A/79/PV.13 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Slovenia.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Robert Golob, Prime Minister of the Republic of Slovenia, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

A few days ago, we adopted the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1). In these times of wars, climate catastrophes, increasing inequalities and deepening polarization, it was a rare flicker of unity — the unity of countries and groups from all continents. The Pact should represent the start of a new era of global partnership among countries willing to strengthen the multilateral system, with the United Nations at its core. There was another flicker of hope this week. The Security Council, presided by Slovenia, my home country, adopted a presidential statement (S/PRST/2024/5) on leadership for peace. All 15 members of the Council reaffirmed their resolve to maintain international peace and security and to commit to international law, including the Charter of the United Nations. It was a good start to re-energizing our collective work for a better, more peaceful and more humane world. Let me address some of the most pressing issues of today, starting with peace and security. Secretary-General António Guterres, who enjoys our full support and enormous respect, has repeated on several occasions that last year, with the highest number of conflicts in decades, was also the deadliest. Slovenia has been an elected member of What we are witnessing in Ukraine is the aggression of a stronger and powerful neighbour upon a smaller and weaker one. That is clearly a blatant violation of the United Nations Charter, and if we allow that aggression pass we will open the door to many similar wars across the globe. In Gaza, almost four months since the Council’s resolution 2735 (2024) on the ceasefire and hostages, a deal is nowhere in sight. As the Secretary-General said yesterday at the High-Level Ministerial Meeting on the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), people in Gaza, “are existing  — not living, but existing  — among lakes of sewage, piles of rubbish and mountains of rubble. The only certainty they have is that tomorrow will be worse”. In the West Bank and East Jerusalem, violence and the dehumanization of Palestinians are increasing and have reached a boiling point. All of that is taking us further away from the two-State solution, with Israelis and Palestinians living side-by side-in peace and security. The escalation of the Gaza crisis into the region is now a reality. The region is at the brink of an abyss. De-escalation is urgently needed, starting with ceasefires in Gaza and Lebanon. In the Sudan, we are witnessing a man-made humanitarian catastrophe, with millions displaced and in desperate need of humanitarian aid. At the same time, we are seeing atrocities happening again in Darfur. How is that possible? Has the Security Council really failed humankind? To be honest, it is the five permanent members that bear the most responsibility. By misusing the veto power and putting national interests first, they have effectively blocked the working of the Security Council. The concerns and pain that we feel for civilians and our condemnation of violations of the Charter and of international humanitarian law should not depend on our geographical or political proximity to the conflict. We should all put our common interests first, and the world would be a much better place if we did. Let me turn to the reform of the Security Council. Our experience in the Security Council has given us renewed appreciation for the need to reform the Council. We urgently need a Council that is a true representation of the international community — a Council that is fit for the world of today. We need to ensure that the distribution of seats is fair. The Council needs stronger voices from regions that have been underrepresented, such as the African continent. The reform of the Council’s composition needs to be accompanied by the reform of the veto powers. The reality is that we will not be able to eliminate the veto, but we could definitely regulate the right of the veto more precisely. The Security Council also needs to exercise its power with higher ambition when it comes to the prevention of conflicts and play a stronger role in peacebuilding activities that involve all aspects of the United Nations system. Let us not forget that the United Nations is so much more than the Security Council alone. We commend the work of nameless humanitarian workers who are on the ground in armed conflicts, among the civilians, representing the face of the United Nations. The erosion of respect for international humanitarian law is making their work so much more difficult. The Gaza conflict has been, however, a turning point in that regard. In Gaza, humanitarians are not just occasional collateral victims; they seem to have become deliberate military targets. There is no other explanation Another pressing issue is climate change. The impact of climate change is mostly felt on the lifeline for people and nature, that is, water, the most precious of the elements. Extreme weather events are multiplying water-related risks across the world. That global challenge demands a global and collaborative response. Solutions exist but are not equally accessible to everybody. The Secretary-General’s Early Warnings for All initiative is the right step in that direction. As catastrophic floods devastated my home country last year, we initiated the development of an advanced digital solution linking Earth observation with supercomputing and artificial intelligence. The system will help us predict floods and droughts and improve our resilience. We are ready to share that solution with our partners globally. Remote sensing and Earth observation inform our early warning systems, but we are fully aware that many countries lack the capacity to monitor all hazards and are restricted in their access. I call upon all to form a global partnership around Early Warnings for All to help overcome those challenges. The partnership would boost our common preparedness and ensure that everyone on Earth is protected from hazardous weather, water or climate events through life-saving early warning systems. Unfortunately, people suffering from armed conflicts do not have the luxury of high-tech solutions. More often than not, they are denied basic access to clean drinking water. Worse yet, we are increasingly seeing how access to water is becoming weaponized in Yemen, Somalia, Gaza and the Sudan. Slovenia decided to take initiative and launched the Global Alliance to Spare Water from Armed Conflicts, together with a cross-regional group of countries. Such global partnerships are urgently needed to safeguard the human right to water for all. Last but not least, I turn to humanity. We need to make sure that people around the world age with dignity and rights. Current international human rights law offers only a fragmented and inconsistent framework for the full protection of the human rights of older persons. That is why we are leading a global action towards a legally binding instrument on human rights of older persons. The world should waste no time in addressing the main issues related to gender equality, including the future development and implementation of the women and peace and security agenda. The United Nations should lead by example when it comes to the full, equal and meaningful role and leadership of women in our societies. In its entire history, the General Assembly has been led by only four women. We have never had a female Secretary-General. The time has come to reflect gender equality in top leadership positions of our Organization. Slovenia has joined the supporters of the Rotation for Equality initiative, which calls for gender rotation in the position of President of the General Assembly. In times of crisis, children are always the most vulnerable. Today’s world is increasingly hostile to children’s rights. More children than ever are experiencing violence in all settings, many have lost their lives or have been forcibly displaced, exposed to the most traumatic experiences, imprisoned, denied education and health care or face extreme poverty and social exclusion. Gaza is an example of the extreme suffering of children. Slovenia is offering concrete help with the Let Them Dream Foundation, which is dealing with the Let me finish with the story of the two young girls from Palestine. At the beginning of this week, I attended an event on missing futures in the occupied Palestinian territory, organized by Save the Children. At that event, I heard stories from two courageous Palestinian girls, Sara and Rand. They spoke about their challenges in life, they spoke about their feelings and they spoke about their plans for the future. In spite of all the destruction, dehumanization and fear, there was no anger or hatred in their stories. They just had an enormous wish to live a normal, decent life. They just had an enormous wish to be able to study and educate themselves in order to be able to give back to their community. One wants to become a doctor; the other wants to become a humanitarian worker. Today, I fulfil my promise to them and bring their story to the General Assembly. Only with our united call for peace and against war will we make sure that Sara, Rand and all the other children of Palestine and the world are not among the thousands missing their futures like children under occupation. I want to say this out loud and clearly to the Israeli Government — stop the bloodshed, stop the suffering, bring the hostages home and end the occupation. Mr. Netanyahu must stop the war now.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Slovenia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

It is a matter of great honour for me to address the General Assembly for the second time as the Prime Minister of a country that has always been a proactive member of the United Nations family. I would like to congratulate and wish you every success, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. I would also like to express my appreciation for the efforts of Ambassador Dennis Francis and his skilful stewardship of the seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly. The Father of our nation, the Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, declared in 1947 that “we stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world”. Pakistan has stood unwaveringly by that commitment. Today, we are facing the most daunting challenges to the world order: Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza, a dangerous conflict in Ukraine, destructive conflicts across Africa and Asia, rising geopolitical tensions, resurging terrorism, galloping poverty, stifling debt and the mounting impact of climate change. We feel Today, I stand before the General Assembly to express the searing pain and anguish of the people of Pakistan at the plight of the people of Gaza. Our hearts bleed as we witness the tragedy unfolding in the Holy Land, a tragedy that shakes the very conscience of humankind and the foundations of this institution. Can we as human beings remain silent while children lie buried under the rubble of their shattered homes? Can we turn a blind eye to the mothers cradling the lifeless bodies of their children? That is not just a conflict; it is a systematic slaughter of the innocent people of Palestine and an assault on the very essence of human life and dignity. The blood of Gaza’s children stains the hands not just of the oppressors, but also of those who are complicit in prolonging that cruel conflict. When we ignore their endless suffering, we diminish our own humanity. It is not enough to condemn; we must act now and demand an immediate end to the bloodshed. We must remember that the blood and sacrifice of the innocent Palestinians will never go to waste. We must worry about their plight and difficulties and stand by them. We must work for a durable peace through the two-State solution. We must seek a viable, secure, contiguous and sovereign State of Palestine, based on the pre-1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its eternal capital. To advance those goals, Palestine must also be immediately admitted as a full Member of the United Nations. In the span of a few days, Israel’s unrelenting bombing of Lebanon has killed over 500 people, including women and even small children. The failure to implement United Nations resolutions has emboldened Israel. It threatens to drag the entire Middle East into a war whose consequences could be grave and beyond imagination. Like the people of Palestine, the people of Jammu and Kashmir, too, have struggled for a century for their freedom and right to self-determination. Instead of moving towards peace, India has resiled from its commitments to implementing the Security Council resolutions on Jammu and Kashmir. Those resolutions mandate a plebiscite to enable the people of Jammu and Kashmir to exercise their fundamental right to self-determination. Since 5 August 2019, India has initiated unilateral illegal steps to impose what its leaders ominously call a “final solution” for Jammu and Kashmir. Day in and day out, 900,000 Indian troops terrorize the people of occupied Jammu and Kashmir with draconian measures, including prolonged curfews, extrajudicial killings and the abduction of thousands of young Kashmiris. At the same time, in a classic settler- colonial project, India is seizing Kashmiri lands and properties and settling outsiders in occupied Jammu and Kashmir in its nefarious design to transform the Muslim majority into a minority. That hackneyed tactic is employed by all occupying Powers, but it has always failed. In Jammu and Kashmir, too, it shall fail. The Kashmiri people are resolute in their rejection of the false Indian identity that New Delhi seeks to impose upon them. Very severe conditions and atrocities are being imposed upon them every hour. India’s policy of brutal coercion and oppression in occupied Kashmir has ensured that Burhan Wani’s legacy continues to inspire the struggle and sacrifices of millions of Kashmiris. Inspired by the legitimacy of their epic struggle, they remain defiant. Their heart-wrenching stories remind us that behind every statistic lies a human life, a dream deferred and a hope shattered. Even more worrisomely, India is engaged in a massive expansion of its military capabilities, which are essentially deployed against Pakistan. Its war doctrines envisage a surprise attack and a limited war under the nuclear overhang. Thoughtlessly, India has spurned Pakistan’s proposals for a mutual strategic restraint Let me state in no uncertain terms that Pakistan will respond most decisively to any Indian aggression. Therefore, to secure a durable peace, India must reverse the unilateral and illegal measures it has taken since 5 August 2019 and enter into a dialogue for the peaceful resolution of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions and the wishes of the Kashmiri people. Let us remember that illegal occupation creates a fresh hell every day in the killing fields of Palestine and the pristine valleys of occupied Jammu and Kashmir. Apart from conflicts, the twenty-first century has brought a cascade of crises, including the reversal of development and the mounting impact of climate change. Two years ago, my country was devastated by catastrophic floods, causing $30 billion in damage. It is now clear that each summer will bring blistering temperatures and trigger fresh climate impacts. Pakistan emits less than 1 per cent of carbon globally, yet we have paid a very heavy price through no fault of our own. That is most unfair in any calculus of global justice. We must uphold the axiom that the polluter must pay. Pakistan looks forward to the fulfilment of commitments made by our development partners to supporting the achievements of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and climate goals, including a new annual goal beyond $100 billion in climate finance. With nearly 100 developing countries trapped in the vicious cycle of debt and liquidity crisis, which I always call a death trap rather than a debt trap, achieving the SDGs in those circumstances remains a distant mirage. The international financial architecture, which the Secretary-General has described as “morally bankrupt”, and the world trade and technology regimes must be reformed and aligned to promote development and global equity. Since I assumed office in March, the progress and prosperity of my 240 million people have been my singular focus. We have taken some very difficult but necessary decisions that have rescued our economy from collapse, restored macroeconomic stability, controlled fiscal deficits and strengthened our reserves. As a result, inflation has come down to a single digit and the prospects for economic growth have revived. I should like to explain that challenge and the way we are negotiating it by reciting a stanza from a poem that makes me very emboldened, brave, hard-working and ready to make untiring efforts. The stanza is a befitting example of hard work, facing challenges and paving the way for success stories. When things go wrong, as they sometimes will, And the road you’re trudging seems all uphill, When the funds are low and the debts are high, And you want to smile, but you have to sigh, When care is pressing you down a bit, Rest if you must, but don’t you quit. That is how we have learned to face and negotiate the most daunting challenges we have faced. Situated at the crossroads of South and Central Asia and the Middle East, we have prioritized geoeconomics and regional connectivity to secure win-win outcomes for our people. The second phase of the landmark China-Pakistan Economic Corridor has been successfully launched. Through the apex Special Investment Facilitation Council, we are mobilizing investments in resilient infrastructure, renewable energy, minerals, sustainable agriculture and technology. That will herald a new era of development and modernization in my beloved country. Pakistan seeks the earliest possible normalization of the situation in Afghanistan. We join the United Nations appeal for $3 billion in humanitarian assistance to the millions of suffering Afghan brothers and sisters. At the same time, we endorse and share the international expectation that the Afghan interim Government will respect human rights, including the rights of women and girls, and promote political inclusion. In particular, the interim Government must take effective action to neutralize all terrorist groups within Afghanistan, especially those responsible for cross-border terrorism against neighbouring countries. Those include the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant-Khorasan, the Al-Qaeda-affiliated Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan/Fitna al-Khawarij, the Majeed Brigade, the Balochistan Liberation Army and other terrorist groups that, unfortunately, have been seen on Afghan territory. Another troubling global development is the escalation of Islamophobia, which is now manifested by frequent desecrations of the Holy Quran, attacks on mosques, the negative stereotyping of Muslims and acts of discrimination and violence against them. The most alarming manifestation of Islamophobia is the Hindu supremacist agenda in India. It aggressively seeks the subjugation of 200 million Muslims and the obliteration of India’s Islamic heritage. Pakistan and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation will work with the Secretary-General and his Special Envoy to implement a plan of action to combat that scourge. Pakistan seeks an immediate end to the tragic conflict in Ukraine and its peaceful resolution, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and international agreements. Pakistan has a long and proud history of solidarity, friendship and cooperation with the nations of Africa. We will continue to cooperate with them to counter terrorism and resolve regional conflicts, including through United Nations peacekeeping and peacebuilding in Africa. Finally, as we leave the General Assembly Hall, we must carry with us a message for our people that the weak are not voiceless, that the oppressed should not lose hope, that poverty is not preordained and that the Almighty’s promise of justice and equality in our only terrestrial home must be respected.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the State of Israel.

I did not intend to come here this year. My country is at war, fighting for its life. But after I heard the lies and slanders levelled at my country by many of the speakers at this rostrum, I decided to come here and set the record straight. I decided to come here to speak for my people, to speak for my country and to speak for the truth. And here is the truth — Israel seeks peace. Israel yearns for peace. Israel has made peace and will make peace again. Yet we face savage enemies who seek our annihilation and we must defend ourselves against those savage murderers. Our enemies seek not only to destroy us, but to destroy our common civilization and return all of us to a dark age of tyranny and terror. When I spoke here last year (see A/78/PV.10), I said that we faced the same timeless choice that Moses put before the people of Israel thousands of years ago as we were about to enter the promised land. Moses told us that our actions would determine whether we bequeath to future generations a blessing or a curse. That is the choice we face today: the curse of Iran’s unremitting aggression or the blessing of a historic reconciliation between Arab and Jew. In the days that followed that speech, the blessing I spoke of came into sharper focus. A normalization deal between Saudi Arabia and Israel seemed closer than ever. But then came the curse of 7 October. Thousands of Iranian-backed Hamas terrorists from Gaza burst into Israel in pickup trucks and on motorcycles, and they committed unimaginable atrocities. They savagely murdered 1,200 people. They raped and mutilated women. They beheaded men. They burned babies alive. They burned entire families alive — babies, children, parents, grandparents. It seemed reminiscent of the Nazi Holocaust. Hamas kidnapped 251 people from dozens of different countries, dragging them into the dungeons of Gaza. Israel has brought home 154 of those hostages, including 117 who returned alive. I want to assure everyone that we will not rest until the remaining hostages are brought home too, and some of their family members are here with us today. I ask them to stand up. With us is Eli Shtivi, whose son Idan was abducted from the Nova music festival. That was his crime  — a music festival. And those murderous monsters took him. With us is Koby Samerano, whose son Jonathan was murdered, and his corpse was taken into the dungeons, into the terror tunnels of Gaza  — a corpse held hostage. With us is Salem Alatrash, whose brother Mohammad, a brave Arab Israeli soldier, was murdered. His body, too, was taken to Gaza, and so was the body of Ifat Haiman’s daughter, Inbar, who was brutally murdered at that same music festival. With us is Sharon Sharabi, whose brother Yossi was murdered and who prays for his older brother Eli, who is still held hostage in Gaza. And with us too is Yizhar Lifshitz from Kibbutz Nir Oz, a kibbutz that was wiped out by the terrorists. Thankfully, we achieved the release of his mother, Yocheved, but his father, Oded, is still languishing in the underground terrorist hell of Hamas. I again promise them that we will bring their loved ones home. We will not spare that effort until that holy mission is accomplished. The curse of 7 October began when Hamas invaded Israel from Gaza, but it did not end there. Israel was soon forced to defend itself on six more war fronts, organized by Iran. On 8 October, Hizbullah attacked us from Lebanon. Since then, it has fired over 8,000 rockets at our towns and cities, at our civilians, at our children. Two weeks later, the Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen launched drones and missiles at Israel, the first of 250 such attacks, including one yesterday aimed at Tel Aviv. Iran’s Fuelled by Iran, Palestinian terrorists in Judea and Samaria have perpetrated scores of attacks there and throughout Israel. Last April, for the first time ever, Iran directly attacked Israel from its own territory, firing 300 drones, cruise missiles and ballistic missiles at us. I have a message for the tyrants of Tehran. If they strike us, we will strike them. There is no place — there is no place in Iran — that the long arm of Israel cannot reach. That is true of the entire Middle East. Far from being lambs led to the slaughter, Israel’s soldiers have fought back with incredible courage and with heroic sacrifice. And I have another message for the Assembly and for the world outside the Hall. We are winning. As Israel defends itself against Iran in that seven-front war, the lines separating the blessing and the curse could not be clearer. I have with me the map I presented here last year. It is a map of a blessing. It shows Israel and its Arab partners forming a land bridge connecting Asia and Europe between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea. Across the bridge, we will lay rail lines, energy pipelines and fibre optic cables, and that will serve the betterment of 2 billion people. Now let us look at the second map. It is a map of a curse. It is a map of an arc of terror that Iran has created and imposed from the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean. Iran’s malignant arc has shut down international waterways. It cuts off trade, destroys nations from within and inflicts misery on millions. On the one hand, we see a bright blessing, a future of hope; on the other hand, a dark future of despair. And if anyone thinks that the dark map is a curse for Israel alone, then they should think again, because Iran’s aggression, if not checked, will endanger every single country of the Middle East and many, many countries in the rest of the world, because Iran seeks to impose its radicalism well beyond the Middle East. That is why it funds terror networks on five continents. That is why it builds ballistic missiles for nuclear warheads to threaten the entire world. For too long, the world has appeased Iran. It turns a blind eye to its internal repression. It turns a blind eye to its external aggression. Well, that appeasement must end and that appeasement must end now. Nations of the world should support the brave people of Iran who want to rid themselves of that evil regime. Responsible Governments should not only support Israel in rolling back Iran’s aggression, but they should join Israel. They should join Israel in stopping Iran’s nuclear weapons programme. In this body and the Security Council, we are going to have a deliberation in a few months, and I call on the Security Council to snap back its own sanctions against Iran because we must all do everything in our power to ensure that Iran never gets nuclear weapons. For decades, I have been warning the world against Iran’s nuclear programme. Our actions delayed that programme by perhaps a decade, but we have not stopped it. We have delayed it, but we have not stopped it. Iran now seeks to weaponize its nuclear programme. For the sake of the peace and security of all countries — for the sake of the peace and security of the entire world — we must not let that happen. I assure all present that Israel will do everything in its power to make sure that it does not happen. The question before us is simple. Which of those two maps that I have shown will shape our future? Will it be the blessings of peace and prosperity for Israel, our Arab partners and the rest of the world, or will it be the curse in which Iran and its proxies spread carnage and chaos everywhere? Israel has already made its choice. We have decided to advance the blessing. We are building a partnership for peace with our Arab neighbours while fighting the forces of terror that threaten that peace. For nearly a year, the brave men and women of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have been systematically crushing Hamas’s terror A year later, the IDF has killed or captured more than half of those terrorists, destroyed over 90 per cent of their rocket arsenal and eliminated the key segments of their terror tunnel network. In measured military operations, we have destroyed nearly all of Hamas’s terror battalions — 23 out of 24 battalions. Now, to complete our victory, we are focused on mopping up Hamas’s remaining fighting capabilities. We are taking out senior terrorist commanders and destroying remaining terrorist infrastructure. But all the while — and I will say this one more time — we remain focused on our sacred mission of bringing our hostages home and we will not stop until that mission is complete. Now, even with Hamas’s greatly diminished military capability, the terrorists still exercise some governing power in Gaza by stealing the food that we enable aid agencies to bring into Gaza. Hamas steals the food and then it hikes the prices. It feeds its own bellies and then it fills its coffers with money it extorts from its own people. It sells the stolen food at exorbitant prices, and that is how it stays in power. Well, that too has to end and we are working to bring it to an end. And the reason is simple. If Hamas stays in power, it will regroup, rearm and attack Israel again and again and again, as it has vowed to do. So, Hamas has got to go. It is hard to imagine, but there are those who say that Hamas has to stay and has to be part of a post-war Gaza. Can anyone imagine, in a post-war situation after the Second World War, allowing the defeated Nazis in 1945 to rebuild Germany? It is inconceivable. It is ridiculous. It did not happen then and it is not going to happen now. That is why Israel will reject any role for Hamas in a post-war Gaza. We do not seek to resettle Gaza. What we seek is a demilitarized and deradicalized Gaza. Only then can we ensure that this round of fighting will be the last round of fighting. We are ready to work with regional and other partners to support a local civilian administration in Gaza, committed to peaceful coexistence. As for the hostages, I have a message for the Hamas captors. Let them go. Let them go — all of them. Those alive today must be returned alive and the remains of those whom Hamas brutally killed must be returned to their families. Those families here with us today and others in Israel deserve to have a resting place for their loved ones, a place where they can grieve and remember them. The war can come to an end now. All that has to happen is for Hamas to surrender, lay down its arms and release all the hostages. But if it does not, we will fight until we achieve victory — total victory. There is no substitute for it. Israel must also defeat Hizbullah in Lebanon. Hizbullah is the quintessential terror organization in the world today. It has tentacles that span all continents. It has murdered more Americans and more Frenchmen than any group except Bin Laden. It has murdered the citizens of many countries represented in the Hall and it has attacked Israel viciously over the past 20 years. In the past year, completely unprovoked, a day after the Hamas massacre on 7 October, Hizbullah began attacks against Israel that forced more than 60,000 Israelis on our northern border to leave their homes, becoming refugees in their own land. Hizbullah turned vibrant towns in the north of Israel into ghost towns. I want everyone to think about that in equivalent American terms. Can anyone imagine if terrorists turned El Paso and San Diego into ghost towns? Then they should ask themselves how long the American Government would tolerate that — a day, a week, a month? I doubt it would tolerate that for even a single day. Yet Israel has been tolerating this intolerable situation for nearly a year. Well, I have come here For 18 years, Hizbullah brazenly refused to implement Security Council resolution 1701 (2006), which requires it to move its forces away from our borders. Instead, Hizbullah moved right up to our border. It secretly dug terror tunnels to infiltrate our communities and indiscriminately fired thousands of rockets into our towns and villages. It fires those rockets and missiles not from military sites — it does that too  — but after they place them in schools, in hospitals, in apartment buildings and in the private homes of the citizens of Lebanon. It endangers its own people. It puts a missile in every kitchen, a rocket in every garage. I said to the people of Lebanon this week: “Get out of the death trap that Hizbullah has put you in. Do not let Nasrallah drag Lebanon into the abyss. We are not at war with you. We are at war with Hizbullah, which has hijacked your country and threatens to destroy ours.” As long as Hizbullah chooses the path of war, Israel has no choice and Israel has every right to remove that threat and return our citizens to their homes safely. That is exactly what we are doing. Just this week, the IDF destroyed large percentages of Hizbullah’s rockets, which were built with Iran’s funding for three decades. We took out senior military commanders who shed not only Israeli blood but American and French blood as well. And then we took out their replacements, and then the replacements of their replacements. And we will continue degrading Hizbullah until all our objectives are met. We are committed to removing the curse of terrorism that threatens all civilized societies, but to truly realize the blessing of a new Middle East we must continue on the path we paved with the Abraham Accords four years ago. Above all, that means achieving a historic peace agreement between Israel and Saudi Arabia. Having seen the blessings that we have already brought with the Abraham Accords, the millions of Israelis who have already flown back and forth across the Arabian Peninsula over the skies of Saudi Arabia to the Gulf countries, the trade, the tourism, the joint ventures, the peace — I say, what blessings such a peace with Saudi Arabia would bring. It would be a boon to the security and economy of our two countries. It would boost trade and tourism across the region. It would help transform the Middle East into a global juggernaut. Our two countries could cooperate on energy, water, agriculture, artificial intelligence and many, many other fields. Such a peace, I am sure, would be a true pivot of history. It would usher in a historic reconciliation between the Arab world and Israel, between Islam and Judaism, between Mecca and Jerusalem. While Israel is committed to achieving such a peace, Iran and its terror proxies are committed to scuttling it. That is why one of the best ways to foil Iran’s nefarious designs is to achieve the peace. Such a peace would be the foundation for an even broader Abrahamic alliance, and that alliance would include the United States, Israel’s current Arab peace partners, Saudi Arabia and others who choose the blessing of peace. It would advance security and prosperity across the Middle East and bring enormous benefits to the rest of the world. With American support and leadership, I believe that this vision can materialize much sooner than people think, and as the Prime Minister of Israel I will do everything in my power to make it happen. This is an opportunity that we and the world should not let go by. Israel has made its choice. We seek to move forward to a bright age of prosperity and peace. Iran and its proxies have also made their choice. They want to move back to a dark age of terror and war. And now I have a question, and I pose that question to everyone here. What choice will they make? Will their nations stand with Israel? Will they stand with democracy and peace or will they stand with Iran, a brutal dictatorship that subjugates its own people and exports terrorism across the There should be no confusion about that, but unfortunately, there is a lot of it in many countries and in this very Hall, as I have just heard. Good is portrayed as evil and evil is portrayed as good. We see that moral confusion when Israel is falsely accused of genocide when we defend ourselves against enemies who try to commit genocide against us. We see it, too, when Israel is absurdly accused by the International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor of deliberately starving Palestinians in Gaza. What an absurdity. We help bring 700,000 tons of food into Gaza. That is more than 3,000 calories a day for every man, woman and child in Gaza. We see that moral confusion when Israel is falsely accused of deliberately targeting civilians. We do not want to see a single innocent person die. That is always a tragedy, and it is why we do so much to minimize civilian casualties, even as our enemies use civilians as human shields. No army has done what Israel is doing to minimize civilian casualties. We drop flyers. We send text messages. We make phone calls by the millions to ensure that Palestinian civilians get out of harm’s way. We spare no effort in that noble pursuit. We see yet another profound moral confusion when self-described progressives march against the democracy of Israel. Do they not realize that they are supporting the Iranian-backed goons in Teheran and in Gaza  — the goons who shoot down protesters, murder women for not covering their hair and hang gays in public squares? Some progressives they are. According to the United States Director of National Intelligence, Iran funds and fuels many of the protesters against Israel  — who knows, maybe some of the protesters or even many of the protesters outside this building now? King Solomon, who reigned in our eternal capital, Jerusalem, 3,000 years ago, proclaimed something that is familiar to all. He said that there is nothing new under the sun. Well, in an age of space travel, quantum physics and artificial intelligence, some would argue that that is a debatable statement. But one thing is undeniable — there is definitely nothing new at the United Nations. Take it from me. I first spoke from this rostrum as Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations in 1984 (see A/39/PV.32). That is exactly 40 years ago. In my maiden speech here, I spoke against a proposal to expel Israel from this body. Four decades later, I find myself defending Israel against that same preposterous proposal. And who is leading the charge this time? Not Hamas, but Abbas — Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. That is the man who claims he wants peace with Israel, yet he still refuses to condemn the horrific massacre of 7 October. He is still paying hundreds of millions to terrorists who murder Israelis and Americans. It is called pay-for-slay. The more you murder, the more you get paid. And he still wages unremitting diplomatic warfare against Israel’s right to exist and against Israel’s right to defend itself. And by the way, they amount to the same thing, because if you cannot defend yourself you cannot exist — not in our neighbourhood, certainly, and maybe not in anyone else’s. Standing at this rostrum 40 years ago, I told the sponsors of that outrageous resolution to expel Israel: “Gentlemen, check your fanaticism at the door” (A/39/ PV.32, para. 83). Today, I tell President Abbas and all who would shamefully support that resolution: “Check your fanaticism at the door.” The singling out of the one and only Jewish State continues to be a moral stain on the United Nations. It has made this once-respected institution contemptible in the eyes of decent people everywhere. But for the Palestinians, this United Nations house of darkness is home court. They know that in this swamp of antisemitic bile, there is an automatic majority willing In the past decade, there have been more resolutions adopted against Israel in the General Assembly Hall than against the entire world combined. Actually, there have been more than twice as many. Since 2014, this body has condemned Israel 174 times. It has condemned all the other countries in the world 73 times. That is more than 100 extra condemnations for the Jewish State. What hypocrisy. What a double standard. What a joke. So, all the speeches we have heard today and all the hostility directed at Israel this year are not about Gaza; they are about Israel. They have always been about Israel — about Israel’s very existence. And I say that until Israel, until the Jewish State, is treated like other nations, until this antisemitic swamp is drained, the United Nations will be viewed by fair-minded people everywhere as nothing more than a contemptible farce. Given the antisemitism at the United Nations, it should surprise no one that the Prosecutor at the ICC, one of the United Nations affiliated bodies, is considering issuing arrest warrants against me and Israel’s Defence Minister, the democratically elected leaders of the democratic State of Israel. The ICC Prosecutor’s rush to judgment, his refusal to treat Israel with its independent courts the way other democracies are treated, is hard to explain by anything other than pure antisemitism. The real war criminals are not in Israel. They are in Iran. They are in Gaza, in Syria, in Lebanon, in Yemen. Those who stand with the war criminals and who stand with evil against good, with the curse against the blessing — they should be ashamed of themselves. But I have a message for them. Israel will win this battle. We will win this battle because we do not have a choice. After generations in which our people were slaughtered, remorselessly butchered, and no one raised a finger in our defence, we now have a State. We now have a brave army, an army of incomparable courage, and we are defending ourselves. As the Book of Samuel says in The Bible, “The eternity of Israel will not falter”. In the Jewish people’s epic journey from antiquity, in our odyssey through the tempest and upheavals of modern times, that ancient promise has always been kept and it will hold true for all time. To borrow a great poet’s phrase, Israel will not go gently into that good night. We will never need to rage against the dying of the light because the torch of Israel will forever shine bright. To the people of Israel and to the soldiers of Israel, I say: Be strong and of good courage. The people of Israel live now, tomorrow, forever.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the State of Israel for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister, Minister for National Security and the Public Service and Minister for Finance, Economic Affairs and Investment of Barbados.

We need a reset. And we need to reset. Those of us here today, representing our brothers and our sisters the world over, have endured four years of polycrises. As the children of Mother Earth, we continue to wrestle with the climate crisis. As a human family, we grapple with the legacy of the pandemic. As a digitally connected people, we are now, regrettably, confronted by multiple theatres of war and scenes of horror and famine flowing from those wars — armed conflict instead of pursued development. Citizens of every country struggle to contain the rising cost of living and the implications for them and their families on a day-to-day basis. We are all now threatened by the second but silent pandemic of antimicrobial resistance, together with a growing incidence of death and disability from chronic non-communicable diseases. We cannot afford the distraction of war. If ever there were a time to pause and to reset, it is now. Collectively, as an international community, and individually, as leaders in each of our countries, we must now deliver new opportunities and solutions to those crises, which dampen economic growth, restrict the ambitions of our peoples and numb our sense of the beauty and goodness the world ought to be offering because it has it to offer. The reset for which I am calling and, indeed, all our citizens are demanding must see an end to all forms of discrimination. The rules and institutions that exist today, which create first- and second-class citizens  — as we have said from this rostrum year after year — depending on one’s nation of origin, militate against trust, credibility and hope and foster a crisis of confidence in the existing international order, which must become inclusive and responsive for all. More than any other complaint from this rostrum has been that concerning the disparities, mistreatment and inability to ensure fair and transparent treatment for all that would lead to the trust necessary for us to solve the problems of our times. Neocolonialist structures that reflect and perpetuate an old world order characterized by racism, classism and misogyny, while ignoring the legitimate aspirations of billions, will not help to foster the hope or trust that are necessary to meet those polycrises. We must ensure that global institutions give developing countries, especially small vulnerable States like my own, and vulnerable middle-income countries seats at the table of decision-making where we can be seen, heard, become active agents in our own cause and lead our own development paradigms. We are reminded that 2024 is the final year of the United Nations Decade of People of African Descent. Much has been achieved, but the recognition, justice and development for people of African descent that were promised by the Decade have, to say the least, not yet been fully realized. It is for that reason that the Caribbean Community and my own country in particular join the growing chorus for the immediate proclamation of a second decade to complete the unfinished work and address the matter of reparations for slavery and colonialism. I start there because this is a necessary but complex conversation, and the Caribbean Community is resolute that it must happen. I want to be very clear that its resolution lies in a multigenerational approach, in the same way that the ₤20 million debt that was incurred by the British Government for the compensation of slavery in the nineteenth century was only repaid in the twenty-first century, almost 200 years later. The notion of unaffordability becomes a non-issue once we recognize that the solution to reparations must be multigenerational and grounded in development. Of necessity, the reset must also be characterized by institutional reform, which has to start in the United Nations councils. Those councils suggest that some are full members and others are only partial, part-time or occasional members. All of that Nowhere are reform and, consequently, trust and hope more important to the well-being of billions of people today than in relation to the global financial architecture. Restricted access to capital, its disproportionately high cost, barring us from doing what we must, its inadequate scale and the overwhelming burden of debt, often imposed on us by circumstances beyond our control, are now combining to force Governments of the world’s poorest countries and, frankly, across many vulnerable middle-income countries to devote more resources to debt servicing than to health, education and, in some instances, even infrastructure. For far too many members of the human family, cold ground is their bed and rock is their pillow. Too many go to bed with their bellies hungry and too many not even have a bed. Our reset must therefore collectively build a common agenda that reflects and reinforces our shared humanity. It is that shared humanity which binds us together. You know better than most, Mr. President, that our African brothers and sisters got it right with their principle of ubuntu and have used that principle in the General Assembly to remind us that its simplicity is what we should aspire to. “I am because you are; I am because we are. My well-being is tied to yours and our collective well- being is connected to Mother Earth’s”. That best voices the approach needed to give expression to the reset that is absolutely necessary. We acknowledge that there are glimpses of hope. For example, on Monday we agreed to the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), but we still have war. We have agreed on the Global Digital Compact (resolution 79/1, annex I), but we still have raging pandemics and a slow-motion silent pandemic. All of that rests on the common agenda that the Secretary General set out for us earlier. Yesterday, we agreed on the Political Declaration of the High-level Meeting on Antimicrobial Resistance. Those are a lot of fancy words, but that is where the rubber hits the road because all of us in the Hall know people who have died from infections and for whom antibiotics are simply no longer effective, so that within 48 hours a person’s life can be snuffed out almost as if they were at war. Following on the intervention of the Bridgetown Initiative and the Paris Pact for People and Planet, the outcomes of efforts of many across the board, we acknowledge that there is some hope, and it is evident in the beginnings of the reform that we are seeing. It is coming little by little but nevertheless it has started. Those are all important steps, but we cannot take our eyes off the prize. Barbados’ call for a fundamental reset includes attitudes and behaviours as much as actions or reforms. Heads of Government are in agreement that we must trigger national development agendas of transformation both with speed and at scale. We have a date with destiny against 1.5°C. We know that that is what is needed to survive and the implications for people, even as we speak, can be dire. But if there is a failure to act with clarity of purpose; if the lack of political will retards progress on the front of much-needed reform within the international financial institutions purely because Heads of Government do not speak to ministers of finance or board directors when they reach Washington, D.C.; if there is a need for that to be dealt with, there must be a commitment to being equal to the current challenges of Member States if we are not to perpetuate the discriminatory practices that result in undermining the transformational opportunities that we need. Depriving vulnerable countries of being able to access concessional income that is enough to build the resilience to save lives and to protect livelihoods is unjust. That is why we must remain focused. That is why we launched yesterday the third iteration of the Bridgetown Initiative, which identifies three key principles. They are very simple. Indeed, we must also address the challenge  — and this I believe to be the fundamental mission of this generation — of how we are going to secure the global public commons to be able to maintain our safety and stability as a global community. We are going to have to discuss how we can secure it and, of course, how we must finance it. That is not only the climate crisis or the loss of biodiversity that we speak about, but the other many global challenges that can truly destabilize countries and regions. Those considerations are of fundamental importance to the sustainable existence of our future generations. The Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for Small Island Developing States (SIDS) is another story of promises made but not kept. Thirty years ago, the international community gathered in my country to take action for the first time on the unique challenges faced by small island developing States. We birthed in my home country the first ever global agenda for small island developing States, which became known as the Barbados Programme of Action. I thank Mauritius for its strategy of implementation, and we are grateful for the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action. They were the carriers of the baton of a development agenda for small island developing States in the intervening years in the face of multiple global crises, from health to climate to finance. Yes, the vulnerabilities of our countries as small States have become more pronounced. In May, we gathered in Antigua and Barbuda for the fourth International Conference on Small Island Developing States, and I call on the international community and the multilateral system to let us work together to ensure that the promise created in Bridgetown in 1994 is delivered and realized through the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS 2024. Let me take this opportunity as well to inform the General Assembly that two days ago we took over the chairship of the Climate Vulnerable Forum — the Vulnerable Group of 20 (V20) countries of the world — from Ghana, whose President I would like to thank for his excellent stewardship of the Group over the past two years and, indeed, for the strengthening of its institutional capacity. The priorities of our term as Chair of the V20 countries will be dealing with the multiple dimensions of climate crisis, the impact of the climate crisis on human health and, of course, the issue of debt and climate, because if we do not solve that, we cannot take the appropriate actions to deal with climate. I invite all United Nation Members that are not yet members of the V20 but that are climate vulnerable to join the Group because it is only through the amplification of our voices and the consistency of our message and solidarity that we will continue to see the pace and scale of reforms that we need to be able to save our peoples’ lives. I commend the declaration of the leaders of the Climate Vulnerable Forum that was adopted on Wednesday. Above all else, we need a global reset on peace. There needs to be global peace, and those of us who are old enough will have recognized that there are peaks and valleys as it relates to the issue of conflict. There are few areas where the world is more in need of the United Nations, acting as a United Nations to secure the objectives of the Charter, than in the area of peace and security. The silence that has We all know, as students of history, that even the longest war in history comes to an end. These wars too will come to an end, but the question is when and at what cost and with how much loss of life, with how many children either not being given the chance to live or who will now live with memories of war that will affect their every action for the next 60, 70 or 80 years of their lives. Innocent people are paying the price with the one thing that is theirs to give, and they do not give it willingly. It is their life. Unless we address the root causes of those wars one by one and the manners in which they are being sustained and financed, we will never, ever know anything else other than war and rumours of war in those theatres. The transmittal of those scenes of horror in real time into people’s bedrooms and living rooms will trigger two extreme reactions, neither of which is acceptable to us in the third decade of the twenty-first century. We will either get the desensitizing of ordinary people to the loss of lives, especially those of innocent children and women, on the one hand, or, on the other, we will get the anger and inclination for vengeance that it necessarily spawns. We need peace and it cannot be too difficult for us to work for peace. It is the same Bible that tells us, in the stories of the Old Testament, much that has guided many people across this world, but when we turn from the Old Testament to the New Testament, it is Romans that says to us, “Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord”. It does not belong to any country or any human being. The Bible cannot be used as a convenient aid when it suits us and rejected when it does not. In the midst of this maelstrom, we were very clear. My country took the step this year of recognizing and establishing diplomatic relations with the State of Palestine, in spite of having supported a two-State solution since 1969. We did so because it was clear to us that the State and the people of Palestine, human beings, are entitled to full recognition through integration into and support from the international community. The Charter does not say “We the people, with the exception of any one group from any one part of the world”. We join with others, therefore, in congratulating the State of Palestine on taking its seat among the United Nations Member States, as it did on 10 September. Let me be clear  — we condemn the actions of Hamas on 7 October, but we equally and strongly deplore the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, which is the result of the disproportionate use of force by Israel. There is no justification for it. That is why treaties exist to govern the rules of engagement in war, because we as human beings learned better and know better and committed to better. A two- State solution, no matter how elusive it may appear to be now, is the only answer. I have already said this week that we have known difficult battles in humankind’s history; when we were in it, we did not think we could achieve it but we did. We abolished slavery. We removed apartheid in South Africa. Those difficult battles are not beyond our creativity, our capacity and our resilience to resolve them. Similarly, we insist that the killing in Ukraine really has to stop. The people of Ukraine must be allowed to live within the internationally recognized boundaries of their State in peace and freedom from the use or threat of use of force. As I said, it is My own region has not escaped the scourge of instability and violence. The Americas do not constitute today a theatre of war, but we have been witnessing for some years now an unprecedented escalation in the number and calibre of assault weapons that are finding themselves in the hands of criminals who are wreaking havoc on our legal systems and our societies, particularly in the small island developing States of the Caribbean and, indeed, in the wider regions of Central and Latin America. That scourge, caused by guns manufactured primarily in the United States of America, also requires a fundamental reset. The right of persons to bear arms in countries not engaged in military conflict should not be an opening to accept as legitimate the presence of assault weapons in other countries. It is simply not right. There is no place for assault weapons in our societies. I turn now to the fate of the people of Haiti, which continues to be of major concern to our people in the Caribbean region. The global community now has an opportunity for an essential reset with how it addresses its relationship with Haiti, which has been borne in all kinds of partial concern over the course of the past few decades. We continue to have it as a recurrent decimal because we have failed to solve the problems and put them on a sustainable path to development for its people. What is needed is transformation of our sister nation. Yes, we must provide security first and foremost, but transformation must be its handmaiden. The Government and the people of Haiti need the full support of the international community, not just in the short term but in the long term. That starts by extending the mandate of the Multinational Security Support Mission; escalating the work of the United Nations; deploying all the tools of bilateral, regional and global cooperation, not excluding for spurious reasons countries that want to participate; and ensuring, by significantly increasing the pledged funds, that those of us who want to step up to the plate can do so, because we know that it takes cash to be able to deploy the forces and the police necessary to help with the restoration so that Haitian mother or that Haitian child can go about her day-to-day life without fear of being assaulted, killed or denied the right to work because of her simple fear of walking the streets. The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has been working hard this year to support our largest member State, and in the early part of the first few months of this year we met on Haiti almost three to four times a week to guarantee the stability that we ask the United Nations now to help us secure. We are grateful for the efforts of the Eminent Persons Group of former CARICOM Prime Ministers, who were on the front line of helping to resolve that complex problem day in and day out so that we could find a political consensus for Haiti. The fact that both the interim President of the Transitional Council and Prime Minister Conille were able to come the General Assembly is a remarkable achievement, given where Haiti was in February. They must be allowed to continue on the path of securing their future. We cannot be on this rostrum speaking about Haiti without thanking Kenya and President Ruto for their remarkable leadership. After many delays and in what represents now a historical precedent for an African country, they have ensured that an African country has taken the lead in helping to tackle a peace and security challenge beyond its own continent. That is the kind of reset that we need in the international community. I look forward to the day when I will not have to ask for a reprieve for the people of Cuba. The situation there is unacceptable, it is unconscionable and the Cuba has been a valuable partner, stepping up for us when it has mattered most by providing nurses and doctors in pandemics and other essential workers when the global community has needed it and when people needed to be liberated in southern Africa. The reality is that we must have and continue to have resolve in calling for the embargo to be lifted. We will condemn it year after year after year, because it is simply wrong. As we say so, we pray for the people of Cuba as they determine what damages they have incurred from Hurricane Helen, and for the people of Florida, who clearly are going to spend the next few days identifying the damage as a result of a hurricane that hit Category 4 when it reached Florida. That is the climate crisis that we speak about. The people of Nigeria are still counting the bodies with respect to the floods that took place there. We have hard work to do in our own Caribbean region. Hurricane Beryl literally decimated Carriacou and Union islands and indeed could have affected Grenada and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines more broadly. Jamaica’s and my own country’s coastal infrastructure was significantly affected, with 90 per cent of our fishing industry being decimated. This season of superlatives, with its floods and droughts, its hurricanes and fires will take the lives and livelihoods of too many. The climate crisis is hitting us almost weekly across the globe. The deniers of the climate crisis also need a reset — a reset that will admit of the absolute necessity of collective action by the global community to save our way of life and our planet. At the start of this week, the skies were much darker. I truly believe so. We are starting to see some glimmers of light. We leave New York this week, noting that the clouds are lifting and conscious that the sun is peeping out in certain areas — not all, but in certain critical areas, giving us a sense of renewed hope that reset is in fact not only possible, but necessary in key areas: institutional reform, reform in our financial architecture, reform in how we view development, but above all else, reform in how we see each other and value each other. That hope springs from the Pact for the Future and the many declarations that we have made here, the terms in which my fellow leaders have spoken from this rostrum for the most part — the urgent need to recognize and reset, reset, reset, even if they did not call it by that name. It is as if we all truly understand and accept the challenge of rising to solve the major difficulties that are faced by the people of the world and to recognize that global moral strategic leadership requires us to commit to redressing the wrongs and to take care to save people and planet. Recognition of the need for the reset is the first step in any issue, but what is now also needed is eternal vigilance as a companion. As we take the steps to transform attitudes, institutions and rules, we will not succeed overnight; we will not succeed even in the next decade. But if we do not do the reset to change the legacy of centuries of exploitation and domination, we will not be fit for purpose to meet the needs of our people in the third decade of the twenty-first century. I can therefore think of no better way to conclude than by quoting a song from my own country that I had cause to cite almost 30 years ago, when I first stood on this rostrum in 1995 as a young Minister of Youth (see A/50/PV.42). The song is by Edwin Yearwood. A voice in my head keep talk to me It tells me the road is long It tells me we must be strong May the new hope fostered here this week signal the start of a new deal for people who have hitherto not been seen and, even with the existence of this body, whose voices and presence have been felt. Those people and their countries have been recognized too often as mere statistics and not with the human dignity that is their birth right and their conferred right from the United Nations.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister, Minister for National Security and the Public Service, and Minister for Finance, Economic Affairs and Investment of Barbados for the statement she has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Bhutan.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Tshering Tobgay, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Bhutan, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I bring warm greetings from His Majesty the Druk Gyalpo. Fifty-three years ago, on 21 September 1971, a small Himalayan kingdom was admitted to the United Nations (see A/PV.1934). On that day, after centuries of self- imposed isolation, Bhutan became the 128th Member of the United Nations. It was a defining moment for us — a moment when a small, poor, landlocked country, nestled in the world’s highest mountains, joined the global community of nations. That same year, the United Nations created the least developed country (LDC) category to provide targeted support to the world’s poorest nations. Bhutan was among the first to be admitted on that list. Back then, our economy was primarily agrarian, operating largely on a barter system. Our per-capita gross domestic product (GDP) income stood at just $215. Life expectancy was barely 40 years. Infant mortality was tragically high at 142 deaths for every 1,000 live births, and our literacy rate was woefully low. We had fewer than 300 students in the few scattered schools that had been established to provide modern education. Today, I stand before the Assembly with a story of transformation and progress. Our per-capita GDP has risen to more than $3,500. Life expectancy has increased to 70 years. Infant mortality has plummeted to 15 deaths per 1,000 live births and our literacy rate has climbed to 71 per cent, with youth literacy skyrocketing to 99 per cent. I am pleased to report to that, because of our all-round progress, last December, 52 years after joining the United Nations, Bhutan graduated from the LDC category. That achievement did not come easily. It was a journey marked by hard work, perseverance and sacrifice. But we were not alone; we had the support of many friends who accompanied us on that important journey. I take this opportunity to extend our deep gratitude to the United Nations and its specialized agencies. I would also like to thank all our development partners, including Japan, the European Union, the Graduating from the LDC category is a significant milestone, but what truly matters is that we did it on our own terms. Under the leadership of our enlightened monarchs, Bhutan has pursued a development path grounded in the philosophy of Gross National Happiness. That approach places the happiness and well-being of our people at the centre of the development agenda. Thanks to Gross National Happiness, our economy, while small, is sustainable and inclusive. Health care and education are free for all. Our unique culture not only survives but thrives. More than 72 per cent of our land is under forest cover and we are recognized as a biodiversity hotspot and a carbon-negative country. Our democracy, a gift from our King, has been embraced by a reluctant population. Having graduated from the LDC category, it is now our responsibility to ensure that we sustain our hard-earned progress and that under no circumstances do we ever backslide. As we chart a new course for the future, we are faced with new challenges, particularly those arising from our weak economy. Foremost among them is youth unemployment. To address those challenges, we must strengthen our economy. We must provide our young people with meaningful opportunities to grow and to prosper. We must embrace a new development paradigm. In that context, I am pleased to report that His Majesty the King has announced the establishment of the Gelephu Mindfulness City. The Gelephu Mindfulness City is a transformative vision for future urban spaces, a blueprint for living mindfully and sustainably. Spanning 2,600 square kilometres of pristine forests and fertile farmlands, it will enable human innovation and natural ecosystems to thrive together, while fostering human well-being, environmental sustainability and mindful living. We invite thought leaders, innovators and investors to join us in building that groundbreaking city, contributing to a model of peace, harmony and progress that others can follow. Bhutan’s story is one of hope, but it is also a call to action. More than 50 years have passed and only seven nations have graduated from the LDC category, leaving 46 countries still in need. That is unacceptable. The international community must intensify its efforts to ensure at no nation is left behind and that all LDC countries achieve graduation. To accomplish that, we must address poverty, inequality and vulnerability with a renewed sense of urgency. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), which we adopted collectively at the Summit of the Future, provides us with a road map to transform the lives of the world’s most vulnerable. However, transforming the future requires that we also transform the institutions shaping it. The United Nations must evolve to meet the realities of today’s world. The Security Council as it stands is a relic of the past. We need a Council that reflects the current geopolitical and economic landscape and social realities. Bhutan has long advocated for the reform of the Security Council to make it more representative and effective. To that end, India, with its significant economic growth and population, and its leadership of the global South, deserves a permanent seat on the Security Council. Similarly, Japan, a leading donor and peacebuilder, warrants permanent membership. In conclusion, let me reiterate our deep gratitude for the support we have received on Bhutan’s journey to LDC graduation. Now, we are committed to sustaining that progress, but we will need the United Nations continued support. In that regard, we invite Members’ support and investment in initiatives like the Gelephu Mindfulness City. However, as we celebrate Bhutan’s progress, we must also intensify our efforts to support other LDCs, ensuring that they too can achieve graduation. In that regard, As we look to the future, I have the honour to close by repeating a profound message from our beloved King. I first did so seven years ago (see A/72/PV.15), and I repeat it again today: “No nation today can stand alone in achievement. Time is slowly telling us that there can be no lasting individual success without success as a community, and there cannot be lasting national progress and success if it does not fit into a future of global peace, harmony and equality. The world must progress together or fail together.”

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Bhutan for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Head of Government of the Principality of Andorra.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Xavier Espot Zamora, Head of Government of the Principality of Andorra, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I would like to begin by congratulating Mr. Philemon Yang on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. We thank him for the theme he has chosen, “Unity in diversity, for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for everyone, everywhere”. We could not agree more with that goal, which we fully support, because our country, the Principality of Andorra, is evidence of the ability of people to survive over almost 800 years of history in a peaceful manner, thanks to respect and understanding within a territory that has never known war or had armies. Even in the most turbulent times of the old continent, Andorra was an oasis of peace, tolerance and coexistence. I would also like to especially thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his perseverance in always putting conciliation first and being a strong voice in favour of respect for international law and the fight against climate change. In particular, I would like to make special mention of his drive for the Summit of the Future, which gave rise to the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), which my country has signed with the aim of strengthening the multilateral system and adopting concrete measures that will allow us to face new challenges and to forge a road map to address the existential threats to humankind, civilization and the habitability of the planet. The classics that form the basis of Western culture tell us — and I use the present tense because the classics never die — that every word is vain and empty unless it is accompanied by deeds. What matters above all is the work and action that people undertake throughout their lives. All civilizations are the offspring of the specific circumstances that have surrounded them and very often go down in history for their achievements. But what is the achievement, what is the vocation and what is the legacy that our civilization will leave? Or rather, what are the achievements, vocation and legacy that we want our civilization to leave? The forward march of extreme political positions is explained as a reaction to an order that is perceived as threatened. The feeling of having lost a not-so-distant past that was much better than the present pervades current generations and is reactivated by the perception that climate change will cause a deterioration of living conditions, that globalization and migratory movements dilute and depersonalize us as a society, or that children, adolescents and young people today will live less well than their parents. We are therefore at a turning point where it is necessary to really address that debate and provide concrete and effective responses to counter and prevent the situation. On the threshold of its eightieth anniversary, the United Nations must continue to be the world’s most important Organization, from which all the States that comprise it and give it meaning move in the same direction, which is none other than to give an effective response to the great challenges of our time to leave a hopeful legacy for future generations. We have never had so many tools at our disposal to achieve cooperation and dialogue. Therefore, in the face of a truly complex scenario, yet based on our conviction in the equality of nations, we must make the Charter of the United Nations prevail and strengthen its pillars through the defence of human rights and international humanitarian law as a normative set of relations between States. The gravity of the conflicts in Ukraine, Gaza, Lebanon, the Sudan and elsewhere, which, unfortunately, have become permanent, such as in the Sahel region, cannot leave us indifferent. We need urgently to mobilize to achieve one of the noblest objectives of politics — peace. We must unite and find solutions to conflicts without resort to violence and military resources. To that end, we call on all parties to work for peace, to respect and abide by the rules of international humanitarian law, because nothing justifies the attacks that civilian population are enduring; because nothing justifies attacks on hospitals and schools; and because nothing justifies the use of hunger as a strategy of war. Nothing justifies such irrationality — an irrationality of which children are the main victims. Childhood and young people occupy a very prominent place in Andorra’s international agenda because we firmly believe that they are the present and the future and that any action in their favour is therefore strategic to the development of any country. We have therefore been giving our full support from the outset to the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict and, more recently, to the study on the impact of climate change on children and armed conflict. When I asked early in my speech about the achievements, vocation and legacy that we want to leave behind, there should be no doubt that it is a world in peace for children and young people. The great responsibility that we must assume is to ensure that future generations do not live worse and that they participate fully in progress, as was recently made clear at the Summit of the Future. In 1993, Andorra became a Member of the United Nations. We found ourselves in a very hopeful international context, with Europe reunited after the Cold War. When we took the step join the Organization, we did so in the conviction that we More than three decades have passed and, despite the ghosts of the Cold War having returned; despite the fact that the Middle East conflict has reached an unprecedented level of tension; despite the fact that the advance of extremism is worrisome, our country firmly believes in the concert of nations, in international commitment and in multilateralism as the best instruments, the only instruments, to resolve the current crisis. But Andorra also attaches particular importance to regional cooperation, particularly with the European Union, with which it has negotiated an association agreement that should allow us progressive and structured access to the European internal market and facilitate the diversification of our economy, as well as to participate in the construction of a geographic, economic and political reality — that of the European Union — from the privileged status of associate member. When Andorra assumes an obligation, whether by becoming a member of an international organization or by committing itself through an international treaty, it is very aware of its implications. Our size, however small it may seem in the eyes of the large States, does not distance us from ambitious and increasingly crucial objectives, such as multilateralism, the climate emergency, gender equality, the digital transition or cultural diversity. In that last area, Andorra is proud to have co-facilitated, together with Guatemala, resolution 78/330, on multilingualism in the United Nations, for another year. It is true that climate change is a global threat, but it is also very true that some territories are affected by it more than others. Those are those regions where the sea level is rising and mountainous territories whose ecosystem has become more vulnerable. That is the case for Andorra. Climate change can change our living habits and even the economy of our country. We have therefore made the fight against climate change one of our greatest objectives, both internationally and nationally. Since the ratification in 2011 of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, Andorra has met its communication obligations under the principles of transparency, coherence, comparability, exhaustiveness and precision, and it has done so in anticipation of the requirements of the Convention. In 2015, Andorra was one of the pioneering parties to the Framework Convention to communicate its nationally determined contribution and to update it in 2020 and 2022 in order to increase the medium-term objectives and achieve climate neutrality by 2050. In 2023, it was the first country in the world to present the biennial transparency report, thus demonstrating once again the importance we attach to our commitment to the fight against climate change. At the national level, we have also made great efforts to implement a new energy policy in order to progressively increase the national production of renewable energy and replace heat production sources with less polluting systems. The commitment to renewable energies has been led by the public sector, with a very ambitious legislative deployment and important aid and action plans. But we know that none of those efforts will be of any use if the rest of the countries do not join us and if we do not all row in the same direction, because the fight against climate change is the most urgent and far-reaching global challenge and one that requires the greatest levels of cooperation, collaboration, generosity and respect. We are at the midway point and practically in the final stretch of the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The French poet and novelist Louis Aragon wrote that, “The future of man is woman”. He did so in 1963, just before the arrival of full legal equality between men and women, in a heartfelt declaration of love and admiration for his wife, his muse. In certain parts of the world, we still have a long way to go towards understanding that when women have the same opportunities as men to grow, learn, express themselves, work and earn money, we all benefit. In Andorra, equality, non-discrimination and inclusion are cross-cutting elements of public policy and we have adopted legislative measures to establish the commitments that allow us to fully achieve those objectives. That is a logical consequence in a society in which women have been participants and a very active part of public affairs. Beyond public policies, however, the key element for social transformation is education. Equality in education means not only teaching our sons and daughters to respect each other; it means providing them with the necessary tools to question the social norms that perpetuate inequality and to build a society where every person can develop their full potential, regardless of her or his gender. Currently, our institutions exercise gender parity in decision-making positions and, for the first time, we have the honour of having an Andorran expert on the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. But gender equality is a path that requires determined and persevering action on the part of us all and, as representatives of our respective countries, we have the moral and political obligation to promote that transformation. Our commitment must be to transform gender equality from a long-term aspiration into a concrete reality in our societies. Only in that way will we guarantee a better future for future generations. Access to information is redefining the paradigms of growth and economic and social development. As public services and the private sector move into the digital world, the gap between those who can access it and those who cannot will become ever larger and more pernicious. The Global Digital Compact (resolution 79/1, annex I) that we adopted at the Summit of the Future includes actions to promote digital literacy and ensure an inclusive, open, safe and secure digital future. Multilateralism has a crucial role to play in that area by facilitating opportunities while ensuring accessibility and security in the new virtual space of globalization. For small States such as ours, the potential of those technologies can provide resources with exponential added value. Aware of that scenario and with a manifest need to diversify our economy, we have made great progress in that area. Currently, 96 per cent of Andorran households have an Internet connection and we have implemented a National Digital Transformation Strategy that places special emphasis on guaranteeing the digital rights of citizens and on complying with Sustainable Development Goals 9, 16 and 17. That includes the creation of an ethical and legal framework to safeguard digital rights, protect privacy and data security, and offer free access to information in the digital sphere, because we want everyone to have knowledge and access to the digital dimension and thus avoid situations of inequality. The Principality of Andorra committed itself to the Organization of the people and for the people more than 30 years ago in the hope that a better world is possible and in the conviction that my country, the Principality of Andorra, despite its small size, can also do great and exemplary things. We present ourselves to the world as a country with a long history that had finally found its place in the international I began my statement by quoting the classics, and let me end in the same way. There is a foundational work of ancient Greek literature that has permeated Western culture since ancient times and is very difficult to forget. It speaks of conquest, destruction, greed, hatred and compassion, and of love and death. Homer’s Iliad is in a certain way a mirror of the human condition, and although it shows that life is not always fair and obeys the arbitrariness of the gods, it also shows that, deep down, human relations can be, if we so wish, profoundly humane in the best sense of the word. And that, I believe, is the message that we must make our own here and now. We must maintain faith in humanity and aspire to build, together, a world in peace and more just, supportive and inclusive.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Head of Government of the Principality of Andorra for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Chief Adviser of the interim Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Muhammad Yunus, Chief Adviser of the interim Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I congratulate Mr. Philemon Yang on his election as President of the General Assembly. I assure him of the Bangladesh delegation’s full cooperation throughout the session. I also place on record our deep appreciation to Secretary-General António Guterres for his unwavering commitment to delivering on the United Nations mandates and address the global challenges. I particularly applaud his vision in convening the Summit of the Future. The Pact for the Future and the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1) could help in setting pathways beyond the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Bangladesh believes that the Summit’s outcome will serve as a guiding framework for materializing our shared aspirations and rethinking collaboration for posterity. I stand in this parliament of nations thanks to an epochal transformation that Bangladesh witnessed in July and August. The power of the ordinary people, in particular our young people, presented our nation with an opportunity to overhaul many of our systems and institutions. The uprising, led by students and young people, was initially aimed at ending discrimination, but the movement gradually evolved into a people’s movement. The world eventually saw how people at large stood against autocracy, oppression, discrimination, injustice and corruption, both It was indeed a movement that primarily brought together people who had long been left behind by politics and development but who asked that prosperity be shared and inclusive. The people aspired to a just, inclusive and functioning democracy, for which our new generations made the supreme sacrifice. We were moved by the wisdom, courage and conviction demonstrated by our young people, who even braved the bullets with their chests bared. Young girls were fiercely vocal against the illegitimate State power. School-going teenagers laid down their lives. Hundreds lost their eyes, forever. Mothers, day labourers and scores of people across the cities lent their strength for the sake of their children. Defying sweat, rain and fear of death, they defeated all the evil designs and machinations of the few who had manipulated the State machinery against truth and the just aspirations of people for years. The people’s movement lost an estimated 800 martyrs or more at the hands of the autocratic regime. Bangladesh was born because of its people’s profound belief in liberalism, pluralism and secularism. Decades later, our Generation Z is making us revisit and reimagine the very values that our people stood for back in 1971, as they also did in 1952 to defend our mother language, Bangla.] We believe that the revolution that the world witnessed in Bangladesh in the span of few weeks may inspire many across communities and countries to stand for freedom and justice. I call on the international community to re-engage with the new Bangladesh, which seeks to realize freedom and democracy, beyond mere words, for everyone. Our youth and people together have entrusted me and my colleagues in the interim Government with enormous responsibilities to reconstruct a decaying State apparatus. As we took office, we discovered to our utter shock and dismay how endemic corruption had turned a functioning democracy into a farce, how key institutions had been ruthlessly politicized, how public coffers had been reduced to rubble, how oligarchs had taken over business, how a chosen few had concentrated wealth in their hands and amassed and laundered wealth out of Bangladesh. In all, justice, ethics and morality had sunk to a dire low at almost every level. In such circumstances, we were asked to rebuild Bangladesh, recreate the country our people aspired to see, correct the ills of the past and build a competitive and agile economy and a just society. In a drastically changed scenario, all political parties are now free to voice their views and opinions. A key priority for us is also to make everyone in public positions and institutions accountable for their decisions and actions. We are committed to promoting and protecting the fundamental rights of people to speak in freedom, to assemble without fear or inhibition and to elect whomsoever they choose. That is what the nation wants and what we aim to achieve. We are also committed to upholding the independence of the judiciary and freedom of the press, including in the cyberdomain. In order to ensure that the child of a farmer or worker can climb to the highest rungs in society, we prioritize the allocation of funds to the education and health sectors over grandiose infrastructure development. We also seek to ensure good governance across all sectors. I wish to assure Members that our Government shall adhere to all international, regional and bilateral instruments to which Bangladesh is party. Bangladesh will remain an active proponent of multilateralism, with the United Nations at the core. Bangladesh is open to nurturing friendly relations with all countries based on mutual respect, upholding our dignity, pride and shared interests. In order to restore people’s trust and confidence and to ensure that the tragic past never recurs in a future Bangladesh, we have initiated reforms in certain prioritized sectors. In that regard, we have launched independent commissions to reform the electoral system, the Constitution, the judicial system, the civil administration and the law and order sectors. A few more commissions are in the works to reform other sectors, including the press and media. In order to create an environment conducive to business, we have rolled out extensive reforms in the banking and financial sectors. We are committed to not allowing any foreign business interest to be affected. Beyond rhetoric and statistics, we aim to establish effective safeguard mechanisms to ensure the sustainability of those reforms and create an enabling environment towards the conduct of free, fair and participatory elections. I therefore call on the international community to pursue and deepen engagements with Bangladesh towards meeting our people’s quest for democracy, the rule of law, equality and prosperity so that we can emerge as a just and inclusive democratic society. Bangladesh believes that maintaining peace and addressing conflicts is central to peoples’ progress. During the recent revolution, our valiant armed forces once again demonstrated their commitment to peace by standing firmly with the people in fulfilling their aspirations for freedom during a most difficult time in our history. That was possible thanks to our commitment to placing human rights at the core of peacekeeping. Bangladesh has also been committed to peacebuilding since the establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission. We look forward to promoting and enhancing Bangladesh’s value-driven contributions to United Nations peacekeeping operations. As the third-largest troop contributing country, our peacekeepers have served across 63 missions in 43 countries to date. A total of 168 Bangladeshi peacekeepers have laid down their lives, from Bosnia to Congo. We hope that the Bangladesh defence forces will continue to be called upon in future United Nations peace operations, regardless of the challenges or circumstances. In our shared world, many global priorities need to be set right. Climate change poses existential threats to us all. The record-breaking heat wave this summer starkly reminded the world of climate-induced changes. What we need is climate justice to ensure that those who make irresponsible choices, act negligently or cause harm are held accountable. Long-term damages leave irreparable harm all around the world. We are losing biodiversity, while changing pathogens lead to newer diseases. Farming is under stress, shrinking water wealth threatens habitats and rising sea level and salinity are decimating ecosystems. The damage caused by the rising intensity and frequency of cyclones and floods can hardly be ignored. Those climate risks are felt far more deeply by our small farmers and artisanal workers. As I speak, over 5 million people are enduring the most devastating flooding in living memory in eastern Bangladesh. Yet, Secretary-General Guterres has shown that at the current trajectory, the world is heading for a +2.7°C scenario. I would therefore urge the allocation of robust resources to climate adaptation in climate-vulnerable countries like Bangladesh. It is further crucial to operationalize the Loss and Damage Fund by leveraging Tackling the climate crisis has to go hand-in-hand with getting the global economy in order as well. The world is increasingly focused on decarbonization. In order for such a shift to be beneficial to the majority of the global population, the transformative vision of a net-zero world has to come through for countries like Bangladesh as well. Failing that, we risk falling short on our pledge to ensure shared prosperity through shared responsibility. I believe that the world needs to engage in a shared vision of three zeroes that we can materialize together, targeting zero poverty, zero unemployment and zero net carbon emissions. It must be a world where a young person anywhere on the planet will have opportunities to grow not as a job-seeker but as an entrepreneur; where a young person can unleash his or her latent creativity despite all limitations; where an entrepreneur can optimally balance social benefits, economic profits and responsibility towards nature; and where social business can help an individual rise beyond consumerism and ultimately catalyse social and economic transformation. Time demands new attitudes, new values and new compacts across communities and countries, across developed and developing countries alike, and across all actors and stakeholders. If we are to realize such a course correction in full, the United Nations, national and local Governments, non-governmental organizations, businesses and philanthropies have to walk together. If we accept and accommodate social business within existing economic structures, we can bring meaningful changes to the lives of the bottom half of our populations. If we can realistically position social business, we can suppress much of the climate-insensitive distortions within the existing market economy. I invite the attention of Secretary-General António Guterres in that regard. In a world of polycrises, wars and conflicts are leading to the erosion of rights and widespread abuses. The genocide in Gaza continues unabated despite global concerns and condemnation. The situation in Palestine concerns not just Arabs and Muslims but all humankind. Palestinians are not expendable. All those responsible for committing crimes against humanity against the Palestinian people must be held accountable. Bangladesh calls for an immediate and complete ceasefire to protect the Palestinian people from such brutalities, particularly those targeting children and women. The international community, including the United Nations, needs to act in earnest to implement the two-State solution, which remains the only path to lasting peace in the Middle East. The two-and-a-half-year war in Ukraine has claimed far too many lives. The war has had impacts far and wide, including deeper economic implications for Bangladesh. We urge both sides to pursue dialogue to resolve the differences and end the war. For the past seven years, Bangladesh has been hosting over 1.2 million Rohingyas on humanitarian grounds, incurring significant social, economic and environmental costs. The protracted crisis in Myanmar also poses a growing threat, with national and regional security implications for Bangladesh through traditional and non-traditional security challenges alike. We remain committed to supporting the forcibly displaced Rohingyas from Myanmar in Bangladesh. We need the continued support of the international community for the Rohingyas in carrying out humanitarian operations and their sustainable repatriation. Equally important is to ensure justice for the grave human rights violations committed against the Rohingyas through the ongoing We recognize and appreciate the efforts of the Secretary-General and the United Nations system in creating an environment conducive to allowing the Rohingyas to lead a free and dignified life. That requires creating pathways for the Rohingyas to return to their ancestral home in Rakhine state with safety and rights. Looking at the evolving situation on the ground in Myanmar, Bangladesh is ready to work with the international community to create an environment for the dignified and sustainable return of the Rohingyas to their homeland. Peace and security cannot be ensured without political freedom and the socioeconomic emancipation of the people. Around a decade back, the world unanimously adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We reposed our collective hopes and trust in that universal set of Goals. Yet merely 17 per cent of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) targets are on track to be achieved by 2030. Clearly, many developing countries risk being left behind. Every year, developing countries face a significant SDG financing gap, estimated at between $2.5 trillion and $4 trillion. High debt burdens, shrinking fiscal space and the adverse impacts of climate change put countries like Bangladesh at greater risk. We look forward to seeing the fourth International Conference on Financing for Development deliver on addressing the complex and systemic challenges. The multilateral financing institutions have to be driven by a vision in which wealth and opportunities can be accessed by all and that rightfully places social business within respective programmes, duly addresses the circumstances in the low-income countries, promotes entrepreneurship, encourages creativity of individuals and supports the dispossessed. In that regard, the prevention of illicit financial flows and the siphoning of resources from the developing countries merit greater attention. Increased international cooperation must rechannel the assets stolen from the developing countries. We look forward to the early conclusion of an international tax convention that can combat tax evasion. Migration and mobility are an inescapable reality in an interconnected world. As a country of migrant origin, over 11 million of our people live and work worldwide. In order for migration to be beneficial for all, we have to create pathways for safe, orderly, regular and responsible migration and mobility. The international community has to ensure full respect for human rights and the humane treatment of migrants, regardless of their migration status. While Bangladesh remains committed to the full implementation of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, our Government is also committed to curbing unsafe migration. Every year, nearly 2.5 million Bangladeshis enter our labour market. With a large population in which nearly two-thirds are young people, Bangladesh is challenged in making education suited to meet the needs of today and tomorrow. Yet, we see how the world of work is changing in such a way that a younger person has to adapt constantly, develop new skills and adopt new attitudes. As Bangladesh prepares to graduate as a middle-income country, we recognize the vital need to secure our path in terms of learning and technology. We are particularly enthused by emergence of artificial intelligence (AI) tools and applications. Our young people are excited about the prospect of fast-unfolding generative AI. They aspire to walk and work as global citizens. The world needs to ensure that no young people in countries like Bangladesh are left behind in reaping meaningful benefits from the AI-led transformation. At the same time, the world needs to ensure that the development of artificial intelligence does not diminish the scope of or demand for human labour. Uniting our efforts, capacities and resources is increasingly crucial for us to leverage collective strengths, innovate and foster growth. The challenges we face in economic development, climate resilience or social development have to be addressed with common endeavours. In that context, South-South and triangular cooperation can help us, given our unique social and economic circumstances. It is also a growing necessity for the global South to make our voices heard. In shaping and steering the global agenda, the global South merits equal space and focus. The coronavirus disease pandemic underlined the crucial importance of investing in public health. At the World Health Organization, as Bangladesh leads the negotiations on a global pandemic treaty, we advocate convergence on the key provisions of adequate international cooperation, the financing of public health systems, technology transfer, research and development, and the diversification of the production of medical diagnostics, vaccines and therapeutics. We must also declare vaccines a global public good that is free from the rigours of intellectual property law. Those measures are also crucial in combatting the scourge of non-communicable diseases. This year, we celebrate the golden jubilee of Bangladesh’s partnership with the United Nations. It has been a shared journey of mutual learning. In its modest way, Bangladesh has contributed to promoting global peace and security, justice, equality, human rights, social progress and prosperity and, indeed, to building a rules-based international order. For instance, I recall the Assembly’s resolutions on microcredit and the Friends of Microcredit group that was formed with great spontaneity in the General Assembly in 1999. The United Nations declared 2005 the International Year of Microcredit, extending the global reach of microcredit. The General Assembly’s resolution on a culture of peace, adopted annually since 2001, and Security Council resolution 1325 (2000), on the women and peace and security agenda, may be worth recalling as well. As the Assembly Hall reverberates with calls for peace, security, justice, inclusivity and the equitable distribution of wealth, we, as States, need to reflect on how we embolden men and women today and create space for them to grow as the entrepreneurs of tomorrow. The world has more than enough capacity, resources and solutions. Let us redeem all the pledges we have made nationally and internationally. Let us work together to end all forms of inequality and discrimination within and among nations, especially in advancing the proposition of social business in our economic interactions. The young people of Bangladesh have showed that upholding freedom, dignity and the rights of people, regardless of their distinction and status, cannot remain a mere aspiration. It is simply what everyone deserves. In this assembly of nations, Bangladesh assure members that we will continue to play our part at the international, regional and national levels in securing peace, prosperity and justice for everyone.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Dorin Recean, Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

It is an honour to represent my country, the Republic of Moldova, in this unique forum, where small and large nations alike address core issues on the global agenda. Climate change, poverty and the global cost-of-living crisis are our generational challenges, as are peace and security. For some time, it seemed as if we were living in a rules-based international system that strongly discouraged geopolitical conquests, spheres of influence and disregard for the aspirations of smaller nations. The world proved to be a much safer place when smaller nations had a say and the choices their people made were respected. Peace, security, prosperity and free choice are the core agenda for Moldova today. Generations of our intellectuals, writers and civic activists have fought for our independence and for the freedom to pursue our identity and values. They have succeeded in making Moldova free. After 33 years of independence, we see that in the confidence of our youth, in the revitalization of our culture and in the way our people stand proud on the international stage, knowing that their future lies in their own hands. Right next to us, Russia’s unprovoked and unjust war of aggression against Ukraine threatens the fabric of our international order. It throws us back to the times of great Power politics, when a large State pursued cynical geopolitical designs to divide a region into spheres of influence and annex smaller neighbours, denying them a say in their own destiny. For Moldova, that is not a mere distant memory; it is a looming threat. Moldova knows all too well the consequences, and we are determined to never return to those times. We cannot forget that the Kremlin does not want us at the table. The Kremlin wants us on the table. Never mind all the excuses and the circumstances — compulsion and raw force are now perpetuated and complemented with hybrid warfare, malign influence and subversion of the democratic State. These latest developments are threatening not only Moldova. We see them escalating throughout the democratic world, too. Even mature democracies find it difficult to cope with, witnessing polarization and division. Therefore, Ukraine is now fighting not just for its statehood, its nation and its very existence. It is fighting for each nation’s freedom to choose and pursue its own national aspirations. Moldova is standing by and in solidarity with Ukraine in defence against the Kremlin’s aggression and we urge the international community to timely provide all necessary support to Ukraine. Despite the war at our border, Moldova remains an active and committed contributor to regional security. We are a reliable partner for our neighbours, Romania and Ukraine, as well as the European Union (EU). We have preserved Moldova is also committed to a just, peaceful resolution of the Transnistrian conflict, with full respect for Moldova’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. For that to happen, Russia’s illegal military presence must end. I call on the international community to reaffirm the need for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the Russian military from Moldova. This is not just about Moldova; it is about upholding international law, safeguarding regional stability and ensuring that no country’s sovereignty is compromised by a foreign military presence. Moldova’s destiny belongs to Moldovans, not outside Powers. The Kremlin’s efforts to suppress the dignity and will of the people of Moldova, through both internal subversion and external intimidation, have no place in the twenty-first century. Despite our differences, we have always taken big decisions as a nation, together, and have proudly reaffirmed our national dignity and self-worth. The social compact of our society is individual freedoms, human rights, competitive elections and an open society, not as the Kremlin’s satellite State. Today, our people are closer than ever to fulfilling those aspirations. We are full of hope and determination — hope for a democratic, prosperous future in the European family of nations, to which we rightfully belong. That hope is firmly rooted in Moldova’s collective achievements over the past years. We are determined to work hard and tirelessly to become a proud member of the EU’s peaceful and prosperous family. Moldova stands today stronger and more united. Despite flooding Moldova with illicit money, propaganda and falsehoods and waging a full-fledged hybrid attack, the Kremlin has failed to divide our house against itself. Moldova is no longer a grey zone, a profitable money-laundering enterprise for unscrupulous oligarchs and foreign Powers, who plundered the State and the people and manipulated institutions for their own benefit. International sanctions against those perpetrators have helped, and we are working to return the stolen money. Our commitment to reform is unwavering and we have made progress in cleaning up our justice system and law enforcement. The international community has recognized those efforts, with Moldova’s corruption perception and rule of law rankings improving significantly. We have acted to make our economy resilient even in the face of regional instability. Despite its proximity to the war zone, Moldova’s business environment is improving, though slowly. Small and medium-sized enterprises have a more promising outlook and exports of high-quality products are picking up thanks to our access to European markets. Moldova is going digital and is bringing the Government closer to its citizens and businesses. Over the past few years, more has been invested in infrastructure than over the 10 years before that. Our energy independence is now a reality. Energy can no longer be used to blackmail and extract geopolitical concessions. Moldova’s energy security is ensured by its integration in the regional and international grids and markets. We are proceeding to a fast-paced agenda of renewables and energy efficiency. Resilience is not just about security; it is about our institutions, which are stronger today than ever before, thanks to the support received from our partners. Institutions are better prepared to safeguard the choices of the Moldovan people from external interference. Crucially, Moldova has genuinely opened itself to the world. In recognition of the country’s progress, in December 2023 EU leaders Russia may continue its attempts to disrupt Moldova’s path through threats, disinformation and destabilization to change the sovereign choice of the Moldovan people. It wants to keep Moldova captive in its past, but we, the Moldovan people, are united in determination. Only we can choose our future. We will not return the country to oligarchs who plunder the State and want to once again turn the country into their personal fiefdom that yields its massive wealth to a few but fails the majority. We will not return to a past dominated by oligarchs and corruption. We will not be dragged back into a sphere of influence that does not reflect our aspirations. The people of Moldova choose freedom. We choose Europe. And next month, we will reaffirm the goal of our generation — full-fledged membership of the EU, a union that has supported Moldova throughout our independence. I will now turn to the issue of climate change. Moldova has long been known for its temperate, welcoming climate and agricultural fertility, but just over the past year we have endured the most severe weather extremes in our history: devastating snowfalls, unprecedented droughts and heat waves, and severe floods. They have caused massive damage and disruptions like never before in our history. Those challenges are not hypothetical; they are here and they threaten the livelihoods of our farmers, the economy, the infrastructure of our villages and towns, and the future of our children. Climate change risks are destroying many things we heavily rely on throughout the planet. In that context, we welcome the adoption of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) by the General Assembly. It is a significant step towards building a more effective, inclusive and sustainable global order. It reaffirms our collective responsibility to future generations. We are committed to working alongside the international community to turn those pledges into concrete actions that will shape a better, more resilient world. As a final remark, let me say that Moldova stands at a historic crossroads, both as a nation and as a member of the international community. The Moldovan people will not allow it to be stripped of its agency. Moldova chooses peace, democracy, freedom and the rule of law over war, authoritarianism and repression. For us, that means Europe. It is our choice and it strengthens our resolve to move more decisively towards the EU — a peace and prosperity project — while rejecting war, aggression and any assault on human dignity.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Vanuatu.

I have the great honour to address the Assembly on behalf of the Government and the people of the Republic of Vanuatu. I join previous speakers in extending my sincere congratulations to Mr. Philemon Yang on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. He can count on my delegation’s full support and cooperation as he steers the work of this organ. Vanuatu welcomes the theme of this seventy-ninth session, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”, as it addresses the global challenges of our time. Seventy-nine years after the establishment of the United Nations, our collective efforts to create a better world for our present and future generations are nothing short of disappointing. It is alarming to note that, after all these years, we continue to be plagued by multiple world crises that undermine the promise of the Charter of the United Nations and fail our peoples, the vulnerable in particular. Vanuatu welcomes the Secretary-General’s latest report (A/79/1), which highlights the fact that we are falling significantly short of achieving our Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), prompting the need to fast track actions to scale up the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the SDGs. The latest report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change warns us that we are likely to pass a dangerous temperature threshold within the next 10 years. That is why Vanuatu has sought an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice requesting clarification of States’ legal obligations with respect to climate change, which has garnered unprecedented global attention. The written submissions of 95 States and organizations received by the Court in the context of those proceedings, arising from last year’s consensus resolution 77/276, demonstrate the critical importance of legal clarity on States’ climate obligations and responsibility. This is not about naming or shaming any particular nation; it seeks to highlight the existing rules of international law and their consequences for all nations, providing the foundation for real climate action and climate justice based on a shared understanding of responsibility and accountability. I call on all United Nations Member States, especially other climate vulnerable nations, to take part in those historic hearings, which begin on 2 December. Their voices are crucial to ensuring that the Court fully grasps the implications of climate change for those most affected and will unite us in our shared commitment to justice and human rights as part of a more sustainable future. Vanuatu’s economy fared well when we maintained our status as a least developed country (LDC). After we graduated, our structural challenges and vulnerabilities remained while increasing costs continued to soar. We reiterate the need for our development partners to support us in phasing out our LDC-specific support in a gradual and predictable manner. Small island economies also continue to face multiple crises amid tightening financial conditions and rising borrowing costs. That has increased our debt distress risks and undermined our abilities to invest in recoveries. Vanuatu welcomes the outcome of the Summit of the Future calling for global concerted efforts to reform the global economic and financial architecture to make it fit for the challenges of this century. We call for sweeping reforms of the Bretton Woods institutions to restructure Vanuatu and other small island economies are struggling with the onslaught of climate-induced disasters, and while we continue to try to build resilience and adapt to climate change, we are moving backwards too often. Vanuatu loses over half of its gross domestic product each time a severe cyclone strikes. We have had five severe cyclones in the past three years. The latest Adaptation Fund report estimates a current adaptation finance gap of between $194 billion and $366 billion a year. As a country on the front line of frequent and intensifying climate disasters, Vanuatu calls for a new financing goal that will accelerate the transition away from fossils, build resilience and realistically address loss and damage. In the light of initiatives to mitigate and adapt to climate change, Vanuatu also believes that it is of crucial importance to prevent the severest harms to our planet’s vital and climate-regulating ecosystems before they occur. That is why we have taken the formal step of proposing an independent crime of ecocide to the International Criminal Court. We thank delegations, in particular Fiji and Samoa, for their ongoing support and co-sponsorship of the proposal, and we recognize that there is broad and growing support for that initiative around the world. Vanuatu and many Pacific island States have faced multiple correspondent banking withdrawals restricting financial inflows, including delay in the transfer of international development funds and humanitarian and disaster relief funds, as well as discouraging private sector investment, despite genuine efforts to improve and enforce national regulations on money-laundering and financing for terrorism. Safeguarding uninterrupted access to international financial services is essential for fast cross-border payments, including remittances and export revenues. We welcome the World Bank’s efforts earlier this month to help Pacific island countries address that issue, among others. In 2019, Vanuatu presented its first voluntary national review, highlighting a very positive message of progress despite extreme vulnerability to climate-related disasters. The presentation of our second Voluntary National Review this year at the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development highlighted significant challenges in our pursuit to achieving sustainable development. We continue to endure increasingly frequent and severe tropical cyclones, which were compounded by the impacts of the coronavirus disease pandemic, and there is no clear trajectory or end in sight. Ever looming is the prospect of future disasters. The Government and the people of Vanuatu have had to continuously adapt and strengthen resilience mechanisms to mitigate the impacts of those persistent threats and disruptions. Fulfilling the SDGs is not merely an aspiration but a necessity for us. The 2023 SDG Summit saw the adoption of a strong Political Declaration and launched a new phase of accelerated action to achieve the SDGs by 2030. In July, the convening of the High-Level Political Forum yet again served as a platform for follow up and review of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development with a view to galvanizing real transformational change to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. What is more, the recent convening of the Summit of the Future sought to rally collective support for delivering faster and smarter on the 2030 Agenda, the Addis Ababa Action Agenda and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. It is my hope that the reforms highlighted in the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) will rebuild trust again in the multilateral system. The Pact for the Future requires strong political will to drive transformative actions that will usher in a brighter future for all. The international financial architecture must be reformed to address the urgent challenges of today. Our varying needs must be imbedded into the global economic and financial system so that it is more inclusive, fair and responsive to all. That includes developing tailored support and solutions that also facilitate easier access to affordable, long-term finance and address the decline in correspondent banking relations. Likewise, there must be a stronger push to enhance the representation and meaningful participation of small island developing States (SIDS) in the global economic and financial institutions. Vanuatu, like many of our Pacific neighbours, continues to face acute and existential health and development threats, including the burden of non-communicable diseases and malnutrition and threats from future pandemics. The coronavirus disease and severe tropical cyclones exposed Vanuatu’s fragile health infrastructure and the need to invest in a health system that can better respond to the needs of its people and to future pandemics that will be resilient to climate change and related natural disasters. We urge the World Health Organization and SIDS partners to work together to enhance access to sustainable financing to support our efforts to prevent and control non-communicable diseases and our efforts to build a health system fit for purpose. Advancing the agenda of leaving no one behind in the context of the non-self- governing territories means that we must work constructively to complete the work of decolonization. Not long ago, the first people of New Caledonia expressed their discontent with the manner in which the third referendum for political independence from France was conducted. As a result, riots took place that led to several deaths and the stalling of economic activity. The right of first people to their lands, oceans and culture must be recognized and respected. I urged the first people of New Caledonia to work with France to address their political future. In the meantime, New Caledonia must remain on the decolonization list. In a similar vein, we call for the right of the first people of West Papua over their customary land and culture must be respected and I urge them to work mutually with the Government of Indonesia to address their challenges and that greater autonomy be accorded to West Papua towards its greater participation in decision-making. To achieve sustainable development, we need peace. Today some regions of the world are not able to enjoy sustainable development due to the inability of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security. We call for the urgent reform of the Security Council in order to ensure that it is fit for purpose and able to meet the challenges of our time. We are deeply concerned over the great threat to international peace and security posed by the continued existence of nuclear weapons. Given the current heightened global geopolitical tensions, we call for a renewed and strengthened effort to resolve the ongoing impasse in achieving nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation in all its aspects. We further call for the respect of the United Nations Charter. In today’s fractured and polarized world, we need to accelerate our efforts to work together and rebuild trust in the multilateral system, with the United Nations at its centre. The Summit of the Future has offered us hope, and now we need to move from rhetoric to real actions on the ground. We need peace for the advancement of

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Vanuatu for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Croatia. Address by Mr. Andrej Plenković, Prime Minister of the Republic of Croatia

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Croatia.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Andrej Plenković, Prime Minister of the Republic of Croatia, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

Today, we must stand united in the face of unprecedented global challenges. From the proliferation of conflicts and the deteriorating geopolitical situation to climate crises and food insecurity, the world is at a critical juncture where every nation, regardless of its size, plays a vital role. Croatia’s journey over the past 34 years has been a testament to resilience and determination. Emerging from conflict and building a modern, progressive State, we have positioned ourselves as active contributors on the global stage. As we convene here, Croatia brings not just its experience but a deep commitment to fostering peace, advancing sustainable development and upholding human rights as fundamental values rooted in our history. We live in a world increasingly ablaze. As a country that has endured conflict and the painful process of post-war recovery, Croatia understands first-hand the value of peace, security and international solidarity. Our journey from a nation affected by aggression to a contributor to global peace efforts equips us with a unique perspective. The lessons we have learned about resilience, reconciliation and the importance of upholding international law shape our commitment to promoting peace and security worldwide. In a world facing intensifying crises, from Ukraine to the Middle East and the Sudan, Croatia stands firm in its belief that every nation has the right to self- determination and protection under the Charter of the United Nations. The Russian Federation’s brutal aggression against Ukraine continues well into its third year, trampling all tenets of international law. While Ukrainian civilians continue to die and suffer, the largest active nuclear power plant in Europe is also at risk. That undermines all principles of nuclear safety and may have catastrophic consequences with cross-border impact. All States Members of the United Nations have the right to be independent and their people must be free to choose their own path. They must not depend on their neighbour’s permission, nor should they be left to succumb alone to a neighbour’s military aggression. In that vein, we will not tire in our support for Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity and in our assistance, and we call upon all to do the same. The wars in Ukraine and the Middle East are overshadowing the immense humanitarian and civilian catastrophe unfolding in the Sudan. It is even more alarming considering the context of the increasing fragmentation of the security architecture in many parts of the African continent. Reversing that trend should be seen as a priority by all of us. We must not leave Africa behind. A continent where half of the population is younger than 19 should and must be seen as a source of hope for humankind, not as an afterthought. The United Nations Charter is not just another document we can simply and easily replace. The world’s constitution must be upheld more than ever before. The reinvigoration of effective multilateralism, with the United Nations at its centre, must not be reduced to a phrase we use on occasions like this. In the same vein, we must not falter when it comes to strengthening international arms control, disarmament and the non-proliferation architecture. That is essential not just to avoiding conflict, instability or even greater tragedies, but to reducing the already heightened risks of escalations — either deliberate or as a result of a misunderstanding. Extremist and terrorist groups and their affiliates continue to pose a severe threat around the world, leaving no society safe. Their continued expansion in various regions and the increasing level of violence they resort to only remind us that countering and preventing terrorism requires long-term commitment, as well as the continued, coordinated efforts of the entire international community. As a country that proudly hosted, supported and enabled the success of the United Nations Transitional Administration for Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium, rightly considered by many to have been the most successful peacekeeping mission in the history of the United Nations, and that managed to join NATO just a decade after the departure of the last United Nations peacekeeper, Croatia knows all too well the meaning of peacebuilding, its significance and the efforts it requires. As this year’s Vice-Chair of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) and last year’s Chair, Croatia supports strengthening the links between the three pillars of the United Nations: peace and security, development and human rights. There is no peace without sustainable development and no sustainable development without peace. There is little time left to strengthen our focus on prevention at all levels. For the Peacebuilding Commission, that means focusing more on structural prevention through national prevention strategies, and on operational prevention by sending flexible civilian missions upon a country’s request. The 2025 review of the peacebuilding architecture will be a crucial moment to strengthen the PBC and to broaden its mandate to give it some decision-making powers. Members can count on Croatia’s active participation in sharing its experience and in view of its candidature to be a member of the PBC again in 2026. Croatia is also proud that today a Croatian company is a global leader in robotic demining and is actively supporting Ukraine by providing its expertise to assist in the clearance of mines and unexploded ordnance in conflict-affected areas. We are committed to sustainable development that is deeply rooted in our unique position as one of the most biodiverse and nature-rich countries in Europe. Often Croatia, in its national development strategy until 2030, espouses a vision of a competitive, innovative and safe country with a recognizable identity and culture — a country with preserved resources, quality living conditions and equal opportunities for all. We have built our strategy on the three main, interrelated development pillars: digital transformation, decarbonization and demographic revitalization. The digital transformation of our societies is inevitably changing our way of life and our way of doing business more rapidly and intensively than any transition in the past century. We are transforming our state and public administration, businesses and society and half of our population is using the State’s digital services. Croatia’s information technology industry is competitive and booming. At the same time, while new and emerging technologies are unlocking great potential, they also come with risks. To manage them, we need effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels, as well as informed citizens. My Government will continue to pursue policies that promote this path. Humankind’s greatest challenge of the twenty-first century is climate change, coupled with loss of biodiversity, a reduction of food and natural resources, an increase in the number of droughts, fires and floods, and the acceleration of sea level rise. Croatia is located in the Mediterranean, one of the world’s regions expected to be hit hardest by climate change. It is not by accident that Croatia has been given a portfolio for the Mediterranean in the new European Commission. This summer, we saw record breaking heat waves, followed by torrential rains in our part of Europe only last week. The green transition is therefore pivotal for us all. Promoting nature-based solutions is one of our main national tools for climate change adaptation and mitigation. For that reason, we need to strengthen the multilateral system for dealing with climate, biodiversity and sustainable development. We need to put more efforts in dealing with the climate as a threat amplifier that endangers the security and stability of many regions and countries in the world, especially in Africa. We spare no effort to integrate the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals into our national policies, initiatives and strategies and into the reinforced and reformed global governing structure. We are proud that our reforms and investments have earned Croatia a high eighth place among 193 United Nations Member States according to the Sustainable Development Report 2024. Finally, for Croatia, all those measures culminate also in demographic revitalization as another key national priority. We consider it to be an indispensable element of our resilience and competitiveness and a prerequisite for successful, sustainable growth. Croatia’s deep commitment to human rights emerges from its own difficult experiences under totalitarian regimes and the horrors of the aggression during the Homeland War. The violations of fundamental rights that we endured as a nation have shaped our understanding of the importance of protecting human rights and dignity, justice and equality. Croatia’s journey from being a war-torn country to a strong advocate for human rights in the international arena has given us a unique As a country still searching for 1,792 missing persons from the Homeland War, Croatia spares no effort to end the anguish of uncertainty for their families. We shall never cease the search for them and we shall never stop demanding answers from those who know their fate. We contribute by sharing our acquired expertise with interested countries and by advocating for missing persons everywhere in the world, in our national capacity and as a committed member of the Global Alliance for the Missing. Croatia is today extending its support to Ukraine by offering its expertise in prosecuting war crimes and making its seasoned experts available to assist Ukraine in navigating the complex process of accountability and justice, drawing from its own experience in addressing the aftermath of war crimes committed during the Homeland War. Committed to eradicating domestic violence and violence against women, we have introduced femicide as a distinct criminal offence. Our goal is the elimination of gender discrimination and the creation of conditions for the real equality of women and men in society at home, as well as abroad and in the multilateral system. That is why Croatia promotes the women and peace and security agenda at the global level, as we know the disproportionate effect of conflict on women, but we have also seen how women, when participating in all peacebuilding and sustaining peace processes ,are agents of change and harbingers of peace. Croatia also advocates a comprehensive approach to issues affecting persons with disabilities. That includes mainstreaming disability in all fields of human rights. With that in mind, in the United Nations we will be leading an effort by a cross-regional group of countries to proclaim the international day of deafblindness. The resolution will hopefully contribute to understanding and encourage and inspire national and legal recognition of deafblindness as a distinct and unique disability worldwide. In the past three years, Croatia has also been honoured to serve as a co-Chair of the Group of Friends of the Responsibility to Protect in New York. We still believe that more has to be done in terms of atrocity prevention and the operationalization of the responsibility to protect concept. In the humanitarian context, we are facing circumstances that are worse than ever. Croatia presided this year over the Humanitarian Affairs Segment of the Economic and Social Council against the challenging backdrop of unresolved conflicts and the eruption and escalation of new ones, climate-related disasters, disease outbreaks, economic shocks and famine for millions of people. Focusing the discussion on the consequences of the erosion of respect for international humanitarian law, clear and strong calls were heard across the board for upholding international humanitarian law, ending impunity, bolstering women’s leadership and addressing climate emergency and for the ethical and responsible use of new technologies. As one of equal successor States of the former Yugoslavia, Croatia is among the founders of the United Nations. Following the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia and in the midst of defending itself from aggression and invasion, 32 years ago Croatia reconfirmed its commitment to the United Nations Charter — this time as a free, sovereign and independent State Member of the United Nations. Ours is a journey of liberty and democracy and a pursuit of peace and prosperity, of vigilant Our experience as a small but resilient nation with a deep understanding of peace, security and development underscores the importance of reforming and revitalizing the United Nations to ensure that it remains fit to address the global challenges of today and tomorrow. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), a pivotal document for strengthening multilateralism that we adopted earlier this week, elaborates on both General Assembly and Security Council reform, and we believe that we should further strengthen, reform and revitalize those two institutions. While the role of the General Assembly has been strengthened recently with regard to issues that the Security Council has failed to address, more should be done in relation to the maintenance of international peace and security. That relates also to the cooperation of the General Assembly with the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and the Peacebuilding Commission. The Secretariat should be made fit for purpose and the selection of the Secretary-General and all other posts, especially those at a high level, needs to be guided by the principles of merit, transparency, inclusiveness, gender and geographic rotation. Finally, allow me to reflect on South-East Europe, a region in our neighbourhood. As a country with deep expertise and a nuanced understanding of South-East Europe, we stand as a model of successful integration into both the European Union and NATO. That unique position not only gives Croatia a special status within the region but also grants it significant authority in advocating for peace, stability and the European aspirations of its neighbours. Croatia consistently encourages our Western Balkan partners to invest even more in fulfilling the established criteria. Regional cooperation and good-neighbourly relations, along with resolving outstanding issues and disputes, remains an essential, indispensable part of the process. The merit- based approach and rewarding individual achievements in fulfilling the standards will accelerate accession to the European family. In that regard, those that cooperate in good faith — for instance, by aligning themselves with the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy — and conduct genuine reforms should move ahead on their EU accession paths. Of particular importance for Croatia is the stability of neighbouring Bosnia and Herzegovina, with which we share a more than 1,000 kilometre-long border. In order to achieve security and stability in the country, the full, constitutional equality of the three constituent peoples — Croats, Bosniaks and Serbs — must be ensured and the Dayton Paris Accords, the peace treaties that ended the war and confirmed the multinational, multiconfessional and multicultural Bosnia and Herzegovina, must be upheld. In conclusion, Croatia’s story is one of transformation from a nation rebuilding after war to a committed partner within the global community. Our journey reflects the power of collaboration, vision and perseverance. As we look ahead, Croatia is ready to continue contributing to a world where peace, justice, human rights and sustainable development are attainable for all. Together, through multilateralism, we can overcome today’s challenges and build a future in which every country and every citizen can thrive. The path may be long and difficult, but by standing united, we can make it a reality. Let us move forward with renewed purpose, ensuring that the foundations we build today will support a prosperous and peaceful tomorrow.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Croatia.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. James Marape, Prime Minister of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

It is my honour to address the General Assembly once again on behalf of the people of Papua New Guinea. I congratulate Mr. Philemon Yang and the Government and the people of Cameroon on his successful election to lead the work of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. I thank his predecessor, Mr. Dennis Francis, for his excellent leadership during the seventy-eighth session. I also extend my gratitude to the Secretary-General for his strong leadership in mobilizing the support of the global community on key issues that require our collective efforts, especially in dealing with climate change-related matters. The President’s selected theme for this debate, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”, is very pertinent. I thank him and commend his foresight in drawing our collective attention to the work we must still do for peace and humanity, considering the vast challenges and continuous threats we face today. I will speak on three threats to humankind that are complementary to that theme. Those threats, in my view, are religious intolerance, poverty induced by climate change and geopolitical differences, and sovereignty contests over territories and people. I will preface my statement with my country as a backdrop. Papua New Guinea is the world’s most culturally and linguistically diverse nation, with over 830 languages and a myriad of sub-ethnicities and sub-cultures that are still authentically indigenous today. A real-time, modern-day nation of 1,000 tribes, we embrace that diversity and do our best to function as one people, one nation and one country in our intention to leave no one behind. In terms of the environment, my country hosts up to 7 per cent of the world’s biodiversity, mostly housed within a tropical rainforest that is the third-largest in the world and a vast marine ecosystem. We sustainably manage our forest, land and sea because our livelihood depends on them. Papua New Guinea, in our small way, teaches the world how to live in balance with nature, tolerate cultural diversities and practice environmental stewardship. The father of modern Papua New Guinea, the late, great Grand Chief Sir Michael Thomas Somare, was a champion in that regard. In fact, Sir Michael championed article 5 of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change into existence in the early 2000s as a reflection of Papua New Guinea’s strong affinity for the forest, land and sea. In that regard, my country has been contributing to the global discourse over the past two decades on environment management and matters relating to climate change. Unfortunately, that has been met with very little return action. However, we continue to stand ready to assist the United Nations family in that area. Over the 49-years of our country’s history as an independent nation, our challenges have been many, compounded by the vast ethnolinguistic diversities and cultural complexities and the small size of our economy. However, we have remained I want to assure the General Assembly that we have aligned our development plans consistent with the Charter of the United Nations and the 17 Sustainable Development Goals. Our aspirations mirror those of this institution. In fact, in 1975, when we gained our independence, our National Constitution’s Eight-Point Plan directed the Administration of today and those of the future in our national aspiration to leave no person behind. Our nation’s Vision 2050, launched in 2010, compels the Government to develop Papua New Guinea into a top-50 nation by 2050 in terms of the Human Development Index. Papua New Guinea looks forward to submitting to the United Nations a full progress report in July 2025 at the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development through its second Voluntary National Review, covering the work we have undertaken thus far, the challenges we continue to face and the steps we are taking going forward that will culminate in 2030. I hope that Members will indulge me in sharing an insight into managing a diverse, multicultural people and what has helped us to blend as one nation. I highlight the role of Christian missionaries and their work dating back to 1845, when the first Catholic missionaries arrived in my country. In 1975, when we gained independence, Christianity became profound. Consistent with the President’s theme, Christianity in Papua New Guinea has been the front-runner of unity, bearing messages of peace and sustainable coexistence and embracing the diversity of cultures, languages and tribes into one human family living in our natural environment as God’s creation. Since then, Christian churches have contributed immensely to our country’s development through their education and health programmes. Real Christianity teaches love, peace, unity, forgiveness and continues to give meaning to the mission to leave no one behind. Whilst Papua New Guinea is identified as a Christian nation, I want to assure all who are listening that section 45 of our nation’s Constitution protects individuals’ right to choose and practice their own faith and religion. We subscribe strongly to article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on freedom of thought, conscience and religion. The United Nations has been the anchor of that God- given right of humankind, and I offer my country’s support for the protection of individuals’ choice and rights to practice their faith and urge that this remains a key duty of the United Nations. History teaches us that, since the dawn of humankind, many wars have been fought and many lives lost as a result of religious intolerance. We see that happening today. Earth’s history is stained with the blood of innocent people who have died in State-, tribe- or church-sanctioned killings. The United Nations must condemn laws that encroach upon individuals’ choice of religion and worship. That is a God- given right. I see the issue of the enforcement of religions upon another as a threat to peace and the coexistence of humankind. I ask the United Nations to keep watch over religious freedom for all people, especially minorities in societies where major religions are practiced. The second threat I see facing humankind is poverty, especially that induced by climate change. The pursuit of wealth has caused man to plunder Earth of its resources beyond the threshold of sustainability, with little consideration for our children’s future. The acceleration of climate change, for instance, is a direct result of humankind’s insatiable appetite for resources. In an attitude of survival of the fittest, nations and corporations jostle and stampede over each other in order to harvest resources, causing environmental degradation, deforestation, the burning of Ocean nations like mine continue to live with climate change-induced sea level rise and weather pattern changes that have now become an existential threat. That is why we welcome the Chair’s summary of the High-Level Meeting on Sea-Level Rise. Together with other Pacific island countries, we continue to recognize the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea as the legal framework within which all activities in the oceans and seas must be carried out. We reaffirm our commitment to the Pacific Islands Forum Declaration on the Continuity of Statehood and the Protection of Persons in the Face of Climate Change-Related Sea-Level Rise. Last month, the Pacific Island Leaders Forum in Tonga officially recognized those climate change manifestations as existential threats to our Pacific people. We stand united in support of the Vanuatu-led General Assembly proposal for the inclusion of sea level rise as a stand-alone item on the General Assembly’s agenda and other relevant United Nations processes. Despite our economic needs, Papua New Guinea remains committed to safeguarding both our blue ocean life and our green forest life for Earth’s children. As a rainforest nation, Papua New Guinea continues to play a proactive role to progress our commitments under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement by undertaking adaptation and mitigation efforts. However, accessing global climate financing continues to be a challenge for Papua New Guinea and many other small nations. We call on the United Nations to look into that matter with a sense of urgency or else we will utilize our rights to liquidate our forest and marine resources to achieve our development aspirations, especially in our efforts to alleviate poverty. It is for that reason that I speak in solidarity with all forest nations, especially those in the Congo and Amazon basins, in our quest for adequate compensation if we are to preserve our forests, which are in fact the lungs of the Earth. Papua New Guinea’s vast rainforests, rich biodiversity, marine life and indigenous people and cultures are now at the crossroads of great change, facing either preservation or loss and extinction. The responsibility to save our environment and the planet should bear on all of us in equal measure. It is now up to Members of the United Nations to save the forests, which are global assets. On that note, I want to thank my good friend Emmanuel Macron, President of France, for mobilizing European Union funding for the Managalas Conservation Area in my country. That is the kind of partnership that should be encouraged. Again, I remind the world that the forest of Papua New Guinea is a global asset and it must be preserved at a price transferable to improving the lives of my forest people. We cannot talk about climate change without a conversation on forestry. They are two sides of the same coin in conversations on climate change. I call for others out there, especially those that have big carbon footprints, to do justice to planet Earth by playing their part, especially in the preservation of our forests. The third threat facing humankind, in my view, is geopolitical differences and sovereignty contests over territories and people. Increasing geopolitical conflicts and tensions are fuelling fragmentation and protectionism around the world today. Restrictions on trade, disruptions in supply chains and growing competition are crippling our local economies. We need to examine peaceful strategies and solutions and invest in peacebuilding initiatives for de-escalation, mutual understanding and cooperation to build trust and foster peaceful relationships. The United Nations role in that must be respected by all nations, for it was for those very reasons that the United Nations was born, so that the world does not need to face many wars or another big war again. In Papua New Guinea, we partner the United Nations in national and sub-national peacebuilding efforts. One good example is in the de-escalation of our own internal conflict on Bougainville, where the United Nations-supervised the Bougainville Peace Agreement in 2001 and continues to ensure that we comply with all requirements of that Agreement, including by bringing the 2019 referendum results to our national Parliament. I am happy to report that, to this day, no bullets have since been fired on Bougainville. That is the role and strength of United Nations, and I call on all nations and people to respect the Charter of this institution and the reasons for its existence. Papua New Guinea therefore calls on the United Nations and its systems to begin the process of Security Council reform, including the removal of the veto power so that all nations can sit equally at the table in as far as decision-making is concerned. We must do all we can to restore stability to the far reaches of Earth. Global conflicts have domino effects and the subsequent impacts are felt throughout the world with intergenerational wounds. As I conclude, let me recall again our collective responsibility to work together to preserve our planet and our human race. In 1987, space philosopher Frank White wrote of the overview effect, a cognitive shift astronauts experience after viewing Earth from outer space and returning to Earth. He records that most astronauts, if not all, experience a state of self-transcendence, appreciating Earth much more and feeling very strong connections with all people on the planet. I am sure that Neil Armstrong, on 20 July 1969, when he gazed back on planet Earth from the moon, would not have seen his country, the United States of America, but the blue planet he called home. I call upon all us leaders of the planet to adopt a little bit of the overview effect to see the world through the eyes of astronauts. They see the planet from humanity’s perspective — one planet, one people, one humankind. They appreciate Earth much better. I want to ask all leaders of planet Earth to appreciate Earth. Let us treasure its life-sustaining gifts. Let us do everything within our means to preserve and protect planet Earth. That starts with all of us leaders thinking and acting correctly because our children’s collective future depends on us. We have but one planet, after all. There are no two planets. When we look billions upon billions of lightyears into the observable universe, there is no planet that looks like ours. We have only one planet; let us preserve it. Let us rise above religious bigotry, fight poverty together and coexist in peace, under the Charter we ourselves have written for this magnificent institution called the United Nations.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Robert Abela, Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

When we gathered at this time last year, little could we have predicted that, just a couple of weeks later, our world would be plunged into even greater turmoil by the despicable attacks of 7 October. In the 12 months since, we have seen continued loss of life and a humanitarian emergency on such a scale that it is all too easy to give up hope; all too easy to believe that nothing can be done; all too easy to turn the other cheek. We cannot escape the stark reality that our world faces the gravest of challenges and that the populations of far too many of these United Nations face the gravest perils. The gravity of those threats is such that we, as leaders from across the globe, are confronted with a choice of two paths. We can choose the path of despair, dejectedly deciding that it is impossible to make a difference, or we can choose the path of persistence, determined that, no matter how rough the waters, we can and we must redouble our efforts to meet those challenges and mitigate those perils. I emphatically believe that we have a moral responsibility to take the path of persistence. I will never apologize for reaffirming the simple belief that motivated me to come into public life — that tomorrow can be better than today. No matter what the headwinds, it is a belief that still motivates all I do. I refuse to believe that we should just give up. I refuse to listen to those siren whispers that the worst is inevitable and that it is not worth working for better outcomes. I refuse to give in to the notion that we can defer difficult decisions or that small countries just have to passively accept the actions of larger players. To acquiesce to that negativity would be to accept that the General Assembly, that the United Nations, is nothing more than a council of despair. To that, I say a resounding “no”. The United Nations can and must be a council of hope. Nobody is going to pretend that we can wave any sort of magic wand or deliver instant solutions, but we have a duty to keep hope alive, to keep trying, to keep working and to keep battling for the values that were the very foundation of the idea of a United Nations. Eight decades ago, from the rubble of the first truly global conflict, our forerunners had the courage and the foresight to see that the world had to have a forum where the voice of every nation could be heard. As colonialism rightly crumbled, there were a lot of newly independent nations to add their signatures to the Charter of the United Nations. Malta is one such nation. As we gained our independence from the United Kingdom, we took our place in the world. This year marks the sixtieth anniversary of Malta’s accession to the United Nations. Over those six decades, my country has developed beyond the wildest dreams of the pioneers who saw us to statehood. So, as we mark 60 years of Malta as a proud Member of the United Nations and as the United Nations itself gets ready to mark its eightieth anniversary, my message is clear. The world needs the United Nations now more than ever. Malta values the United Nations now more than ever. And make no mistake — Malta may be a small country, but we will always be a loud voice against deferring difficult decisions and avoiding difficult conversations. We will never resign ourselves to a future devoid of peace. We will never abandon our commitment to supporting peace processes, no matter how tough those processes may be. We will remain steadfast in our support for steps to build and maintain peace in every region of conflict. We will remain as committed to and confident in the United Nations as we were on that day in December 60 years ago when the ink dried on Malta’s signature. That is exactly the approach Malta has brought to our membership of the Security Council over the past two years, and it is exactly the approach we have brought to the chairship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), which we assumed in January. Malta was happy to step up and take the Chair as an honest broker, allowing all members to endorse our leadership and ensuring that the work of that vital body can continue. Like Malta, the OSCE is a bridge between neighbours across continents. Europe can be secure and at peace only if its neighbours are secure and at peace. That is why, in the Security Council and in the OSCE, our guiding watchwords are always promoting sustainability, peace and security. That approach sits well alongside the OSCE’s comprehensive conception of security as not just about ending military conflict, but also about addressing the social and economic tensions that create and exacerbate international tensions. To that end, we will continue to press for all nations to comply with the Arms Trade Treaty. The failure of too many countries to comply with international rules poses too great a threat to too many innocent citizens. As I have reflected on my country’s six decades of membership of the United Nations, I have looked back at the wisdom of some of those who have held the office of Secretary-General. Sadly, these words of Ban Ki-moon remain as true and urgent today as ever: “The world is overarmed and peace is underfunded.” The peace and humanitarian budgets, which are at the heart of the United Nations mission, unfortunately remain severely underfunded, harshly impacting too many of the world’s most vulnerable people. That is why Malta urges all Member States to play their part by remitting the resources needed to ensure that the hard-working, hard- pressed front-line United Nations staff can play their part in bringing relief and hope where they are so desperately needed. As Malta concludes its current term on the Security Council, I am proud of what we have been able to help achieve. Amidst the tragedy of events in Israel and Gaza, we have worked with others to prioritize the relief of humanitarian suffering. We used our seat on the Security Council to work for resolution 2712 (2023), which demanded urgent and extended humanitarian pauses and the provision of corridors through Gaza to supply critical supplies needed by so many innocent civilians, not least children. The resolution also called for the release of hostages held captive by Hamas and other militant groups in Gaza. We are proud that this led to the release of 105 hostages during the negotiated seven-day pause. Similarly, I am pleased that Malta played a key role in the Security Council’s adoption of resolution 2728 (2024), which demanded an immediate ceasefire in Gaza for the month of Ramadan, alongside the immediate release of all hostages. That was the first joint motion from the non-permanent members on a geographic situation in the Security Council’s history. Understandably, much of the world’s attention has been on the situation in Israel and Gaza since 7 October 2023, which has now expanded into a dangerous and deeply worrisome escalation in Lebanon. We stand firm in our belief that we must all strive to ensure that the flames of that conflict do not engulf the whole region and that we all take decisive steps to resolve the conflict before it is too late. Furthermore, it is imperative that we, as a global community, do not lose focus on those other parts of So, let me turn to another country in conflict — Malta’s southern neighbour, Libya. Helping the Libyan people achieve a genuine and lasting resolution to the institutional crisis for which they have paid too high a price for too long is a key priority for Malta. Such a resolution would benefit not only the Libyan people, but all Libya’s neighbours and the wider region. Only with a single functioning Government, supported by citizens across the whole country, can Libya play its full part in addressing the migrant crisis that is putting so many lives at risk. That is why Malta warmly welcomes the initiatives taken by the United Nations Support Mission in Libya in bringing the parties together to sign an agreement that will, we hope, end the crisis at the Central Bank of Libya and kickstart the stalled wider political process. Malta will continue to stand ready to do anything it can to aid that process and will be unstinting in advocating for proactive engagement by the international community to support and enhance those United Nations-led efforts. Together, we have a duty to aid the mediation needed to create a pathway towards national parliamentary and presidential elections in Libya. As friends and neighbours of Libya, we can and must help, but if the process is to truly succeed, it must be Libyan-led and Libyan-owned. To that end, we unequivocally call for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces, fighters and mercenaries from Libya. Malta also re-emphasizes the need for the full implementation of the Libyan arms embargo, in line with all relevant Security Council resolutions. Equality is a key value for my Government and my country. Just as the situation in Libya will be resolved only by all the people of the country knowing they have an equal voice, so are so many of the conflicts, disputes and tensions around the world fuelled by inequality. Equality is not some sort of added extra, nice to have but not vital to tackling the world’s problems. That view could not be more misguided. Equality across gender, race, religion, age, disability and sexuality is not just imperative for its own sake; equality is also imperative to finding lasting solutions to so many of the challenges that face us all. I am therefore honoured that Malta stands at the forefront of promoting civil liberties globally. We are one of the few countries that have already implemented an anti-racism strategy, and now we are in the process of drafting a second, renewed anti-racism strategy. We will never take equality at home for granted and we will always advocate and support greater equality internationally. All too often, it is women and girls who bear the brunt of conflict and all too infrequently are the voices of women and girls heard when it comes to resolving those conflicts. Without women, there can be no peace. As the world redoubles its efforts to bring peace, so must we all redouble our efforts to ensure that the voices of women and girls are heard, at the top tables as well as on the ground. During our term on the Security Council, Malta has worked hard to do just that. Malta has chaired the Security Council Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict. In the past 18 months, the Working Group has issued conclusions on the role of children in the conflicts in South Sudan, Nigeria, Mali, Afghanistan, the Central African Republic, Colombia, Iraq and Somalia. That long list is a sad testament to the magnitude and gravity of the repeated violations against children in crisis zones. We must never let up in our outrage and action at those persistent and flagrant abuses of the rights of the child, as enshrined by the United Nations. We have a saying in Malta: “The sea is wealthy.” And indeed it is. As an island nation, for Malta the wealth of the sea equates to the wealth of our people. The health of the sea equates to the health of our people. We therefore need no reminder of just how essential it is to protect the wealth, health and biodiversity of our seas and Solidarity  — standing shoulder to shoulder with our fellow small island nations — is a key value for Malta. Solidarity means actions, not just words. The Islands for Islands initiative is central to our foreign policy, providing concrete, practical assistance to small island developing States and sharing best practices and building capacity. That is why Malta has jointly taken the lead in developing the Climate Vulnerability and Resilience Index, a practical resource to help small islands identify and prepare for the effects of the changing climate. As sea levels become an ever-greater concern, so does the health of our seas and oceans become ever greater a priority. Malta remains and will always remain at the forefront of efforts to protect our oceans. In the very first years of our United Nations membership, we were one of the foremost proponents of the principle of the common heritage of humankind — for which I thank Arvid Pardo  — and it remains our lodestar. We have consistently spoken up in the Security Council about the existential threat from rising sea levels, and Malta will always remain unwavering in our support for the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Malta welcomes the first ratifications of the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction, which will provide much needed and much greater protection for the two-thirds of global oceans that lie beyond national jurisdictions. The treaty will come into force only when 60 nations have ratified it. Our oceans need it. Our peoples deserve it. I therefore ask my fellow leaders to speed up and sign. To preserve healthy maritime environments, we all need to take practical, innovative steps. That is why I am delighted by the success of Malta’s new Shore to Ship initiative is having. The stunning Grand Harbour in the capital city of Malta, Valletta, is a magnet for cruise ships, but while docked in berth they can produce serious amounts of pollution if they rely on their engines in that confined space. Shore to Ship is therefore installing onshore power supply alongside the quays used by cruise ships, allowing them to switch off their engines and help reduce pollution in that most special of places by around 90 per cent. In Malta, we know that while the sea can yield great gifts, it can also be the host for illicit activity and the breaking of international laws. The high seas must never become the Wild West. The rule of law and the will of the international community must always hold on sea as on land. That is why Malta championed the creation of a unified database of all vessels involved in illicit activity, shareable and usable by all participating States. Shipping is central to international trade, so ensuring that shipping laws are fully applied at sea is central to any successful sanctions regime. That can happen only if ship owners know that trying to break sanctions brings consequences. But it is essential, for reasons of natural justice and to ensure buy-in from member States, that the listing of those breaking sanctions is fair and transparent. Malta was therefore proud to jointly hold the pen, alongside the United States, for resolution 2744 (2024), which overhauls the delisting process for the first time in almost two decades. By creating a better system for delisting, where warranted, we can ward against the premature lifting of sanctions that is not warranted. When we reconvene in a year’s time, we will be marking the eightieth birthday of our United Nations. But we must never be just marking time; we need to always be marking progress. As Dag Hammarskjöld said, “The pursuit of peace and progress cannot end in a few years in either victory or defeat. The pursuit of peace and progress, with its trials and its errors, its successes and its setbacks, can never be relaxed and never abandoned.” In Europe, the average life expectancy is just over 80 years. The United Nations will have a life expectancy longer than that only if we all recommit to its future. As the saying goes, I want reports of its death to be greatly exaggerated. Yes, we cannot ignore the fact that the architecture of the world’s collective security is under stress like never before. The voices of nationalism dismiss the need to work together. The instigators of conflict believe that they can escape the wrath and the writ of the global community. Both could not be more wrong. Acting to end conflict and relieve suffering is never easy, but that does not mean we should stop trying. Reaching consensus across borders and across political differences is never easy, but that does not mean we should stop trying. Acknowledging that we have all contributed to the state our world is in today and setting aside our pride to try and make the world a better place is never easy, but that does not mean we should stop trying. Arguably, the temptation to wring our hands and see change as too hard to achieve is greatest for small nations like my own — to sit back and sigh that the big boys have made too much of a mess of things. Well, Malta will never sit back. Malta will never wring its hands. Malta will never leave it to others. Yes, Malta will always be realistic, but Malta will always be committed to multilateralism. When the perils are at their greatest, the need to work together is at its greatest. Let us therefore use the next 12 months, in the run-up to that eightieth anniversary, to reassert our collective belief in the United Nations, to redouble our efforts, to resolve conflict, to take the steps the future of the Earth needs, to deliver the change that the peoples of the planet need and deserve, and to up our game in supporting the Secretary-General in delivering the institutional reform the United Nations needs to better fulfil its purpose. In short, and with every fibre of my being, I say to my fellow leaders: Now is the time to choose and we must choose the path of persistence. We must reject the path of despair. Yes, our world faces huge challenges and huge threats, but if we lose belief in the power of collective action, if we lose belief in the ability to work together to make a difference, then we are losing belief in the very idea of a better world. If we fail to persist, we fail to lead. If we fail to perceive, we fail the people who put their faith in us. Failure simply is not an option. The stakes are too high, the risks too great, the consequences too severe. So let us make that choice. Let us today recommit as a United Nations. Let us affirm the path of persistence and, no matter how tough the going, let us enter the eightieth year of the United Nations with the simple goal in

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for Finance of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Philip Edward Davis, Prime Minister and Minister for Finance of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I wish to congratulate Ambassador Yang on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. I also offer my best wishes to the outgoing President, Ambassador Francis, and thank him for leading us for the past year. Over the past three years, the Bahamas has been pleading with Member States to engage in urgent action in respect of climate change. Along with other small island developing States, we have highlighted our vulnerabilities and our predicament. We have told Member States what we know, shared our experiences from the front line, described what we are doing to address the various issues, and warned how our yesterdays are becoming their tomorrows. There has been some welcome progress, but it falls far, far short, of what is needed. And now, we all have to live with the reality of a climate crisis that has pushed our planet past the critical threshold of 1.5°C for an entire year. At this very moment, the new harsh reality is manifest in hurricanes and heat, fire and floods. Member States can somehow quickly find eye-watering sums of money for bullets and bombs, but only rattle the small change in their pockets when it comes to financing the costs of the loss and damage, repair and recovery that are so desperately needed to adapt to the new climate reality. Why? Why do Members persist in ignoring the biggest threat of our lives? The easy answer would be to say that they just do not care, but I cannot accept that. To do so would be to accept a view of humankind that is at odds with my faith and lived experience of humanity. But we in the Bahamas clearly see that lack of determined, committed action as a series of misguided, short-term choices and priorities. We can choose differently. We can choose better. We can act to address real, consequential priorities  — priorities that are already impacting the lives of every single one of us and will continue to impact the lives of our children and their grandchildren for generations to come. The irony is that generations before us did not have an established forum such as this — a place to come together, as a whole world, to work together for the common good. The genocidal crisis of the Second World War gave birth to the United Nations, and the ensuing wars of independence and regional conflicts mean that we have in place the structure for real, effective action. And so today, as the Bahamas celebrates 51 years of membership of the United Nations, we offer our service to the international community as we bid for We do so to amplify the voices of small island developing States. We do so because the voices of small island developing States are the harbingers of what lies in store for all of us. The Security Council of the future will not be equipped to deal with the biggest crisis of our time without voices like ours at the table. The link between climate change and global security is undeniable. Things are bad now and they are going to get a lot worse before they get better. Climate considerations must be integrated into all aspects of the Security Council’s work. Because of that, the Bahamas stands ready to advocate and support whatever reforms are needed to help maximize the effectiveness of the work of the Council. Membership for countries like ours was not what the Charter Members contemplated when the United Nations was established, but it is countries like ours which will help the Council with the inclusive, truly representative decision-making needed to help address the greatest crises of our time. Aspirations to lasting global peace and security will remain empty dreams if not supported by economic security. For too long, the global financial system has been skewed against developing nations. It is a cruel irony that industrialized nations that bear the greatest responsibility for the climate crisis often perpetuate another form of injustice in the form of our current global system. We have been instrumental in exposing the hypocrisy of unilateral blacklisting and advocating for a framework that prioritizes fairness and inclusivity. The present system, with its dark rules and uneven playing field, drains resources from developing countries, leaving us to grapple with the consequences. The Bahamas refuses to accept that double standard. We are raising our voice to demand a fairer and more equitable international framework, one where the voices of all countries, regardless of their population or gross domestic product, are heard and respected. The Bahamas will continue to be a leading voice in championing that issue for as long as we need to do so, no matter how lonely or how long the journey may take. Even among small island developing States, the Bahamas is uniquely vulnerable. We are not waiting for solutions; we are creating them. We have created a National Youth Guard, empowering our young people to become environmental champions, because we know that future generations will have an enormous burden to shoulder. We are embracing innovation, particularly in the realm of ocean technology, to find solutions to the climate crisis. The Bahamas may be small in size, but we are not short on ambition or ingenuity. We have it said it before, but we can never say it often enough — countries like the Bahamas contribute so little to the problems of the world and yet we are among the first and greatest affected. Over 40 per cent of my country’s national debt is as a direct result of the impacts of climate change. Locked as we are into an annual cycle of severe hurricanes, repair and rebuild, how can we fulfil the reasonable aspirations of our people for national development? We need to stop thinking of climate change merely as an environmental threat. It is a threat multiplier, exacerbating existing tensions, creating new ones and In our Caribbean region, the Republic of Haiti is facing a multidimensional security crisis. It is born of gang violence and resource scarcity, made worse by massive earthquakes, hurricanes and other natural hazards. In accordance with Security Council resolution 2699 (2023), and in coordination with the Government of Haiti, Member States are contributing to the Multinational Security Support (MSS) Mission. The Bahamas Government is strongly of the view that any mission in Haiti ought to be Haitian-led and aim to build the capacity of the Haitian National Police to counter gangs and improve security conditions. The Bahamas reiterates the importance of continued and sustained financial support from donor countries to ensure that the United Nations Trust Fund is able to fund MSS Mission operations now and in the future. The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) region in and of itself cannot do it alone and so we urge Members to take note of that important aspect of the MSS Mission. Looking beyond our region, in 2024 the Bahamas has looked to South-South cooperation to fill the gaps in development support. We continue to be active participants in CARICOM. We value the support of the Commonwealth and the solidarity between Caribbean and Pacific Commonwealth States and look forward to meeting this year in Samoa. We value the deepening relationship between CARICOM and the African region. We see renewed value in the Group of 77 and the Non-Aligned Movement. Our concerted efforts to collectively focus on climate reparations have resulted in new pathways to climate justice at the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea and the International Court of Justice. We remain determined to protect and preserve our climate and our precious biodiversity through the progressive development of international law. The twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP29)must be a turning point. It is estimated that by 2050, climate-related damage will rise to an almost unimaginable $38 trillion per year. In some respects, it is already too late. Where we are is not good enough, but there is still time, time just enough, if we act and act now. Let us revitalize the stalled negotiations on the new collective quantified goal on climate finance. We cannot afford another year of inaction. Developed nations must step up, not just with words, but with enforceable, concrete commitments that reflect the scale and urgency of the crisis. While global military expenditure soared to an unprecedented $2.4 trillion last year, the Loss and Damage Fund, painstakingly established at COP28, has secured a mere $800 million in pledges. That is a drop in the ocean compared to the trillions needed to address the escalating costs of the negative impacts of climate change. This is not just an issue of funding; it is fundamentally an issue of sustainability and survival. Without it, peace and security mean nothing. The Loss and Damage Fund must be fully operationalized. This is about responsibility, accountability and building a future where those who have polluted the most, contribute the most to cleaning up the mess. The rise in global temperatures of more than 1.5°C this past year has put us in a new reality, but we must do more than roll the dice. Real effort, serious action, tangible progress — those are the only paths to sustainable solutions. And the same truths remain — we must prioritize energy solutions around sources of renewable energy. Redirecting the vast subsidies given to the fossil fuel industry towards renewable energy and climate adaptation and mitigation would be a But, within that global emergency, we also see a glimmer of hope. The 1.5°C threshold cannot be an endpoint; it must be a turning point, an opportunity to reject complacency and chart a new course grounded in innovation, collaboration and a resolute commitment to a just and sustainable future. We are not asking for a hand-out, but for a hand up. Even the strongest swimmer drowns if left alone in a raging sea. I would be remiss if I were to leave this rostrum without joining my sister Prime Minister of Barbados in calling in reiterating my call for the removal of the blockade on Cuba. It is hurting the people of Cuba, and although it is said that the blockade is against the Government of Cuba, it is the people of Cuba who suffer daily. It has not worked. It has been in place now for almost 70 years. Why should it still remain? We call on all present to seek to persuade those who have imposed the blockade to remove it and to do so as soon as possible.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister for Finance of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the United Republic of Tanzania.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Kassim Majaliwa Majaliwa, Prime Minister of the United Republic of Tanzania, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

On behalf of Ms. Samia Suluhu Hassan, President of the United Republic of Tanzania, I stand before the Assembly to deliver a message of hope and peace to the people of the world. In doing so, I wish to convey warm and fraternal greetings from the President and the people of the United Republic of Tanzania. Ms. Samia Suluhu Hassan, President of the United Republic of Tanzania, wishes the Assembly every success in its important deliberations. I would also like to join previous speakers in commending Mr. Philemon Yang for the excellent manner in which he is steering the work of the Assembly. Tanzania endorses and supports the theme chosen for this session, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”. The theme aligns well with the Charter of the United Nations and builds on the efforts of President Yang’s predecessor, Mr. Dennis Francis, whose remarkable leadership is truly appreciated. Tanzania recognizes and thanks the Secretary-General for his great work and the important message he shared with us at the opening of the general debate (see A/79/PV.7). The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a beacon of hope in addressing global challenges. Tanzania’s journey towards sustainable development reflects that of many nations facing significant challenges from the detrimental impacts of coronavirus disease on health and economic systems. Climate change, marked by extreme weather patterns such as torrential rains and droughts, has exacerbated health issues and strained infrastructure. We are concerned about the slow pace in attaining the Goals, whereby, as of 2023, only 17 per cent of targets were on track, with over a one-third regressing or stalling. Urgent actions and global solidarity are needed to overcome barriers such as economic imbalances, climate change, conflicts and gender inequality. Our commitments to the realization of SDGs are focused on sustainable economic growth through strategic investments in agriculture, aquaculture, livestock, fisheries, infrastructure development, energy and digital technology. Our goal is to improve food security, reduce poverty, ensure job creation and drive inclusive economic growth. There are many success stories in Tanzania emanating from that investment, such as the empowerment of youth through the Building Better Tomorrow agricultural initiative in mainland Tanzania and the empowerment of local women in Zanzibar through seaweed farming. On the other hand, Tanzania implements policies to ensure access to quality health care and education for all citizens, including the Universal Health Insurance Act and free basic education. The Government also invests in vocational training and education in science, technology, engineering and mathematics to prepare young people for the job market and digital economy. For decades, Tanzania’s foreign policy has prioritized respect for human dignity. Addressing the Assembly on 14 December 1961, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, the then Prime Minister of Tanganyika, stated that, “The basis of our actions, internal and external, will be an attempt, an honest attempt, to honour the dignity of man” (A/PV.1078, para. 140). Tanzania has maintained that pledge by leading the fight against colonialism and racism. In that regard, Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Union Liberation Committee, supporting freedom fighters in their struggles for independence. Despite gaining political liberation, many countries still face economic sanctions and inhumane conditions that hinder the achievement of genuine development. We call therefore for the realization of the right to self-determination of all peoples under colonial occupation and the lifting of economic sanctions imposed against them. The Assembly must continue to more boldly call for the lifting of economic sanctions imposed on the people of Cuba and other countries so as to allow the people of those countries to realize their basic rights, including the right to development. Global humanitarian crises due to war, conflict and natural disaster require unrestricted access to humanitarian aid, the fair treatment of victims, accountability for atrocities and the United Nations commitment to upholding human dignity for a peaceful world. Tanzania believes that every individual deserves to live in dignity, freedom and security in order to reach their full potential. The United Nations must not remain indifferent to those situations, as doing so would only undermine its legitimacy. It is important that we invest more in peace initiatives because there is no development without peace and unity. In recognition of that requirement, Tanzania has for several decades participated in peacekeeping, peacebuilding and mediation efforts. Tanzania has contributed and continues to contribute towards world peace through its membership of the United Nations Security Council and the African Union Peace and Security Council. That contribution is also evident through its leadership in regional arrangements, such as the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region and, currently, as the chairing of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security of the Southern African Development Community. I wish to reassure the Assembly that Tanzania’s commitment to peace will not weaken. Tanzania will continue to diligently dispense the obligations emanating from the Charter of the United Nations. Tanzania, like many other developing countries, is highly vulnerable to droughts, floods, desertification and the effects of sea level rise. It is estimated that the sea level will rise by 41 centimetres by 2080. While sea level rise cannot be reversed, Tanzania is taking several adaptation and mitigation measures, including the restoration and plantation of mangroves, the enhancement of coastal infrastructure and the promotion of ecotourism and aquaculture. It is imperative, therefore, that we invest more in climate finance to help economies that are already suffering from those effects to recover and to enhance access to funding for loss and damage in the hardest-hit countries. As we prepare for the twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, in Baku, it is worth remembering that globally, an estimated 2.4 billion people are still using polluting fuels for cooking. That contributes to health problems, food insecurity, gender inequality and environmental damage, including millions of premature deaths, limited access to education and employment for women and children, and increased greenhouse gas emissions and deforestation. Achieving universal clean cooking access in Africa by 2030 would require an estimated amount of $4 billion annually, a small fraction of global energy spending. In response to that alarming situation, Tanzania is championing a clean cooking agenda that essentially contributes to several Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), including Goal 7, focusing on ensuring access to affordable and sustainable energy for all. Tanzania will host the Mission 300 Africa Energy Summit in January 2025, co-organized with the World Bank and the African Development Bank. The Summit will seek to accelerate the implementation of the commitment of the World Bank Group and the African Development Bank Group to providing electricity access to 300 million people in Africa by 2030. We look forward to working together with all partners to unlock energy potential and build a brighter, more resilient future for Africa. Reforms are crucial for countries and international organizations to stay relevant and for greater inclusiveness, transparency, and accountability, especially in multilateral bodies like the Security Council and the Bretton Woods institutions. Tanzania remains committed to rebuilding its economy and society, focusing on inclusivity and empowering its citizens for a stronger future. In conclusion, Tanzania urges all world leaders to unite against international threats that undermine unity, peace and human dignity. We are obliged to work towards the goal, stipulated in the Charter of the United Nations, of sparing succeeding generations from the scourge of war. We must stop wars and destruction that cause death and wanton suffering to innocent civilians, including women and children. Let us leverage innovation, adopt inclusive policies and strengthen international cooperation in accelerating the implementation of the SDGs. Together, let us build partnerships that transcend borders, ensuring that no one is left behind. Let us undertake the necessary reforms to make our multilateral institutions fit for purpose. Let us rebuild trust and reconcile our differences. Let us cooperate to build the resilience of our institutions and peoples. We can achieve the future we want if we commit to rebuilding and restoring what has been damaged by our past actions. As we look to the future, let us honour the commitments made in various international forums. Together, let us embrace this moment with optimism and a shared dedication to inclusivity.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the United Republic of Tanzania for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for National Security, Legal Affairs and Information of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Ralph E. Gonsalves, Prime Minister and Minister for National Security, Legal Affairs and Information of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and inviting him to address the Assembly. To be sure, the SIDS have made incremental advances in the global community and in the architecture of international relations. Nevertheless, for us in SIDS it has been a situation akin to going up a down escalator in which the down escalator is moving at a faster pace than the upward baby steps. Frequently, it appears as though many of the powerful would wish that SIDS did not exist, but here we are, stubborn as the heavens. We are not going anywhere, despite our massive vulnerabilities. Our people have a permanence in this world even if some of our lands wash away. We have a voice and we will continue to use it. We demand as of right especial support from the international community to address efficaciously the unique social, economic and environmental vulnerabilities of SIDS in the interest of the nearly 70 million people who permanently occupy the seascape and landscape of SIDS and in the interest, too, of all the other 8 billion or so persons who inhabit Mother Earth. Small island exceptionalism ought to be a category embedded formally in international law and accorded most favourable treatment. Rather than securing most favourable treatment, the SIDS are required to fight to maintain even the special considerations that providence or serendipity has bestowed upon them. A case in point is the current attempt by the International Development Association (IDA) to pit the most vulnerable  — the SIDS  — against the poorest countries in its quest to tighten the terms under which qualifying SIDS of a particular income level, such as Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, obtain soft loans through the World Bank-IDA nexus. In any event, why is the World Bank persisting with the single, anachronistic and ill-designed metric of average per-capita income in respect of vulnerable SIDS in the age of the Anthropocene, as against a more comprehensive and sensible measure of a multidimensional vulnerability index? The unvarnished truth is that the developed countries have not kept their promises to the SIDS, except the most marginal ones. Importantly, the countries of the developed world, the major historic and contemporary emitters of greenhouse gases, have failed and/or refused to keep their solemn commitments of restricting the global temperature at below 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. Unless there are drastic alterations in the patterns of consumption, production, life and living in developed and large emerging economies, our planet is inexorably on a path to the proverbial hell in a handbasket. In the process, countries of an island or seaboard civilization are likely to be inundated by raging seas and enveloped in searing heat. On the matter of the financing of climate change, the developed countries, which have the means and the major historic responsibility to contain that existential threat, have been parsimonious and less than responsible in practice. Even today, the cynicism and double-speak of several major developed countries are breathtaking in response to the quest of most of the global community to transform the international financial institutions as fit-for-purpose in today’s world and for responsible, reasonable alterations in the actual modalities of climate change financing. High representatives of most of those developed countries pay lip-service in general to the innovative Bridgetown 3.0 proposals, endorsed by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), only to nit-pick and delay in the particulars of the progressive essentials. Brazenly, The Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS, adopted earlier this year, encompasses an action-oriented framework for the way forward. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), recently adopted by the General Assembly, provides a wider and promising buttress. In our advocacy for the 39 SIDS, we embrace, too, the cause of the least developed countries and the landlocked developing countries — all 92 vulnerable countries in the United Nations system. Growing material dissatisfaction grips increasingly large numbers of people in both the metropoles and the hinterlands of this highly interconnected world. Noticeably, the ceremony of innocence is drowned, things are falling apart, the centres cannot hold and the cascading effects are ripping the world asunder; the best lack all conviction and the worst are full of passionate intensity. Creative resistance and reconstruction are the banners under which ordinary men and women across the globe are draping themselves. Sadly, in the North Atlantic countries there is growing and dangerous constituency for an illiberal, even neo-fascist option of looking forward to an illusory past in search of making their countries again unalloyed, mythical paradises of unrivalled dominance. They are looking forward to a past that never was. At the same time, even a modest, middling social democracy is on the retreat because that old political shell of the post-1945 global order can barely contain the erupting contradictions within and outside it. A search for new modalities is emerging but not yet fully formed, in part because the old order is unprepared to relinquish, cede or share power even as it realizes that it cannot continue to rule in the old way, but the new is yet to be born and the forces of change lack a sufficiency of strength to deliver satisfactory alterations. The war in Ukraine, the genocide in Gaza, the conflicts in Yemen, the Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the threats across the Taiwan Strait, an empire’s designs on revolutionary Cuba and Venezuela, the violence and more in Haiti, and suchlike disruptions of the peace globally all have specific origins and contexts. But they are all reflective, too, of a failure of multilateralism, a hamstrung United Nations framework and a derogation from the fundamental precepts of the Charter of the United Nations. Large, powerful nations, singly or in allied combinations, have a propensity to seek dominance. In that milieu, opportunistic or servile alliances emerge or persist as the particular circumstances admit. It all degenerates into a Manichaean politics of the madhouse. Hypocrisy, disinformation and folly reign supreme. In that context arises the trope of the neoliberal global order that the principal contradiction in today’s global political economy is between democracy and autocracy. Still, all the self-serving shibboleths and gloss of that fictional construct will not wash away the unrepentant sins of the past or the cruel impositions of the present. The blinding truth is that the central contradiction in today’s political economy is not between democracy and autocracy. The main contradiction has been and still is today that which revolves around the fundamental material questions of who gets what, when, where and how. It is centrally about the struggle or competition for the ownership, control and distribution of material resources that constitute the basis for regional or global hegemony. Everywhere, more and more, the poor, the hungry, the marginalized and the disadvantaged are clamouring, and organizing for a different and better future — not an unacceptable past, not a present without possibilities for upliftment, but a future beyond unbounded elements. Sadly, in our region we have been experiencing the lived reality that the imperial ghost of Monroe still stalks the marbled halls of the citadels of a neighbouring great On 1 July, the Category 4 Hurricane Beryl battered Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Grenada and Jamaica. Since the dawn of the twenty-first century, it was the twelfth significant natural disaster to have struck my country. Hurricane Beryl has adversely affected one-fifth of our population and caused economic damage amounting to one-third of our country’s gross domestic product. The relief, recovery and reconstruction processes are under way. On behalf of the Government and the people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, I thank all countries and organizations, including the United Nations, that have come to our aid in the immediate aftermath of the hurricane. Unfortunately, in the recovery and rebuilding processes we are essentially on our own. We have had to seek significant loans to rebuild our physical infrastructure and 5,000 houses, to provide income support for affected persons and to mobilize production support for the agricultural, fishing and tourism industries. I am appealing to the international community, our dear friends, to assist us not with further burdensome loans, but with requisite grants. The recovery and reconstruction after every natural disaster increase sharply our debt burden; countries like ours have contributed little or nothing to global warming and human-made climate change, yet we suffer largely alone on the front lines. That cannot be fair; it cannot be just. Do we have to choose between death or debt? Which do we have to choose? The Caribbean Community, the African Union, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, their diasporas and all fair-minded persons globally have been insisting that the European nations responsible for native genocide and the enslavement of African bodies pay reparations for the consequential legacy of underdevelopment. That issue of transformative reparatory justice will not go away until it is appropriately addressed. The suffering and pain of the Haitian people continue to weigh heavily on the consciences of our Caribbean. Through the efforts of the Haitian people, in tandem with the regional and international communities — especially CARICOM, the United States of America, Canada and Kenya — a measure of progress has been made on some fronts, but immense challenges remain in the humanitarian, security, political and economic spheres. The building of a free, democratic, peaceful and prosperous Haiti demands commitment and concerted action from all relevant stakeholders in pursuance of solutions devised by Haitians and led by Haitians. Haiti fatigue is not an option for the international community. In our Caribbean there is a growing challenge of violent crime involving the combustible mix of imported guns and bullets, illegally exported marijuana and the trafficking of cocaine from South America. It is evident that the challenge demands much closer operational cooperation among all the countries concerned in the Caribbean, North America, South America and Europe. In the Middle East, the collective punishment meted out against the Palestinians in Gaza and the continued illegal occupation of Palestinian lands, including in the In the far East, the prospect of a disruption of the tenuous peace across the Taiwan Strait is alarming. The quest for hegemony and the denial of a people’s inalienable right to self-determination are as wrong in the East as they are in the West, bullying is as objectionable in the West as it is in the East, and unilateral coercive action by a big Power in the East is as contrary to international law as it is surely in the West. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines continues to urge that Taiwan be allowed to participate fully in the specialized agencies of the United Nations, including those pertaining to health, air and sea transport, climate change, disaster preparedness and global policy. It appears that there have recently been some positive movements in the long quest to effect a judicious and just reform of the Security Council. It is evident to all reasonable persons that reform of that organ is long overdue. As the Chair of the L.69 group, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines will continue its advocacy for an inclusive, more accountable, effective, representative and relevant Security Council. We know that a better world is possible. On the United Nations rest our hopes for a better world of peace, justice, security and prosperity. Let us all act in accord with our responsibilities, obligations and means. Let us not desecrate our future.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister for National Security, Legal Affairs and Information of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Eswatini.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Russell Mmiso Dlamini, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Eswatini, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

It is with profound gratitude and a deep sense of responsibility that I stand before the General Assembly today at this pivotal gathering of the seventy-ninth session. I bring the warmest greetings from His Majesty King Mswati III, the Queen Mother, the Government and the people of the Kingdom of Eswatini. We are convened here not merely as representatives of our nations but as stewards of a shared global community, united in our commitment to peace, security and sustainable development. As we gather under the theme, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”, we are reminded of our shared duty to create a world where every individual has the opportunity to thrive. Our obligation is to leave this planet in a better place for our posterity. We commend the Secretary-General for convening the recently concluded Summit of the Future, which provided a unique opportunity to reinvigorate multilateralism, enhance global solidarity and reform our international governance structures. Eswatini fully supports the Summit and its outcomes, as they resonate with our belief in a fairer and a more inclusive world. Since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, there have been concerns that it is no longer addressing adequately the issues faced by the global community. There is a need to reconsider the operations of the multilateral institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and particularly the Security Council. The Kingdom of Eswatini stands by its efforts to call for reforms in the United Nations. In 2005, we hosted the African Union (AU) meeting that resulted in the Ezulwini Consensus, which articulated the Common African Position on the reform of the United Nations, including the call for greater African representation on the Security Council. While it has taken nearly two decades for that conversation to advance, Eswatini is proud of its early role in championing that cause. We urge the global community to implement those long-standing commitments and ensure that all regions and peoples have a voice in shaping our collective future. In Eswatini, we have embraced the spirit of nkwe, which means “run”. That national ethos symbolizes our collective resolve to accelerate progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It is a call for urgent action, for picking up the pace and for ensuring that every effort is made to meet the needs of our people and our planet. With only a few years left until 2030, time is not on our side. We must redouble our efforts to bridge the gaps in development, combat poverty and inequality and address the climate crisis. Nkwe is our rallying cry to run faster, to work harder and to leave no one behind. We invite the global community to join us in that accelerated drive towards a better future for all. Africa is the youngest continent in the world, brimming with potential and promise. The Kingdom of Eswatini is committed to harnessing that demographic dividend by investing in our youth. Our Youth Empowerment Programme, supported by Government, the United Nations in Eswatini and other friends of the Kingdom, is aimed at equipping young people with the skills and resources they need to succeed in a rapidly changing world. We believe that by creating opportunities for employment and entrepreneurship, we are laying the foundation for a more prosperous and inclusive society. Addressing youth unemployment and providing our young people with meaningful opportunities is not just an economic imperative but a moral one. We must act now to ensure that our youth can participate fully in building the Africa we want — an Africa of peace, prosperity and dignity. Poverty remains one of the greatest challenges facing our continent. In Eswatini, we are committed to eradicating poverty through inclusive growth and robust social protection programmes. We have prioritized policies that provide safety nets for the most vulnerable in our society, including women, children and persons with disabilities. We urge the international community to support those efforts by promoting fair trade, increasing development assistance and fostering partnerships that create jobs and uplift communities. Let us work together to build a world where no one lives in poverty and every person can achieve her or his full potential. However, as a small, middle-income country, we face unique challenges, including limited access to international financing, vulnerability to climate change and economic shocks. We call on the international community to support the development aspirations of countries like Eswatini, ensuring that our path towards sustainable development is not hindered by structural inequalities in the global system. In response to those challenges, Eswatini has put forth a comprehensive SDG Recovery and Acceleration Plan, valued at about $1.6 billion, covering diverse areas, including digital transformation, renewable energy, agriculture, industrial expansion and social protection. The Plan prioritizes implementation over the development of new frameworks, emphasizing sectors such as job creation, specifically under SDG 8, target 8.5, which focuses on creating jobs across industries as a multiplier for achieving other SDGs. By investing in employment opportunities, we believe that we can address multiple dimensions of development, including reducing food insecurity, enhancing access to essential services and minimizing social ills such as crime and substance abuse. The implementation of the SDGs requires substantial financial resources. However, many developing countries, including those in Africa, face significant barriers to accessing affordable finance. The current global financial architecture is not fit for that purpose and must be reformed to make financing more accessible and equitable. We call for the implementation of the Addis Ababa Action Agenda, which emphasizes the need for innovative financing mechanisms and global solidarity. We also urge the international community to support the reform of global financial mechanisms that have seen developing countries pay much higher costs than developed nations to access the much-needed funds. That unfair practice must come to an end. The Summit of the Future provides a critical opportunity to address those disparities and ensure that all nations have the means to achieve their development goals. Peace is the foundation upon which sustainable development and human dignity rest. The Kingdom of Eswatini, guided by its long-standing tradition of peaceful coexistence, continues to advocate for dialogue and the peaceful resolution of conflicts. We condemn all forms of violence and support efforts aimed at silencing the guns across the world, particularly in Africa. We call upon the international community to support the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the African Union Master Roadmap of Practical Steps to Silence the Guns in Africa by Year 2020. It is imperative that, if we are not to leave anyone behind, we address the root causes of conflict, including the poverty, inequality and lack of opportunity that drive instability and undermine development efforts. We call upon the international community to support collaborative efforts in strengthening health-care systems, enhancing disease surveillance, improving access to essential medicines and building capacity for rapid response to health emergencies. Only through such global solidarity and shared commitment can we ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all ages, as enshrined in SDG 3. Climate change poses an existential threat to our future. In Eswatini, we have taken decisive steps to address the crisis. We have developed a comprehensive strategy to mitigate and adapt to the impacts of climate change, investing in renewable energy, sustainable agriculture and disaster risk reduction. We are also proud to announce that Eswatini has recently adopted a ban on single-use plastics. That decision, supported by the United Nations Development Programme and the Eswatini Environment Authority through such initiatives as Phatsa Sakho Nawe, is part of our broader commitment to environmental sustainability. However, our efforts alone are not enough. We call upon developed nations to honour their commitments to climate financing and technology transfer. It is only through collective action that we can ensure a sustainable future for all. The theme of this year’s session of the General Assembly is “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”. Ironically, Taiwan and its 23.5 million people continue to be left behind by the United Nations and its specialized agencies. We wish to make a call for its inclusion; Taiwan needs to be a part of this global platform so that it can also fully participate in the global development and growth of our goals. The road ahead is fraught with challenges, but it is also filled with hope and opportunity. Let us seize this moment to reaffirm our commitment to the ideals of the United Nations and to the vision of a world where peace, sustainable development and human dignity are realities for all. The Kingdom of Eswatini stands ready to work with all nations in that noble endeavour. May we all embrace the spirit of nkwe and let us run together with accelerated speed towards our shared goals and ensure that no one is left behind.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Eswatini for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Leader of Government Business in Parliament of the Republic of Uganda.

I have great pleasure in welcoming Her Excellency Ms. Robinah Nabbanja, Prime Minister and Leader of Government Business in Parliament of the Republic of Uganda, and inviting her to address the Assembly.

I bring warm greetings from Mr. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of the Republic of Uganda, and the people of Uganda. I congratulate Mr. Philemon Yang on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session and assure him of Uganda’s full support. I commend Mr. Dennis Francis, former President of the General Assembly, for his stewardship of the seventy-eighth session and equally pay tribute to Secretary- General António Guterres for his commitment to the work of the United Nations. In the face of the current global shocks occasioned by multiple human, natural, ecological, sociological and financial crises, we can all agree that the world is not in a good place. Today, the negative consequences of disunity have given rise to conflicts, global instability and inter-State rivalry and have exacerbated the already existing problems of poverty, hunger and disease in many parts of the world. There is therefore need to recommit ourselves to a common identity of shared humanity in the modern global village. As peoples of the United Nations, we should live by the Charter of the United Nations with a sincere determination to save future generations from the scourge of war. We should fully commit ourselves to upholding the dignity and worth of the human person for peaceful coexistence and tolerance, regardless of our differences in values, cultures, race, ideologies and religions, without political-military threats or dominion by war. We must resolve our political commitment to the full implementation of globally agreed frameworks for the promotion of socioeconomic development and advancement of all people. In that regard, urgent action is required to address global inequalities with regard to poverty, hunger and disease, which continue to disproportionally affect the poorest and most vulnerable. Therefore, this is the time to ask the following questions. First, why have we failed to forge stronger international cooperation in response to collective global challenges? Secondly, why is it that, in spite of the multiple global commitments derived through consensually formulated resolutions, decisions and commitments, they all remain unimplemented? This year’s session of the General Assembly, unlike others, should seek to answer those questions. We are all aware that most conflict drivers begin as unresolved local or regional tensions or problems that become increasingly complex, sometimes involving multiple actors. Regional conflicts must be addressed comprehensively beyond security, with the need for broad and strong political commitments on the part of regional Governments. Uganda believes in the peaceful resolution of conflicts wherever they occur. We are at the forefront of promoting the regional peace, security and stability necessary for economic development. In that respect, Uganda encourages international partners to support local and region-led initiatives or solutions for building peace and stability as prerequisites for sustained and inclusive economic growth and development in our countries and regions. We call for increased collaboration by the international community to eliminate or reduce the incidence of conflicts caused by factors such as inequality, climate change, pandemics, new technologies, transnational organized crime and terrorism. Uganda believes that the benefits of this world must be shared with all humankind and detests all forms of exclusion by the relatively few wealth nations. We reject the increasing competition and confrontation between major powers, Uganda reiterates its call for the urgent and comprehensive reform of the Security Council and for Africa to be represented in both the permanent and non-permanent categories as a special case in order to address the historical injustice and the urgent imperative to address it, and fully supports the Common African Position on that matter. The African Union Committee of Ten Heads of State and Government, under the leadership of the Republic of Sierra Leone, has been pursuing the mandate to promote, advocate and canvass for support of the Common African Position on the reform of the Security Council, as stipulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. The position is that Africa should have two permanent seats with a veto if others have it and two additional non-permanent Seats on the Security Council. Since 2005, the Committee of Ten has been driven by the hope for and conviction in sovereign equality in representation and participation in intergovernmental negotiations for the reform of the Security Council in order to make it more responsive to current circumstances towards achieving a future of shared goals for humankind. The core aspiration is for Africa to get representation in the Security Council as an equal partner and to make a contribution to a multilateral system that should become inclusive and equitable and work for the international peace and security of all, without paralysis or succumbing to the parochial interests of major Powers. We demand the right to development as equal members of the international community, without any preconditions or politicization, for greater human dignity, freedom and socioeconomic justice. We call for fair access to means of production, technology and capital for the social economic transformation of our economies, in line with our national legal frameworks and development plans. Uganda believes that the perpetual preservation of poverty and inequalities in developing countries undermines fundamental human rights, in particular the rights of the marginalized and poor, and remains a threat to international peace and security, which should no longer be overlooked. Uganda, as Chair of the Non-Aligned Movement, will work with countries of the Movement, as well as other countries, on the intergovernmental processes that shall lead to the adoption of the United Nations covenant on the right to development. Financing remains one of the greatest challenges that undermine the efforts of developing countries to fully implement the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the achievement of its 17 Sustainable Development Goals. Borrowing is critical to financing investments in sustainable development. Sovereign debt is an important tool for financing sustainable development, enabling low-income countries to invest in infrastructure, health care, education and other critical areas. We emphasize that loans to low-income developing countries should be concessional and at a zero interest rate. That will enable our countries to finance productive investments, including building infrastructure to improve connectivity, make debt sustainable in the long-run and spur economic growth that will in turn help to improve domestic tax collection and raise revenues. Uganda, like other developing countries, faces constraints of domestic resource mobilization due to a limited tax base. We call for the strengthening of international cooperation in tax matters to ensure that it is effective and inclusive by making multinational corporations pay taxes in countries of their operations, including collections of revenue generated by e-commerce in cross-border transactions. We fully support ongoing discussions on the adoption of a United Nations framework convention on international tax cooperation and call upon all countries to negotiate constructively. Uganda has identified four key sectors of wealth and job creation, in line with its national development plan  — agro-processing, industrialization, services and information and communication technologies, and digitization and skills development — to support our socioeconomic transformation. There is no doubt that affordable energy and access to affordable high-quality Internet connectivity are vital to catalysing their full implementation in order to realize inclusive development outcomes and benefits for our people. We need to strengthen deeper collaboration with the global South, with the support of our partners in the North, to unlock shared prosperity by building the infrastructure and connectivity necessary to increasing productive capacity for rapid growth, economic take-off and sustainable development. In that regard, Uganda calls on the international community to support the full implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area. Furthermore, Uganda calls on the international community to support its path to sustainable development. We encourage foreign individuals and companies to invest in the country. We welcome inflows of money, technology, knowledge, skills and expertise as major sources of non-debt financial resources for the economic development of our country. Uganda also calls for the collaboration of the international community in medical research for global health to develop vaccines and treatments to combat diseases like Ebola, the coronavirus disease and mpox, and to improve health-care capability in low-income countries, particularly in Africa. Uganda advocates for mutually beneficial trade and investment. We encourage that, in the pursuit of sustainable development, foreign direct investments be geared to adding value by processing raw materials inside our country, where raw materials are produced, and to exporting high-value products. That will create jobs, generate high incomes and increase taxable revenues. We call on multinational companies to desist from purchasing raw materials and selling only processed products for consumption in developing countries. We also call on developed economies and multinational companies that buy raw materials and then process them and add value in their own countries to take measures to institute policies that allow the sharing of the profits they generate in the value chain with the low-income, raw material-producing countries where those raw materials are sourced, for shared prosperity. Climate change remains one of the greatest challenges to the pursuit of sustainable development. Uganda calls on developed countries to provide the financing, technology and capacity-building necessary to support developing countries in effectively addressing climate change. We demand climate justice, recognizing that richer countries, having historically profited from high-emission activities for the development of their economies, bear a greater obligation to lead in mitigating those impacts. Therefore, the high-income countries should reduce their emissions and support developing countries in their gradual transition to low-emission development pathways, without using the environment as a political and economic tool to block or slow their development. We emphasize that climate financing should be additional to official development assistance. Developing countries face great challenges, including the increase in unilateral political, economic and trade actions or policies and the weakening of multilateralism, Uganda reiterates its call for an end to the economic, commercial and financial blockade imposed on the sisterly nations under sanctions, which is a major impediment to their sustainable development. Uganda also reiterates its firm rejection of the imposition of laws and regulations with extraterritorial impact and all other forms of coercive measures, including unilateral sanctions, against developing countries and reiterates the urgent need to eliminate them immediately. Uganda assumed the chairmanship of both the Group of 77 and China and the Non-Aligned Movement in January. I take this opportunity, on behalf of Mr. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of the Republic of Uganda, to thank all States members of the Group and the Movement for their confidence in entrusting Uganda in the capacity of Chair. We commend the Group of African States for endorsing our candidature for the chairmanship of both organizations. This year, 2024, has been a crucial one for various intergovernmental processes at the United Nations on issues that are of paramount importance to both the Group and the Movement. Those include, inter-alia, the fourth International Conference on Small Island Developing States, the third United Nations Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries, the Summit of the Future, and preparations for the fourth International Conference on Financing for Development and the twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, all of which demand that we remain even more united and steadfast in promoting the interests of developing countries. Uganda therefore commends the members of both groups for remaining united in solidarity as we pursue the issues of our common interests. In conclusion, Uganda will continue with that stewardship, working together in solidarity to achieve a revitalized multilateral system that is capable of adequately addressing current and emerging global challenges. We firmly believe that multilateralism remains a fundamental and crucial mechanism for addressing our common challenges, namely, the acceleration of the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the scaling-up of action to address climate change and biodiversity loss, the strengthening of international tax cooperation, the provision of adequate concessional financing for development, and the fight against illicit financial flows and enhancing global collaboration in digital and artificial technologies to maximize the benefits to society and minimize harm, among others.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Leader of Government Business in Parliament of the Republic of Uganda for the statement she has just made.