeable increase in the use of the veto in 2023, which was, exceptionally, cast six times in an unusual manner. Most of those instances were linked to the tragic situation in Gaza. We regret the fact that this important issue is not raised in the introduction to the report. It is also important that the introduction also include analysis of the implementation of Security Council resolutions in general. Moreover, it is important for substantive issues to be included in the introduction of the report. We welcome the reference in the introduction to resolution 2686 (2023), submitted by the United Arab Emirates and the United Kingdom, on tolerance, peace and security, thus highlighting that important issue. We also welcome the reference to joint commitments on climate change, peace and security for the first time in the introduction, as well as joint commitments on the women and peace and security agenda. Thirdly, and regrettably, no reference is made in the annual report to certain developments in the working methods of the Security Council. That includes, for example, the provision by the Secretariat of a list of speakers in the Council’s open debates on the e-Delegates portal following the discussions held by the Informal Working Group on Documentation and Other Procedural Questions in May 2023. For the first time, the chair of the Informal Working Group briefed the intergovernmental negotiations on the reform of the Security Council in May 2023. That initiative was repeated this year and we hope that it will be continued. Finally and before I conclude, I would like to refer to a new tool that was used by Japan and the United Arab Emirates in the Security Council last year but is unfortunately not mentioned in the annual report, namely, the addressing of a confidential special letter by the President of the Security Council to any concerned party through the Secretary-General. We hope that this new approach is adopted so that the Council can retain that new tool as one of the tools available to it. In conclusion, we hope that, regardless of the present dynamics, the Security Council will be able to continue to improve its annual report in response to the requests of a large number of States Members of the Organization.

The delegation of Ukraine would like to thank the President of the General Assembly for convening this meeting to discuss the report of the Security Council on its activities in 2023 (A/78/2). We also thank Ambassador Hwang for introducing the report to the General Assembly. I take this opportunity to commend him for the excellent job that the Republic of Korea has done so far in steering the Council’s work in June. I would also like to particularly commend the President of the General Assembly and the United Kingdom mission for their efforts to engage the wider membership ahead of drafting the document. The informal consultation convened in January provided Member States with an ample opportunity to share their views and concerns about the Security Council’s activities. Both are reflected in the report. Like many members, Ukraine remains convinced that such reports have to be elevated from compendiums of mostly technical information to analytical documents applicable to our efforts to restore the efficacy of the Council. We know that the current report recognizes that, “many Member States expressed concern that the Security Council failed to fully utilize the powers granted to it under the Charter of the United Nations for the maintenance of international peace and security” (A/78/2, para. 6). Recognition of the problem is a step in the right direction. It is, however, important also to recall a root cause of that failure, namely, the presence at a permanent seat of the Security Council of a country carrying out an armed aggression against a sovereign, peace-loving country and recognized by the General Assembly as the aggressor. The acuteness of that problem appears even more relevant following the most recent developments. Yesterday, the International Criminal Court issued warrants of arrest for former Russian Defence Minister Shoigu and Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces Gerasimov for alleged international crimes committed in the context of the situation in Ukraine. Both have joined the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Putin, who has held the same status on the warrants of arrest list as a suspect in war crimes since March 2023. Today the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights made public its judgment in the case of Ukraine v. Russia (re Crimea), recognizing numerous crimes committed by Russia since the temporary occupation of Crimea in February 2014, including abduction and enforced disappearance, unlawful detention, torture and ill treatment of political prisoners, violations of freedom of expression, freedom of religion and freedom of peaceful assembly, and deprivation of property. It is therefore a matter of deep regret that the country whose political and military leadership is under arrest warrants will sit at the head of the table in the Council Chamber in July. However, that shameful situation does not change the fact that justice will be served imminently. The sooner the Russian aggression and war crimes are ended and justice is served, the faster the Security Council can restore its efficacy in fulfilling its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. That issue serves as a clear example of the misuse and manipulation of the Council’s toolbox by the aggressor in an attempt to divert attention, distort realities and induce fatigue among Council members regarding the issue of aggression. We have seen different destructive practices in that regard, in particular the spamming of the agenda with questions that hardly align with the Council’s mandate, such as the theological differences among different orthodox denominations; retaliating against meetings held under the agenda item “Maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine” by requesting another Ukraine-related meeting the next day or a couple of days later; or blocking the presidency’s monthly programmes in any draft containing meetings under the agenda item “Maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine”. All of those practices lead to the further discreditation of the Council, undermining its integrity. Ukraine believes that in order to make annual reports a useful tool for safeguarding the credibility of the Council, the aforementioned problems have to be openly identified in their texts. It is also important to use proper language to that end. We reiterate that the term “conflict in Ukraine” used in the report is not an appropriate option. The conflict involves two parties, one of which has been recognized in the General Assembly’s resolutions as an aggressor and instigator of the conflict. We do not consider that hiding that role by using improper terms will contribute to the credibility of the document. We encourage Council members to keep exploring new ways to further improve the preparation of annual reports to the to the General Assembly, as well as to upgrade the Council’s overall working methods.

Let me begin by thanking Ambassador Joonkook Hwang, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea and President of the Security Council, for presenting the Council’s annual report to the General Assembly, as contained in document A/78/2. The consideration of the annual report of the Security Council is an important obligation, as stipulated in Article 15 and Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations. The report before the Assembly and today’s discussion are an opportunity for Member States to assess the work of the Security Council, which acts on their behalf. While the report before us provides a useful compendium of the Council’s deliberations, it does not illuminate the measures it has taken to maintain international peace and security. The skeletal information provided can hardly enable the General Assembly to make a considered assessment of the work done by the Council. My delegation continues to call on the Security Council to provide an annual report that is more analytical, reflective and incisive, rather than a mere narrative of events. Despite recent efforts to improve transparency, much of the Council’s real work and decision-making takes place behind closed doors. Member States directly concerned with a dispute or conflict are not invited to participate in the Council’s deliberations and, often, some are not even consulted. The role of the non-members has been further reduced to making set- piece statements at a few open meetings of the Council, mostly on thematic issues. The Council has continued to encroach on the mandates and responsibility of other principal organs, especially the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council. The Security Council’s work on counter-terrorism needs urgent reform. The listing and sanctions regimes under Security Council resolutions 1267 (1999) and 1988 (2011) are cumbersome and politicized. Meanwhile, terrorist groups have revived and proliferated across the world and must be contained with much more vigorous and effective action. The Council has also ignored other forms of terrorism, such as that carried out by extremist and fascist organizations, including the Hindutva militants terrorizing Muslims. It has also ignored State terrorism brutalizing people under occupation, as in the case of Palestine and Kashmir, while no distinction has been drawn between terrorism and the legitimate struggles of peoples under colonial and alien domination for self-determination. Norms arbitrarily formulated in restricted, non-United Nations entities have been transformed into hard law through Chapter VII resolutions of the Security Council. International law and treaties should be developed by the General Assembly or other forums with universal representation. While awaiting agreement on the reform of the Security Council, several steps can be taken to improve its transparency, effectiveness and accountability. First, the annual reports of the Security Council should be analytical and not merely a compendium of its activities. Secondly, there should be substantive collaboration between the General Assembly and the Security Council. The monthly meetings of Assembly and Council Presidents are hardly sufficient. Thirdly, the adoption of Council decisions should follow open discussions and allow inputs by the concerned States and parties. Fourthly, closer collaboration is needed between the Council and the troop- and police-contributing countries, especially during negotiations on their peacekeeping mandates. Fifthly, the selection and appointment of expert panels and special representatives of the Secretary- General should be made transparently, with balanced representation from the North and South and various regions. Sixthly, the Council should also set up a body to monitor and facilitate the implementation of its resolutions, including those that have been in abeyance for a considerable time, such as those on Palestine and Kashmir. Ultimately, a comprehensive reform of the Security Council is essential to providing it with greater legitimacy and credibility. Security Council reform must induce greater democracy in its structure and processes. Expanding the number of non-permanent members in the Council’s membership is vital to enhancing its representativeness and reducing the dominance of its permanent members. Adding new permanent members would erode the principles of sovereign equality and equity and further paralyse the Council.