S/2021/456 Security Council

I have the honour to enclose herewith a copy of the briefing provided by His Excellency Mr. Volkan Bozkir, President of the General Assembly, as well as the statements delivered by Their Excellencies Mr. Ralph Gonsalves, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines; Mr. Wang Yi, State Councillor and Minister for Foreign Affairs of China; Ms. Eva-Maria Liimets, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Estonia; Mr. Simon Coveney, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Defence of Ireland; Ms. Raychelle Omamo, Cabinet Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Kenya; Mr. Marcelo Ebrard Casaubón, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Mexico; Mr. Hassoumi Massaoudou, Minister of State, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of the Niger; Ms. Ine Eriksen Søreide, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Norway; Mr. Sergey Lavrov, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation; Mr. Othman Jerandi, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Migration and Tunisians Abroad of Tunisia; Mr. Antony Blinken, Secretary of State of the United States of America; Mr. Bui Thanh Son, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam; Mr. Harsh Vardhan Shringla, Foreign Secretary of India; Mr. Jean-Baptiste Lemoyne, Minister of State for Tourism, French Nationals Abroad and Francophonie, attached to the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France; and Lord Tariq Ahmad of Wimbledon, Minister of State for the Commonwealth, the United Nations and South Asia of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in connection with the video- teleconference on “Maintenance of international peace and security: Upholding multilateralism and the United Nations-centred international system” convened on Friday, 7 May 2021. In accordance with the procedure set out in the letter dated 7 May 2020 from the President of the Security Council addressed to Permanent Representatives of the members of the Security Council (S/2020/372), which was agreed in the light of the extraordinary circumstances caused by the coronavirus disease pandemic, this briefing and these statements will be issued as an official document of the Security Council.

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this timely debate on an issue that is of great importance to the General Assembly. It is a privilege to brief the Security Council on behalf of the 193 States Members of the United Nations. I also thank your delegation here in New York, in particular Ambassador Zhang Jun, for his participation in the recent high-level interactive dialogue with the principals of the main organs of the United Nations to commemorate the International Day of Multilateralism and Diplomacy for Peace. Let me begin by stating unequivocally that strong and effective multilateralism, based on the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, international law and justice, is the foundation for security, stability, peace and prosperity. Importantly, the multilateral system benefits all of us, from small States to the largest ones. Multilateralism plays a crucial role in fostering dialogue and trust and in managing security challenges, such as terrorism and weapons proliferation. It provides a framework for States to resolve disputes peacefully and without coercion. In September, world leaders affirmed in the Declaration on the Commemoration of the Seventy-fifth Anniversary of the United Nations (General Assembly resolution 75/1) that multilateralism is not an option, but a necessity. Therefore, we must be clear during these discussions that there is no alternative to our current system. As imperfect as the multilateral system may be, we must acknowledge that we are at the helm. Member States are the United Nations, and the failures are our own. Great enterprises are dynamic and should evolve in sync with the realities in which they operate. The multilateral system, centred around the United Nations, is no exception, and it is incumbent on us to refine and update the system, which is indispensable. We have many examples of success. From the United Nations Charter, over the past 75 years a web of treaties and norms have developed to promote cooperation in relation to global challenges in areas as diverse as civil aviation, hazardous waste, health security and human rights. However, unacceptable levels of human suffering remain. Moreover, due to the multidimensional effects of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, our world is currently facing the deepest global economic recession since the Great Depression and the largest loss of incomes since 1870. Foreign investment is gradually decreasing. The livelihoods of billions of people are under threat. Global extreme poverty numbers are expected to rise for the first time in 20 years. Approximately 115 million people are on the verge of falling into extreme poverty. It is calculated that 235 million people will need humanitarian aid this year. Meeting the humanitarian needs of the most vulnerable 160 million people requires $35 billion. Approximately 690 million people are at risk of malnutrition. In 22 countries, violence and conflict are the root causes of the hunger, affecting 77 million. Millions of people are on the move. Millions are displaced due to conflict, persecution, hunger or climate change. Millions had to flee their home countries, ending up as refugees. That scale of suffering is difficult to fully comprehend, but it is unimaginable to think of the extent of hardship and death that would unfold in a world without the United Nations. We can never afford to forget the impact that our actions have on the people of the world. Under the Charter of the United Nations, the Security Council is entrusted with a special responsibility in relation to international peace and security. However, the threats to international peace and security affect more than the 15 members of the Security Council. Right or wrong, for millions of people around the world, the Security Council is the face and embodiment of the United Nations. Its success or failure to achieve its mandate is seen as the success or failure of the United Nations. On many occasions, the Council has been divided and unable to rise to the challenge. For most of those cases, the reason for failure is the differences among its members, in particular its permanent members. The reform of the Security Council is a core interest of States Members of the United Nations. It is a core interest of the United Nations itself, as well as going to the heart of its legitimacy. We need a more representative, accountable, transparent Council. I am conveying that as the President of the most democratic organ of our system. As members of the General Assembly, Council members are of course aware of a number of issues before them that are also on the agenda of the General Assembly. A just and lasting settlement to the Israel-Palestine conflict on the basis of the vision of two States is still pending. The Palestinian people have been living under occupation for more than 50 years. The essential needs of the Palestine refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and the occupied Palestinian territory are met by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, the longest-standing United Nations agency and a lifeline for more than 5 million Palestine refugees. Hence, providing sufficient and sustainable financing to the Agency is essential. The largest humanitarian crisis has unfolded before our eyes for a full decade now in Syria, with ordeals that are hard to describe. Nearly 16.2 million people are food insecure in Yemen, where famine remains a serious threat. Libyans have been suffering for almost a decade. The situation in Myanmar is a matter of deep concern. The military coup was a strike on the democratic processes in the country, and the increasing loss of life since then is alarming. In the same spirit of responsibility for the people whom we serve, I join the call by the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for an immediate end to the violence in Myanmar. I am deeply concerned about the humanitarian implications of the military’s actions in Myanmar, particularly as they affect the most vulnerable communities, including the Rohingya Muslims, ethnic minorities, women and young people. Later this month, I will travel to Cox’s Bazar, which hosts more than 800,000 refugees, who fled Myanmar in search of safety. I firmly believe that we need to meet and speak with the people for whom peace has thus far been elusive. Indeed, I recently visited the Hatay region on the Turkish-Syrian border, where I met with Syrian refugees. At the United Nations trans-shipment hub in Reyhanli representatives of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs showed me the aid delivery process and its monitoring mechanism. I have to say, standing on the truck, surrounded by United Nations personnel who put their lives at risk to save the lives of others, and again, as I looked out over Atme tent city, I asked myself, “How long must the Syrian people endure such hardship?” If, in this seventy-fifth year of the United Nations, the international community fails to step up to end that suffering, who will? There is no backstop. We are responsible for the fate of the most vulnerable. To that end, I call on the Security Council to ensure that the vital cross-border assistance continues uninterrupted. It is my most fervent hope that the Council will renew that critical mandate in July and work together to strengthen efforts to bring about peace in Syria. I urge all States Members of the United Nations, including the members of the Security Council, to strengthen the implementation of the Charter and formulate rules and processes that expedite justice when it comes to human rights abusers and those who violate international humanitarian law. Such actions should be the baseline for the rules-based international order. The lack of accountability for serious crimes signifies our collective failure to enable all mechanisms and tools of the multilateral system to prevent violations from occurring and reoccurring. Furthermore, all COVID-19 recovery plans and humanitarian responses must be centred around human rights and the protection of civilians, for actions taken without accountability and full regard for human rights will never reach the most vulnerable in society. That includes the equal and fair distribution of COVID-19 vaccines for all. Let me be clear: in that context, the protection of civilians equals a vaccine for all. Without vaccinating the people whom we serve, we are, in a literal sense, failing to protect civilians from the most widespread, deadly threat facing the world today. Many issues that cross our desks do not have easy solutions, or even plausible ones. However, we can end COVID-19 if we work together. I commend the recent steps taken to waive intellectual property protections on COVID-19 vaccinations. Once approved by the World Trade Organization, that much-needed development will support increased vaccine production, which will enable us to save lives. The task ahead is clear: we have the ammunition to defeat this universal adversary. Yet, at this moment, only 0.3 per cent of all vaccines have been given to low-income countries. I repeat: 0.3 per cent. We can do better. We must do better. The COVID-19 pandemic is not a zero-sum game. Good intentions are no match for vaccines in arms. It is clear that conventional approaches will not bring about peace or shape an equal, resilient and sustainable world. Just as peace and development are mutually reinforcing, respect for human rights is a foundation for peace and security as well. We need to reinforce United Nations reforms, which support an integrated approach to the challenges that we face. Sustaining peace requires us to address peace and security challenges in all their dimensions. This is the moment of reckoning to fulfil our commitments to our generation, future generations and our planet. I look forward to our continued cooperation for the remainder of the seventy-fifth session as we work to create a better world for all.

I thank the preceding speakers for their remarks and commend China for convening this important debate. As a small country whose continued peaceful existence depends on the norms and principles of international law and the multilateral system in which those tenets are enveloped, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines places particular emphasis on today’s discussion. This fundamental principle is applicable to all States, large and small, in every part of the world. Commandist, bullying or threatening behaviour by any State in relation to another is antithetical to that precept and portends dangerous consequences for all. Last September, we commemorated the seventy-fifth anniversary of this treasured institution. We also celebrated the many successes and achievements realized in our collective quest for peace and prosperity. Yet there is still much more to be done in order to be ever more focused, creative and relevant in these complex and challenging times. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has laid bare the reality that a renewed multilateralism remains an urgent moral, political and existential imperative, undergirded by the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the Charter of the United Nations. Amid the severe health, socioeconomic, political and security implications of COVID-19, States are required to contend with the ever-intensifying hazards of climate change, the continued spread of terrorism and organized crime, increased hunger and acute food insecurity, political polarization, disinformation and hate speech, the escalation of ethnic and intercommunal tensions and, in far too many contexts, conflict and mass human displacement. Those contemporary challenges are inextricably interconnected, and they will not be successfully addressed by any short-sighted unilateral or military means. To the extent that many of such issues stretch across borders and more easily overwhelm the limited capacities of vulnerable States, effective and coordinated multilateral action is an essential condition for any sustainable solution. Only a comprehensive whole-of-system approach will suffice in addressing the peace and security, development and humanitarian concerns of affected States. In the face of the vast but continually expanding peace and security challenges experienced globally, we must move quickly in a fresh direction. Bold and innovative steps are needed to alleviate human suffering, especially in conflict-affected settings. Capacity-building and development assistance should be scaled up and national ownership over peace and political processes should be strengthened. Practical, inclusive, people-centred and climate-sensitive solutions ought to be developed and implemented in line with national needs and priorities and in accordance with the Sustainable Development Goals. It is necessary and desirable that all States work together constructively and within the framework of international law, with the support and assistance of the United Nations and relevant regional and subregional organizations, to achieve this vision of a more peaceful and prosperous world. When disputes do occur, they ought to be settled amicably and equitably through dialogue, diplomacy, mediation and other participatory approaches, rather than through unilateral or coercive means. There can be no substitute for trust and mutual respect. Any deviation from those universally accepted norms, wheresoever and by whomsoever committed, severely undermines the ideals of multilateralism embodied in the Charter of the United Nations. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines remains committed to these guiding principles. In conclusion, let us all be reminded of our forebears’ vision of unity and solidarity as they fashioned the United Nations system. As we seek to confront the unique and complex challenges of the twenty-first century, including a sustainable recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic which has already destroyed far too many lives and livelihoods, the extant circumstances demand the presence of a renewed and effective multilateralism steeped in the virtues of inclusivity, equality and justice and guided by the principles of international law. We cannot remain separated by narrow interests or be divided in purpose. We must work in comity even more, together, urgently and resolutely, to realize peace, security and development for all of humankind.

Last September, at the high-level meeting to commemorate the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, President Xi Jinping expounded on the essence of multilateralism and underscored the importance of sticking to multilateralism as the path forward (see A/75/PV.3, annex 14). Leaders of all nations also reiterated, in the declaration on the commemoration of United Nations seventy-fifth anniversary (resolution 75/1), that multilateralism is not an option but a necessity. The United Nations is the banner of multilateralism. To pursue multilateralism, we must follow the basic norms governing international relations, built around the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, uphold the authority and stature of the United Nations and ensure its central role in international affairs. That is what it means to practice multilateralism, whose intrinsic nature is absolutely incompatible with unilateralism. As the world goes through a raging pandemic and profound changes rarely seen in a century, we need to firmly commit to the path of cooperation, mutual benefit and win-win, and to put true multilateralism into practice. In this context, China wishes to propose the following. We should engage in win-win cooperation, not zero-sum games. The more complex the global issues are, the greater is the need for collective response. The more daunting the challenges facing all humanity, the greater is the need for solidarity and unity of heart. What is needed is dialogue and cooperation on the basis of equality and mutual respect among all countries. No country should expect others to lose. Rather, countries must work together to ensure that all come out as winners and to achieve security and prosperity for all. We should pursue equity and justice, not bullying or hegemony. Promoting democracy in international relations is central to ensuring international equity and justice. It is essential that all countries share the responsibilities of global governance and work together for peace and development. The key is to promote law-based international relations, observe universally recognized international laws and norms, and honour international agreements adopted by all parties. International rules must be based on international law and drawn up by all. They are not a patent or a privilege of a few. They must be applicable to all countries, and there should be no room for exceptionalism or double standards. We should focus on action rather than on rhetoric. Multilateralism means taking action and finding solutions. Otherwise, it will not stand its ground and will not endure. The actions we take must not be short-sighted. We must always act in the common interests of all and bear in mind that each and every country will benefit from what is best for the world. The actions we take must also serve long-term needs in addition to immediate ones, and no action should be taken for the sake of expediency at the expense of the long-term peace and sustainable development of the whole world. Major countries in particular must lead by example to provide global public goods. We should respect diversity instead of seeking supremacy. Every country has its unique history and culture, and needs to take a path of development suited to its own realities. This diversity, together with the common values of peace, development, equity, justice, democracy and freedom, will unleash the great power of multilateralism. On the other hand, however, splitting the world along ideological lines conflicts with the spirit of multilateralism and is an historical regression. The United Nations is like a mirror and a benchmark to show whether multilateralism works and whether it works well. The United Nations was founded with a mission to preserve peace. It is important that the United Nations continue to focus on this primary responsibility, promote dialogue and consultation, resolve differences, end conflicts through mediation and good offices, and address hotspot issues through political means. Sanctions and other enforcement measures should be used only after all other non- enforcement means are exhausted and for the purpose of seeking political settlement. All unilateral moves that circumvent the Security Council are illegitimate and must be abandoned. Elevating development to the same important status as peace is a vital initiative of the United Nations. What is important for the United Nations now is to build global consensus more effectively and promote peace and human rights through development. The United Nations needs to pay greater attention to the difficulties facing developing countries, make their voice heard, address their concerns and protect their rights and interests. Most important, the Sustainable Development Goals must be achieved on time and with high quality by 2030. Non-traditional security issues have as much impact on humankind as the trauma of wars and conflicts. For the United Nations, it is important to pursue a new vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, and to lay greater emphasis on public health, counter-terrorism, climate change and other non-traditional security threats so as to eliminate the root causes of crises and cement the foundation for security. The Security Council can play a bigger role within its mandate. The ongoing pandemic has also amplified the unadaptable side of the global governance system. The United Nations needs to keep pace with the times. It should improve its efficiency, emergency response capability and the transparency of its work through reform, earnestly increase the representation and voice of developing countries, and make the global governance system more just and equitable. This year marks the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. We have successfully eradicated extreme poverty and embarked on a new journey towards a modern socialist country in all respects. This year also marks the fiftieth anniversary of the restoration of the lawful seat of the People’s Republic of China at the United Nations. These five decades have witnessed China’s active practice of multilateralism, its full participation in and support for the cause of the United Nations, and its continuous contributions to world peace and development. To maintain peace, China is always committed to the political settlement of hotspot issues. Having participated in more than 30 United Nations peacekeeping operations, China has become the largest contributor of peacekeepers among the permanent members of the Security Council. To promote development, China is fully implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We have met the goal of poverty reduction 10 years ahead of schedule. We are also advancing high- quality Belt and Road cooperation, which will give impetus to global development. To protect the environment, China has contributed to the conclusion of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and announced its targets for peaking carbon emissions and carbon neutrality. The time span between these two targets of ours is much shorter than that of developed countries. To defeat the pandemic, China launched the largest emergency humanitarian operation since the founding of New China, and has been providing vaccines to other developing countries as a global public good to boost global solidarity in fighting the coronavirus disease . At this new historic starting point, China will continue to hold high the banner of multilateralism, thoroughly implement the major initiatives announced by President Xi Jinping at the high-level events marking the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations last year, and continue to support the United Nations-centred multilateral mechanism with concrete actions. China will remain a builder of world peace, a contributor to global development, a defender of international order and a provider of public goods. We stand ready to work with all parties to bring multilateralism and the United Nations forward from a new starting point and jointly build a community with a shared future for humankind.

Please accept my warm greetings to you, Mr. President, and to the people of China. I warmly welcome Your Excellency Mr. Bozkir at this meeting. I would like to thank the Chinese presidency for organizing this important meeting today. Estonia has always been a firm supporter of a rules-based international order built on the understanding of respect for and promotion of international law, including human rights law and international humanitarian law, democracy, the rule of law and the fight against impunity. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has only highlighted why we need this method of diplomacy. Both the United Nations and the Security Council lie at the heart of the multilateral system. We have achieved a lot over the past 75 years, but we cannot stop here. We must remain committed to our core values and principles, which were agreed upon in the Charter of the United Nations. The promotion and protection of human rights are one of the most efficient means of conflict prevention and clearly linked to the maintenance of peace and security. In this context, we render our full support to the Secretary-General’s call to action for human rights. The United Nations, with its well-established structure of human rights treaties and their monitoring mechanisms, has a central role in the protection and promotion of universal human rights. We support improved information exchange between the Security Council, the Human Rights Council and its special procedures, and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. It is crucial that the Security Council take into account and consider the valuable work of the High Commissioner and the Human Rights Council in its deliberations. Estonia maintains its strong commitment to the implementation of its human rights obligations and we consider the universal periodic review process a useful element of this work. On Tuesday this week, Estonia participated in its third universal periodic review. Estonia also continues to focus on the most vulnerable, including women and children affected by conflicts. That is why today Estonia, with its partners, is organizing an informal Security Council meeting on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on grave violations against children affected by armed conflict. This meeting will launch the study prepared by the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict on this topic. We must remain committed to the rules-based international order where international law, including in cyberspace, is followed. Respect for territorial integrity and the prohibition of the use of force are fundamental principles of international law that stand at the core of the United Nations and our values. Therefore, we are observing with concern the ongoing violations of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, in Europe — in Ukraine and Georgia. Estonia strongly believes that multilateral diplomacy cannot hold without cooperating with a wide range of actors. For example, strengthening civil society engagement at the United Nations, including at the Security Council, is vital for ensuring effective policymaking. I see with regret how many civil society activists are being harassed and suffer from reprisals by rogue regimes. The declaration on the commemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations (resolution 75/1) reaffirmed that multilateralism is not an option but a necessity. However, in order to address new and emerging challenges, we need new practices and agreements to enrich multilateral cooperation. Digital technologies are higher on our agendas than ever before. Unfortunately, the COVID-19 crisis has also amplified challenges around digitalization, including the digital divide that still exists worldwide. To close this gap, we need global partnerships and collaboration. Estonia is actively contributing to the Secretary- General’s digital cooperation process. We are also happy to collaborate with the GovStack initiative to develop a digital governance reference architecture together with Germany, the International Telecommunication Union and the Digital Impact Alliance. It will accelerate national digital transformation and the digitalization of government services, and thereby contribute to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. Climate change poses a real threat and therefore needs a global answer. To make the twenty-sixth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change a real success, we must all set ambitious targets and take actions today. Estonia has set the target of reaching climate neutrality by 2050 and established a clear timeline for phasing out fossil fuel-based energy production by 2040. We cannot be successful in this field without the availability of data and effective data management. Estonia has launched the Data for the Environment Alliance, which will support the United Nations Environment Programme in developing a global environmental data strategy by 2025. We invite all countries to join this alliance. Given the clear links between climate and security, the Security Council should also show leadership in this field. In conclusion, multilateralism is an inevitable choice in order to meet global challenges. I can promise you, Sir, that Estonia shall continue to stand for multilateral cooperation and international law. We remain a responsible and active partner to all other United Nations Members during this crisis and beyond.

Allow me first to congratulate you, Minister, on China’s assumption of the presidency of the Council. I also wish to thank you, Sir, very much for organizing today’s important debate on promoting multilateralism. I would also like to thank President Bozkir for his powerful words today. When China last held the presidency of the Council, in March 2020, the coronavirus disease pandemic cast a dark shadow across many parts of the globe. There is one clear lesson coming out of what we have collectively faced in the last year, and that is that global challenges are too great for any nation, regardless of its size, means or power, to face alone; we can only face them successfully when we face them together. A strong and fair rules-based international order, with the United Nations at its core, remains our best option — our only option — to address the multitude of challenges that we face across the world. I would like to make four key points today. First, the complexity and interdependency of our world require a functioning multilateral system. We depend on a network of multilateral institutions to govern and regulate the international economy and trade, global public goods, such as health and the environment , and many other areas of human activity central to our way of life. These institutions must operate in an open, equitable and rules-based manner. Through the United Nations and regional organizations, we are working collectively to reduce poverty and hunger, promote and defend human rights, increase access to education and health care, protect migrants and refugees, advance gender equality and build sustainable peace. Vital institutions, such as the Human Rights Council and the International Criminal Court, uphold international law and protect human rights, which need to apply equally to everybody. Through the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access (COVAX) Facility, vaccines are being delivered to millions of people, with a lot more still to do. The World Health Organization continues to support States in fighting the pandemic and preparing for the next pandemic. In February, this Council spoke in unison to demand that parties to conflicts facilitate the delivery of vaccines. Landmark agreements, such as the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development, the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, seek to shape a sustainable and secure future for all of the inhabitants of this planet. Collective multilateral engagement enhances our sovereignty, rather than diminishes it. This wider system of multilateralism may have its shortcomings — and I will return to this point — but without it we would face a world ruled by might and zero- sum competition, rather than one shaped by partnership and cooperation. And we do not have to look far, to the lessons of history, to see where that road leads us. My second point is that multilateralism is essential if we are to achieve the promise of the Charter of the United Nations to spare succeeding generations from the scourge of war. The United Nations, and this Council have unique legitimacy for the maintenance of international peace and security. No other body can aspire to represent humankind in all its rich diversity and complexity. To take one example, peacekeeping operations continue to play a critical role in preserving peace, preventing the resurgence of conflict and protecting civilians. Peacekeeping saves lives and prevents conflict. For more than six decades, Irish women and men have served in United Nations peace operations across the Middle East, Europe and Africa. They have served proudly alongside peacekeepers from across the world, including many countries on this Council today. Peacekeepers now face new challenges, and we must ensure that they are fully equipped to meet those challenges. We must also prepare so that, when the time comes for peacekeepers to leave, we have put in place the resources and planning to preserve the peace they leave behind. We need to become much better at linking peacekeeping to peacebuilding, ensuring continued and sustained support for countries emerging from conflict — and there are far too many of those — and finding durable solutions to the causes of those conflicts in the first place. Thirdly, just as no State alone can adequately address global challenges, no one arm of the multilateral system can craft the solutions that we need today. We see this is many arenas, but let me take one example — an obvious one. Climate change is the defining challenge of our generation. Its impact is global and our collective security is very much at risk. The future of this planet and of generations to come relies upon facing up to that reality. A concerted multilateral response — with all organs of the United Nations, including this Council, playing their role — is urgently needed. We must match our ambition with action. We know that climate change can exacerbate existing tensions and drive conflict and insecurity, but we also know that effective climate action can build peace. As Co-Chair with the Niger of the Informal Expert Group on Climate and Security, made up of members of the Security Council, Ireland is working to forge consensus on this critical issue. And I would urge all countries and colleagues to join us in those efforts. My final point is that, to sustain and uphold the legitimacy and relevance of the United Nations, we need to see institutional and political reform in the United Nations. Ireland is a strong advocate for the Secretary-General’s reform agenda. The United Nations must be capable of addressing intersecting challenges that cut across each of its three pillars. Our citizens do not live in separate boxes, labelled “human rights”, “peace and security” and/or “development”. Nor do global challenges — climate change, migration, conflict and fragility, inequality — fit neatly into separate boxes. Extensive efforts have been made to promote greater collaboration across the pillars of the Organization, including across the humanitarian, development and peacebuilding nexus. Important progress is being made to improve the effectiveness and cohesion of the United Nations development system. And I want to recognize and applaud those efforts. But we cannot address the issues facing the multilateral system without reforming this Council itself. Ireland has long argued for a larger and more representative Council. I reiterate my call today to address the historic and unjust underrepresentation of Africa as a continent, for example. We also need to assess not just our actions, but also our inactions on this Council. Too often, this Council has been unable to act to alleviate immense suffering due to the use, or the threat of the use, of the veto. Such inaction affects the legitimacy of our whole system and the trust that people have in it. Such inaction is unacceptable, and, I would argue, even immoral at times. Each of us at this table has a responsibility to find the political will necessary to build consensus. Those who sit here permanently bear a particular responsibility. A reformed and more representative Council that better reflects twenty-first century global realities would have enhanced legitimacy. That legitimacy is essential to delivering on this Council’s mandate to maintain international peace and security for the sake of every country. In conclusion, we have a collective responsibility to strengthen and defend the United Nations and the international rules-based order. We must uphold the multilateral system, promote respect for international law, and ensure that the United Nations is equipped to meet these global challenges. Ireland takes these responsibilities very seriously, and I know others do, too.

Allow me at the outset to congratulate Your Excellency, Mr. Wang Yi, on China’s assumption of the presidency of the Security Council this month and for convening this important debate. I also thank His Excellency Mr. Volkan Bozkir, President of the General Assembly, for his briefing and welcome our colleague, the new Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Niger. Rarely in the past 30 years has effective multilateralism been as sorely needed as it is today. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has dramatically showcased the interconnectedness of our world. COVID-19 has touched us all, exposing State vulnerabilities, revealing stark inequalities in our societies and unveiling latent weaknesses within international institutions. Despite regular calls for global solidarity, responses to the pandemic have, in many instances, paradoxically spawned increased isolationism, nationalism and protectionism, thereby diluting State cooperation and depleting the potency of multilateral agencies. In fact, the stark absence of widely accepted rules, norms and principles to guide the international system through this crisis has become apparent. For this reason, Kenya has joined other States in appealing for a pandemic treaty domiciled within the World Health Organization framework. We would encourage all States to embrace this noble cause so as to enhance rules-based multilateralism. Although Kenya wholeheartedly welcomes and appreciates the establishment of the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access (COVAX) Facility, vaccine access and distribution have become one of the greatest tests to multilateralism today and pose an existential threat to global peace and security. It ought to be the duty of this Council to affirm this truism — there is a real and present danger that many States in the global South will remain excluded and neglected in the face of growing vaccine nationalism and vaccine hoarding, as well as the uneven production of vaccines. Vaccine exclusion, coupled with the dire economic challenges confronting African States, for instance, will impede global recovery and the return to normalcy for everyone. We therefore fully support the African Union in advocating for international cooperation in expanding vaccine manufacturing within the African continent, as well as for the waiver of intellectual property rights in relation to COVID-19 vaccines and therapeutics in order to democratize and accelerate large- scale production worldwide. Access to vaccines, particularly within the context of a global pandemic, is a fundamental human right, which the multilateral system must jealously uphold. As the world tackles the COVID-19 crisis, terrorism and violent extremism endure, especially on the African continent. Thus, multilateral approaches to subdue these threats must be bolstered without delay, driven by an invigorated consensus derived from Security Council resolutions, including resolutions 1267 (1999) and 1373 (2001). In this regard, Kenya persists in her demands for the listing, without exception, of acknowledged terrorist groups, such as Al-Shabaab, under this Council’s sanctions regimes. Without a consistent, strong, and unyielding multilateral consensus against terrorism, we risk providing space for the expansion of terrorist groups. Furthermore, a firm multilateral consensus must also be established around the nexus between international peace and security and climate change. It is no longer tenable, in our view, to underestimate the devastating effects of climate change, both as an underlying cause and multiplier of conflicts and insecurity throughout our world. Accordingly, this Council ought to pronounce itself unequivocally on this matter and offer the leadership and momentum required to galvanize global action against climate change-related risks to international tranquillity and security. Finally, Kenya fervently believes that the success of the United Nations largely depends on its cooperation with regional and subregional organizations, in line with Chapter VIII of the Charter. Intensifying this inextricable interdependence, especially in the arena of peace and security in Africa, is imperative. Accordingly, the principle of complementarity must attain its salient place in the Council’s vision and decision-making. Besides this, as we seek to “build back better” in the throes and aftermath of the COVID-19 crisis, the expansion of the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the diversity of our world and to correct historical injustices is now both urgent and necessary. Multilateralism without inclusion is unsatisfactory and limited. Kenya affirms her commitment to a rules-based ethos, strengthened by robust multilateralism and secured by the Charter of the United Nations and international law.

I thank you, Minister Wang Yi, for convening this timely debate, and I acknowledge the participation of the President of the General Assembly as well as other high-level ministers and officials. We are still going through one of the most shocking crises in history. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has shown that international peace and security are multidimensional, and has exposed multiple vulnerable aspects of multilateral organizations. Global challenges such as natural disasters, climate change, migration, which entail suffering for many people and, of course, pandemics, like the one we are experiencing, can affect the peace, security and the stability of States and the international community as a whole. The lesson of this pandemic must be accepted; science worked, but international solidarity and a sense of justice did not. The topic that brings us together today gives us an opportunity to reiterate the commitment of the members of the Security Council to the relevance of the values and principles of the United Nations. For a start, Mexico reaffirms its support for the declaration issued by the General Assembly on the occasion of the seventy- fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations (resolution 75/1). It clearly states that multilateralism is not optional extra but a necessity and that there is no other international institution or organization that has the legitimacy, convening power and normative impact of the United Nations. But the United Nations, and in particular its Security Council, must open up more; it must listen to peoples’ needs and aspirations and, in practical terms, put people at the heart of all its actions and decisions. Mexico is a defender of multilateralism both as a matter of principle and because it is in our national interest to contribute to building the robust and effective global governance needed to manage the global public goods that we share, which serve all countries equally, regardless of their economic status or political power. Lasting peace, necessary for sustainable development, can be built only through mutual understanding, cooperation and solidarity. Multilateral forums are the ideal platform for building trust through dialogue, respect and inclusion. My country reiterates the call for the Council to maintain greater dialogue with all actors. The inclusion of all parties is essential to the resolution of crises and conflicts. In this regard, the greater participation of women and young people is now essential. Ultimately, this is the only way to ensure the place of diplomatic dialogue as the natural method of effective and inclusive multilateralism. Any action leading to deadlock undermines the legitimacy of the collective security mechanisms we have worked so hard to build, and increases the deficit of confidence that already exists in the international community regarding the validity and effectiveness of multilateralism. The time it took for the Council to issue its first resolution regarding the COVID-19 pandemic (resolution 2532 (2020)) clearly illustrates what I am talking about. The Security Council has a special responsibility not only because of the mandate conferred on it by the Charter of the United Nations, but also because of the expectations it generates. We therefore believe that the Council should be more active in ensuring compliance with its decisions, but always within the framework of international law, international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Mexico advocates a comprehensive reform of the Security Council, including an update of its working methods, in order to make it more transparent and, above all, more democratic and accountable. Pending that reform, which is obviously not easy, we must consider measures to make the Council more transparent. Mexico has proposed, for example, discussing the letters in which the right to legitimate self- defence is invoked, in the light of Article 51 of the Charter, and on which the Council seems to take no action — even when it comes to the most serious issues — since they involve the use of force. We also once again invite all States that have not yet done so — in particular the permanent Council members — to join the Franco-Mexican initiative on the voluntary restriction of the veto in cases of mass atrocities, which has already been endorsed by 105 States. It is unacceptable that the protection of civilians, the fight against impunity and the provision of humanitarian assistance should be held hostage to political differences, which, in some cases, lead precisely to inaction or paralysis in the Council. I conclude by reiterating the call for States and international organizations — both regional and multilateral — to join efforts for the effective implementation of resolution 2565 (2021) and General Assembly resolution 74/274, on equitable access to vaccines. Such vaccines must be recognized as a global public good and be distributed without exclusion in all countries, including those in conflict. In these complex times, the Security Council and the entire United Nations system have both an opportunity and a responsibility to exercise leadership and show the primacy of multilateralism right now, when the international community needs it most.

As this is the first time I address the Security Council in my capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of the Republic of the Niger, I would like to express my thanks and my readiness to continue to work with each of your countries. I would also like to convey to you the sincere thanks of His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Bazoum, President of the Republic of the Niger, for the congratulations that your various countries have addressed to him following his election as President of the Niger. As previous speakers have reminded us, the United Nations is the crucible par excellence of multilateralism and the appropriate framework for its maintenance. Chapter I of the Charter of the United Nations, which sets forth the principles that underpin multilateralism, and to which my country, the Niger, is firmly committed, calls on all States Members of the United Nations to give priority to collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, with due regard for the sovereign equality of all its Members. That is why my country has never ceased to reiterate its firm commitment to that ideal and to lend its ongoing support to strengthening the principles of the Charter and to the international system, with the United Nations at its core. It was also for that reason that my country organized a high-level debate on the same theme during its presidency of the Council in September (see S/2020/953). Eight months later, as we see a glimmer of hope in the wake of a pandemic that has highlighted the inadequacies of our tools of global governance and laid bare the shortcomings of the system, including within the Security Council, the time has come to breathe new life into multilateralism by providing the United Nations system with the means to adequately fulfil its tasks. Indeed, the world as we knew it in the aftermath of the Second World War is different from today’s world, and our instruments in their current state are no longer sufficient to face the challenges of pandemics — as shown by the coronavirus disease pandemic, poverty, climate change, terrorism and organized crime, and the misuse of new technologies. In view of all of this, allow me to make some recommendations to strengthen international solidarity and cooperation and promote the use of multilateralism in order to address the peace and security issues currently facing the international community. First, there is a need to restore confidence in a system that is too often perceived as unfair and unrepresentative of certain countries and continents. How else can it be understood that the African continent, which accounts for more than 50 per cent of Security Council meetings, 60 per cent of its outcome documents and 70 per cent of its resolutions with Chapter VII mandates, has no permanent representation on the Council? All countries, large or small, rich or poor, are full members of the international community and, as such, are entitled to be fairly represented in this decision-making organ. My country fully subscribes to the African Common Position, as expressed through the Ezulwini Consensus, which calls for the full representation of Africa in the Security Council — with at least two permanent seats and a single status for all permanent members, including the right of the veto. Beyond the question of reforming the Security Council, there is also the question of the other Bretton Woods institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The time has also come to extend the scope of the Security Council’s action to take into account other emerging challenges that could jeopardize international peace and security. Cybercrime and so many other problems specific to our century must be addressed judiciously and without complacency, just as we did with the coronavirus disease pandemic and climate change, which is another rampant pandemic. Dealing with these security risks will require a major paradigm shift and, above all, political will and a change of mindset within the Council. As a Council, our objective is not only to manage conflicts; we have a fundamental responsibility to prevent them. It is therefore essential, in that respect, to understand the causes, effects and complexities of the changes that can impact our world. Secondly, we must strengthen coordination and cooperation between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations. I would like to take this opportunity to welcome the partnership that exists between the United Nations and the African Union, which plays an eminently positive role in the promotion of multilateralism. It is our hope to see this partnership further enhanced through the promotion of confidence-building measures and dialogue to support conflict prevention and resolution efforts on our continent. And finally, the lessons learned from the serious social, economic and political consequences of the coronavirus disease pandemic, particularly with regard to international peace and security, must give us, as the Chairperson of the African Union Commission and the Secretary-General of the United Nations have so aptly put it, a unique opportunity for “a renaissance of multilateralism”, based on institutions capable of acting decisively, on the basis of a global consensus for our common welfare. The pandemic therefore calls on us to strengthen bilateral, regional and interregional partnerships. It also calls on us to develop better coordination with both United Nations agencies and international financial institutions. The time has come to strengthen the links among peace, security — in a broad sense — and development. In conclusion, I would like to thank China for having chosen this theme for today’s debate today, and I reaffirm that, more than ever, the world today needs strong regulatory institutions. While it is true that the defence of national interests governs the foreign policies of States, those national interests are better defended through cooperation, complementarity and solidarity, rather than through opposition and confrontation.

I would like to join others in thanking Foreign Minister Wang Yi for calling and presiding over this important meeting, as well as the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Volkan Bozkır, for his intervention. The Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are keystones of modern international relations. Seventy-five years ago, Australia’s Ambassador, Norman Makin, the first President of the Security Council, opened the very first Council meeting with the hope that “the Security Council will be a great power for good in the world, bringing that freedom from fear which is necessary before we can hope for progress and welfare in all lands.” (S/PV.1, p. 6) It is about freedom from fear — not just for States, but for individuals in their daily lives. Norway is convinced that respect for, and the protection of, human rights is a prerequisite for durable international peace and security. It is vital in this day and age that we reiterate our common commitment to non-aggression and to the principles of justice and international law, including international humanitarian law and international human rights law. We must safeguard and strengthen the international order that has served us so well for 75 years. We are dependent on, and best served by, a predictable, rules-based international order that makes the world safer and more stable. We are also best served by a world order where small and large States cooperate to find common solutions, where major Powers are prevented from acting unilaterally and where right prevails over might. In fact, the very hallmark of multilateralism is to commit beyond one’s own self-interest. The absence of inclusive democracy, the marginalization of minorities, authoritarian rule and repression are the root causes of violent conflict. Conflicts have become increasingly protracted in nature. They have a devastating effect on civilians and civilian infrastructure and pose a threat to international peace and security. Myanmar and Tigray are among the most recent examples. The Security Council has played a key role for 75 years. It has prevented, de-escalated and resolved conflicts. Some peacekeeping operations mandated by the Council have been successful, illustrated by the United Nations being awarded Nobel Peace Prize in 1988. Some have failed, and we must learn from those failures. Our focus should always be on achieving concrete results for people affected by conflict. The protection of civilians, including children, must remain at the core of our efforts. We must combat sexual and gender-based violence in conflict. Sexual violence is not a side-effect of armed conflict; it is a weapon of war, and impunity for this crime has to end. We need to turn commitments into compliance, and resolutions into results. The inclusion of women in peace efforts will be crucial to our success. No society can truly succeed without the active involvement of women. We must build on the legacy of the United Nations to confront new challenges, including inter-ethnic and interreligious conflicts, pandemics and cybercrime, climate-related conflicts and the rise of non-State armed actors. These are all pressing issues. Climate change has been recognized as a threat multiplier that will aggravate existing conflicts and could lead to new ones. It is vital that the Council have access to fact-based information on climate-related security risks in specific country contexts when it takes its decisions. Threats that deserve more attention are piracy, robbery at sea and related maritime crime. The Security Council can and should authorize more robust action to make the world’s oceans safe and secure for maritime commerce. We need to create a more inclusive multilateralism that draws on the contributions of civil society, business, academia and other sectors. And we must recognize once again that no one State alone, no matter how powerful, can resolve all the challenges that are before us.

First of all, let me thank Mr. Wang Yi, State Councillor and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, for organizing today’s debate. Maintaining multilateralism and the United Nations-centred international system is as topical as ever and demands the Security Council’s constant attention. Today the world finds itself in a critical stage of development. The coronavirus disease pandemic has posed a grave challenge to everyone, without exception. Normal life has been completely upended. It is difficult to predict the long-term or deferred consequences of the crisis, although we can see some positive trends thanks to the massive deployment of vaccines. The pandemic broke out in a world that was already far from perfect. In recent years, we have seen growing international tensions, as well as escalating regional conflicts and cross-border challenges and threats. The entire architecture of global governance created after the Second World War is being tested. It is clear that the prospects for the international community’s sustainable and predictable development are directly connected with our ability to find effective solutions to common problems and our readiness to exercise collective leadership in order for true multilateralism to prevail. Russia, like the majority of countries, is convinced that such work must be carried out solely on the basis of universally recognized norms of international law. The United Nations must serve as the key platform for coordinating efforts, as it is the backbone of the modern global order, where all independent States are represented. Today its unique legitimacy and unique capabilities are especially needed. The core tenets of international law, enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, have withstood the test of time. Russia calls on all States to unconditionally follow the purposes and principles of the Charter as they chart their foreign policies, while respecting the sovereign equality of States, not interfering in their internal affairs, settling disputes by political and diplomatic means and renouncing the threat or use of force. This is especially important at the current stage in the difficult process of forming an multipolar international system. At a time when new centres of economic growth and financial and political influence are gaining strength, it is necessary to preserve the internationally recognized legal basis for building a stable balance of interests that meets the new realities. Unfortunately, not all of our partners are driven by the imperative to work in good faith to promote comprehensive multilateral cooperation. Realizing that it is impossible to impose their unilateral or bloc priorities on other States within the framework of the United Nations, the leading Western countries have tried to reverse the process of forming a polycentric world and slow down the course of history. To that end, the concept of the rules-based order is advanced as a substitute for international law. It should be noted that international law is already a body of rules, but rules agreed on universal platforms and reflecting consensus or broad agreement. The West’s goal is to oppose the collective efforts of all members of the world community with other rules developed in closed, non-inclusive formats, and then imposed on everyone else. We see only harm in such actions that bypass the United Nations and seek to usurp the only decision-making process that can claim global relevance. The well-known idea to convene a Summit for Democracy proposed by the United States Administration is in the same vein. The establishment of a new club based on interests, with a clearly ideological nature, has the potential to further inflame international tensions and deepen dividing lines in a world that needs a unifying agenda more than ever. Of course, the list of democracies to be invited to the summit will be determined by the United States. Another initiative with the goal of global leadership that bypasses the United Nations is the French and German idea to create an alliance for multilateralism. What could be more natural than discussing at the United Nations the tasks of strengthening multilateralism? However, Berlin and Paris think differently and issue joint documents declaring that “the European Union is the cornerstone of the multilateral international system” and promote the conclusions of the Council of the European Union under the heading “The central role of the European Union and European institutions in promoting multilateralism.” Presumptuous, you might say. The European Union does not think so, and it declares its own exceptionalism despite all its invocations of equality and brotherhood. By the way, as soon as we suggest discussing the current state of democracy not just within States but on the international stage with our Western colleagues, they lose interest in the conversation. New, ambitious initiatives to create narrow partnerships are emerging all the time within the alliance for multilateralism, on issues that are already being discussed at the United Nations or its specialized agencies — for example, on cyber security, with 65 member countries; respect for international humanitarian law, with 43 member countries; and on the Information and Democracy Partnership, with over 30 countries. This also reveals the West’s true attitude towards multilateralism and the United Nations, which they do not regard as a universal format for developing solutions acceptable to everyone, but in the context of their claims to superiority over everyone else, who must accept what is required of them. Another example of the dictatorial methods introduced by the West is the practice of imposing unilateral sanctions without any international legal grounds, with the sole purpose of punishing “undesirable regimes” or sidelining competitors. During the pandemic, such restrictions have limited the capacity of a whole range of developing countries to counter the spread of the infection. Despite the call by Secretary-General António Guterres to suspend such unilateral sanctions during the pandemic, we mostly see them becoming harsher. We believe such efforts to impose totalitarianism in global affairs to be unacceptable. Yet we see it more and more from our Western colleagues, above all the United States, the European Union and other allies, who reject all principles of democracy and multilateralism on the global stage — as if to say, either it is our way or there will be repercussions. It is striking that, while openly undermining international law, Western leaders do not hesitate to argue that the main task of world politics should be to counter the attempts of Russia and China to “change the rules-based order.” Such statements were made the other day following the Group of Seven ministerial meeting in London. In other words, there has already been a substitution of concepts: the West is no longer concerned with the norms of international law and now requires everyone to follow its rules and observe its order. What is more, United States representatives freely admit that the United States and Great Britain have had the biggest hand in shaping these rules. I am not saying all of this to ratchet up the confrontational rhetoric or advance an accusatory agenda. I am simply stating facts. But if we all support multilateralism in word, let us honestly search for ways to ensure that there is fairness in deed, without attempts to prove one’s superiority or infringe upon another’s rights. I hope that this approach to maintaining multilateralism and the United Nations-centred system will guide the activities of the Secretary-General and his team. I am convinced that the time has come to do away with medieval and colonial habits and to recognize the reality of today’s interconnected and interdependent world. Honest and mutually respectful cooperation based on equal partnership among all States, guided by pragmatism and devoid of any ideology or politicization, is what is needed now. It is the only way to improve the atmosphere in the world and ensure predictability in the advancement of the human race. That is especially true of such global challenges as the threat of terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, climate change, new infectious diseases and protecting human rights, starting with the most important one — the right to life. I agree with United States Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who stressed recently that no country can overcome such global threats to the lives of our citizens alone, not even the United States. The permanent members of the Security Council are called on to play a key role in fostering open and direct dialogue about the most pressing problems of our time. According to the Charter of the United Nations, they bear special responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. Russian President Vladimir Putin proposed convening a summit with the leaders of the five permanent members. We hope to make this idea a reality once the epidemiological situation in the world stabilizes. In conclusion, I would like to emphasise that, as the main multilateral platform, the United Nations must keep pace with changes on the global stage. The Organization must constantly adapt to ever-changing conditions, while continuing to fully respect the division of labour between the main Charter bodies and maintaining the support of all the Member States. At every stage of change, our actions must be measured by the improvements made to the real-world effectiveness of the United Nations. Russia stands ready to continue working constructively with all partners who share these approaches in order to bolster the authority and fully unlock the potential of the United Nations as the true centre of multilateralism.

At the outset, I would like to congratulate Wang Yi, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, on his country’s assumption of the presidency of the Security Council and to express my appreciation of his choice to devote today’s meeting to the theme of upholding multilateralism in order to support its effectiveness in overcoming the major challenges that humanity as a whole faces today. I would also like to thank Mr. Volkan Bozkir for his important briefing and to salute his valuable efforts as President of the General Assembly to contribute to the advancement of the United Nations system. Last September, our President Kaïs Saïed called on the United Nations to be more united on the basis of a new set of values suited to the modern era (see A/75/ PV.3). On the occasion of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the establishment of our Organization, the leaders of our countries agreed that multilateral action was not an option but an urgent necessity and that the United Nations was the natural framework within which to combine our efforts to build a safer, fairer, more sustainable and resilient world. The dire circumstances faced by the world’s peoples today as a result of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic and its devastating repercussions can only reinforce our commitment to multilateralism and our conviction of the need to rally around the United Nations and support other specialized institutions and international organizations. This existential challenge has highlighted the fact that our destiny is a common one, and that we can effectively address the pandemic and its effects only by working together, cooperating and demonstrating genuine solidarity within multilateral frameworks. This is confirmed by the landmark resolution 2532 (2020), which was adopted by the Security Council in July 2020 following a Tunisian-French initiative, in keeping with the call, issued by President Kaïs Saïed when the pandemic began, for a comprehensive understanding of international peace and security. While we value the admittedly significant international efforts made to date, they have yet to rise to the level of the challenge. We still have much to do to build resilience in the face of this pandemic and the pandemics to come, as well as to tackle other existing and emerging threats. Our world today is not in the best of situations, confronted as it is with the COVID-19 pandemic and numerous other, no less dangerous, complex and interrelated challenges, including armed conflicts, declining levels of development, growing malnutrition and human rights violations, not to mention climate change and the spread of terrorism and violent extremism. Recent international developments and the qualitative shift in the nature of the challenges we face have demonstrated that no country, whatever its capabilities, can face these threats alone and that the only way to address them is by taking coordinated, collective international action through existing constructive multilateral mechanisms, centred around the United Nations and led by the General Assembly and the Security Council. Today, we have no choice but to uphold international authority, abandon unilateral decisions, invoke the Charter of the United Nations and international law, comply with treaties and instruments, and commit to implementing Security Council resolutions in order to reinforce the Council’s responsibility and bolster its credibility. Today, we must evaluate the United Nations system and explore the ways to develop it further so that its organs become more efficient, effective and flexible in order to meet the aspirations of the peoples of the world to peace, security, democracy and development, and to embody the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. We urgently need to translate our commitment to multilateralism into practical approaches to address challenges, starting with ensuring rapid and equitable access to vaccinations against COVID-19, providing the means for economic and social recovery, and ensuring food security and universal health coverage in all countries, especially the most vulnerable. Since joining the United Nations in 1956, Tunisia has adhered faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations, demonstrating its belief in the centrality of the United Nations system as the frame of reference for the international authority and universal values upon which multilateralism is based. To date, our country has spared no effort to support the Organization, contribute to achieving its goals and actively participate in its main organs. The consensus that the role of the United Nations is central also requires all stakeholders to engage effectively and provide greater support for the ongoing process of reforming the various organs in order to keep pace with a changing world and adapt as needed to meet new challenges. In that connection, Tunisia supports the intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform. We believe that the time has come to agree on a reform that can render the Security Council more democratic, representative, transparent and effective, which would bolster the legitimacy of that central organ and promote confidence in the United Nations. In conclusion, allow me to say that, in order to strengthen the United Nations system as the primary custodian of multilateralism and ensure an effective and more comprehensive response to future challenges, it will be necessary to support its ability to cooperate and coordinate with other actors such as international and regional organizations, financial institutions and economic communities, as well as to open up to non-governmental organizations, civil society, the private sector and academia.

Let me start by thanking China and Foreign Minister Wang Yi for initiating this critical discussion on the future of the United Nations and the international order. And thank you as well to General Assembly President Bozkir for his leadership. When countries came together after the Second World War to form the United Nations, virtually all of human history up until then indicated that might made right. Competition inevitably led to collision. The rise of a nation or group of nations necessitated the fall of others. Then our nations united in choosing a different path. We adopted a set of principles to prevent conflict and alleviate human suffering, to recognize and defend human rights, to foster an ongoing dialogue to uphold and improve a system aimed at benefiting all people. The most powerful countries bound themselves to these principles. They agreed to a form of self-restraint — as President Truman put it, to deny themselves the license to do always as they pleased — because they recognized that this would ultimately serve not only humankind’s interests, but their own. The United States did this, even though it was by far the most powerful nation on Earth at the time. It was enlightened self-interest. We believed that other nations’ success was critical to ours. And we did not want less powerful countries feeling threatened and obliged to band together against us. In the years since, we have faced daunting challenges, from the divisions of the Cold War, the vestiges of colonialism and the times the world stood by in the face of mass atrocities. Today conflicts, injustice and suffering around the globe underscore how many of our aspirations remain unfulfilled. But no period in modern history has been more peaceful or prosperous than the one since the United Nations was created. We avoided armed conflict between nuclear Powers. We helped millions of people emerge from poverty. We advanced human rights as never before. This bold endeavour, whatever its imperfections, has been an unprecedented achievement. It has endured because the overwhelming majority of people and nations continue to see it as representing their interests, their values and their hopes. But now it is in serious jeopardy. Nationalism is resurgent, repression is rising, rivalries among countries are deepening and attacks against the rules-based order are intensifying. Now some question whether multilateral cooperation is still possible. The United States believes it is not only possible, it is imperative. Multilateralism is still our best tool for tackling big global challenges, like the one that is forcing us to gather on a screen today rather than around a table. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has changed life as we know it across the planet, with millions of deaths and devastating impacts on economies, health, education, social progress. The climate crisis is another massive threat. If we do not move swiftly to cut emissions, the results will be catastrophic. We built the multilateral system in part to solve big, complex problems like these, where the fates of people around the world are tied together and where no single country, no matter how powerful, can address the challenges alone. That is why the United States will work through multilateral institutions to stop COVID-19 and tackle the climate crisis, and we will abide by the core principles of the international order as we do. We will also work with any country on these issues, including those with which we have serious differences. The stakes are too high to let differences stand in the way of our cooperation. The same holds true for stemming the spread and use of nuclear weapons, delivering life-saving humanitarian assistance and managing deadly conflicts. At the same time, we will continue to push back forcefully when we see countries undermine the international order and pretend that the rules we have all agreed to do not exist, or simply violate them at will. Because for the system to deliver, all countries must abide by it and put in the work for its success. There are three ways we can do that. First, all members should meet their commitments, particularly the legally binding ones. That includes the Charter of the United Nations, treaties and conventions, Security Council resolutions, international humanitarian law and the rules and standards agreed to under the auspices of the World Trade Organization and numerous international standard-setting organizations. Let me be clear: the United States is not seeking to uphold this rules-based order to keep other nations down. The international order we helped build and defend has enabled the rise of some of our fiercest competitors. Our aim is simply to defend, uphold and revitalize that order. Secondly, human rights and dignity must stay at the core of the international order. The foundational unit of the United Nations — from the first sentence of the Charter — is not just the nation State; it is also the human being. Some argue that what Governments do within their own borders is their own business and that human rights are subjective values that vary from one society to another. But the Universal Declaration of Human Rights begins with the word “universal” because our nations agreed there are certain rights to which every person, everywhere, is entitled. Asserting domestic jurisdiction does not give any State a blank check to enslave, torture, disappear or ethnically cleanse their people, or to violate their human rights in any other way. And this leads me to my third point, which is that the United Nations is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of its Member States. A State does not respect that principle when it purports to redraw the borders of another, or seeks to resolve territorial disputes by using or threatening force, or when a State claims it is entitled to a sphere of influence to dictate or coerce the choices and decisions of another country. And a State shows contempt for that principle when it targets another with disinformation or weaponized corruption, undermines other countries’ free and fair elections and democratic institutions or goes after journalists or dissidents abroad. These hostile actions can also threaten the international peace and security that the United Nations Charter obliges this body to maintain. When United Nations Member States, particularly permanent members of the Security Council, flout these rules and block attempts to hold accountable those who violate international law, it sends the message that others can break those rules with impunity. All of us must accept the scrutiny, however difficult, that comes with the commitments we have freely made. That includes the United States. I know that some of our actions in recent years have undermined the rules-based order and led others to question whether we are still committed to it. Rather than take our word for it, we ask the world to judge our commitment by our actions. Under the Biden-Harris Administration, the United States has already re-engaged vigorously in multilateral institutions. We have re-joined the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, recommitted to the World Health Organization and are seeking to re-join the Human Rights Council. We are engaged in diplomacy to return to mutual compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and to strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation regime. We are by far the largest contributor to the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access Facility, the best vehicle for the equitable distribution of COVID-19 vaccines. And we are making tens of millions of doses available to others, without political considerations. We are also taking steps, with great humility, to address the inequities and injustices in our own democracy. We do so openly and transparently for people around the world to see, even when it is ugly, even when it is painful. And we will emerge stronger and better for doing so. Likewise, it is not enough simply to defend the rules-based order we have now. We should improve and build upon it. We need to take into account the change in power dynamics over the past eight decades, not only between countries but within them. We need to address legitimate grievances, particularly unfair trading practices, that have provoked a backlash against an open international economic order in many countries, including in the United States. And we must ensure that this order is equipped to address new problems — like national security and human rights concerns — raised by new technologies from cyberattacks to surveillance to discriminatory algorithms. Finally, we need to modernize the way we build coalitions and who we include in our diplomacy and development efforts. That means forging non-traditional partnerships across regional lines, bringing together cities, the private sector, foundations, civil society and social and youth movements. And we must improve equity within and between our countries and close economic, political and social gaps that persist based on race, gender and other parts of our identity that make us who we are. At the founding of this institution, President Truman said, “This Charter was not the work of any single nation or group of nations, large or small. It was the result of a spirit of give-and-take, of tolerance for the views and interests of others.” He said it was proof that nations can state their differences, face them and find common ground on which to stand. We continue to have profound differences, among the Member states of the United Nations and within the Security Council. But the United States will spare no effort to find and stand on that common ground with any country that upholds its commitments to the order we founded together, and which we must defend and revitalize together. That is the great test of this moment. Let us meet it together.

I thank you and the Chinese presidency for convening this important meeting. Let me also thank the President of the General Assembly for his insights. During the first Vietnamese presidency, in January 2020, the Security Council adopted a presidential statement (S/PRST/2020/1) reaffirming its commitment to multilateralism and to the Charter of the United Nations and an international order based on international law, which the Council recognized as the foundation of a more peaceful, prosperous and just world. At no other time are these words more relevant, given the current state of the world. And I commend the Chinese presidency for holding this open debate to reinforce our commitment once again to multilateral cooperation. Indeed, multilateralism has asserted itself as the rightful course to be pursued and embraced by our community of States. As described by Dag Hammarskjöld, since its founding, the United Nations has been a new Santa Maria, sailing its way through storms and uncharted waters and bringing us all together in the quest for peace, stability and development. Today multilateralism offers the most effective solutions for emerging and complex global challenges. The arms race, the proliferation of weapons of mass disruption, terrorism, transnational crime, climate change and, in particular, the current coronavirus disease pandemic are but a few examples that global challenges can be addressed only through vigorous and effective multilateral cooperation. We are stronger together and, by working together, we are making progress. Moving forward, I wish to underline three critical issues. First, in the words of Secretary-General Guterres during the open debate on upholding the United Nations Charter in January 2020: “At this time of global divisions and turmoil, the Charter remains our shared framework of international cooperation for the common good.” (S/PV.8699, p.3). Upholding international law and the United Nations Charter is increasingly urgent and important, as they lay the solid foundation for the consolidation and flourishing of an international order and a multilateral system that serve the common interests of the international community. In other words, we must foster a culture of compliance with international law and stand against the use of force, coercion, power politics and unilateralism in international relations. Secondly, regional organizations and the United Nations are embodiments of multilateralism at different levels, which greatly complement each other in maintaining international and regional peace and security. That was the main thrust of the discussion at the open debate convened by Viet Nam last month (see S/2021/394). The presidential statement (S/PRST/2021/9) adopted by the Council also highlighted the importance of expanding collaboration between the United Nations and regional organizations in confidence-building and dialogue for conflict prevention and resolution. In our region, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations has affirmed its centrality in the regional security architecture and in addressing regional and international issues. Thirdly, multilateral institutions must be reformed and must work in synergy so that they can function in an ever more effective and responsive manner and adapt with the evolving international environment to better serve the interests of Member States on the basis of equality, mutual benefit, inclusiveness and leaving no one behind. The Security Council is no exception. To fulfil its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, the Council needs to be reformed in order to enhance transparency, democracy, representativeness and effectiveness and improve its working methods. On this day 67 years ago, our victory at the Battle of Dien Bien Phu marked the end of colonial rule in Viet Nam and the wider region. It contributed to the decolonization process that led to the rapid expansion of the membership of the United Nations and multilateral United Nations-centred cooperation in general. Today, as a non-permanent member of the Council but a permanent Member of the United Nations, Viet Nam reaffirms its commitment to contributing to multilateral endeavours, global solidarity and partnership so as to achieve the ultimate goals of sustainable peace and development.

I congratulate you, Mr. President, on assuming the presidency of the Security Council for the month of May and appreciate your initiative in organizing this high- level meeting on the topic of “Maintenance of international peace and security: upholding multilateralism and the United Nations-centred international system”. Given the high expectations from the United Nations and the multilateral system, particularly at this time when the world is confronted by several global challenges, not least the ongoing coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, such a discussion is indeed relevant and timely. I also take this opportunity to thank His Excellency Volkan Bozkir, President of the General Assembly, for sharing his insights. Envisioned with the noble objective of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, the establishment of the United Nations in 1945 heralded a new era of international relations, committed to maintaining international peace and security, upholding international law, respecting obligations arising from mutually negotiated treaties and promoting fundamental freedoms for all humanity. Founded on the principle of sovereign equality for all its Members, the United Nations today is the most universal and representative international organization. The United Nations has been credited with largely keeping the peace over the past seven and a half decades and for contributing in many ways to the betterment of the lives of the world’s humanity. At the same time, it has been found wanting in its ability to garner a concerted response to tackle the world’s most complex challenges. Several contemporary global challenges have come to the fore, such as terrorism, radicalism, pandemics, climate change, threats from new and emerging technologies, growing asymmetric threats, the disruptive role of non-State actors and intensified geopolitical competition, all of which call for a robust multilateral response. While the United Nations has addressed most of those issues somewhat partially and intermittently, our collective effort has nonetheless fallen short in providing effective and enduring solutions, primarily due to the infirmities within the multilateral system. The year 2021 is a watershed moment in the history of the world, providing a timely opportunity to reflect on the effectiveness of the United Nations in achieving the goals and objectives that its founders set out 75 years ago. The multitude of challenges of today’s dynamic and interdependent world cannot be addressed with outdated systems that were designed to deal with the challenges of the past. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has sharpened our awareness of the depth of global interdependence and of the fact that the world is only as resilient as the least resilient country. The events of the past year have clearly demonstrated how imperative it is for all countries to coordinate responses to the various challenges that the pandemic has brought to the fore. It is the lack of a coordinated global response that has exposed the vulnerabilities and weaknesses of the multilateral system as it stands today, providing a timely reminder of the pressing need for comprehensive reform. While the pandemic exposed the fault lines from unreliable global supply chains to inequitable vaccine distribution, it has also underlined the need for global solidarity and strengthened multilateralism. The reimagined post-pandemic world will make profoundly different demands of the multilateral system, which must evolve accordingly so as to be fit for purpose and capable of inspiring confidence in its ability to effectively meet those demands. At the core of India’s call for reformed multilateralism lies the reform of the Security Council, reflective of the contemporary realities of today. When power structures continue to reflect the status quo of a bygone era, they also start reflecting a lack of appreciation of contemporary geopolitical realities. Multilateral institutions must be made more accountable to their membership; they must be open and welcoming to a diversity of viewpoints and cognizant of new voices. The Council must be made more representative of developing countries if it is to continue to engender trust and confidence in its ability to provide leadership to the entire world. It can deliver effective solutions only if it gives a voice to the voiceless, rather than zealously guarding the status quo of the mighty. Today the United Nations has 193 Member States, nearly a four-fold increase since 1945. The narrow representation and privileges of a few in the primary decision- making organ of the United Nations pose a serious challenge to its credibility and effectiveness. How can we explain the contradiction of Africa not being represented on the Security Council in the permanent category even though African issues dominate its agenda? Speaking on the occasion of the seventh-fifth anniversary of the United Nations last year, the Prime Minister of India gave a clarion call for United Nations reform: “Reform in the responses, in the processes, and in the very character of the United Nations is the need of the hour. “It is a fact that the faith and respect that the United Nations enjoys among the 1.3 billion people in India is unparalleled... “For how long will India be kept out of the decision-making structures of the United Nations?” (A/75/PV.12, annex I ) As a founding Member of the United Nations, India has consistently displayed its commitment to upholding the purposes and principles of the Charter. We remain committed to upholding the rules-based international order, underpinned by international law, premised upon respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all Member States, the resolution of international disputes through peaceful negotiations and free and open access for all to the global commons. India stood at the forefront during the United Nations tumultuous years of struggle against colonialism and apartheid. During our eight terms as a member of the Security Council, we have always endeavoured to be a voice of reason and understanding, a voice of the underrepresented developing word and a bridge-builder for narrowing divides and fostering consensus. We have been the leading advocate for the concerns and aspirations of developing countries and the creation of a more equitable international economic and political order. India has contributed immensely to maintaining international peace and security as a leading troop-contributing country to United Nations peacekeeping missions, having sacrificed the highest number of lives in that noble endeavour. We have also fostered global socioeconomic development through transparent, viable, sustainable and demand-driven partnership programmes. On climate action, India is today one of the few countries that is on track to meet its mitigation commitments under the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. We have also taken the lead in launching important multilateral initiatives on climate action, such as the International Solar Alliance and the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure. Over the past year alone, we have provided COVID-19 vaccines, pharmaceuticals and medical equipment to more than 150 countries across the world. In that same spirit of friendship and solidarity, we extend deep appreciation to those that have come forward to provide us with some priority requirements to battle the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. India has also worked with South Africa and other partners in the World Trade Organization to seek a relaxation in the norms of the Agreement on Trade- Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights so as to ensure quick and affordable access to vaccines and medicines for developing countries during the COVID-19 pandemic. That waiver will be an important step for enabling the rapid scaling-up of the manufacture and timely availability of affordable COVID-19 vaccines and essential medical products on a global basis. In conclusion, we believe that a renewal of vows towards a reformed United Nations-centred multilateral system will require genuine efforts on behalf of all Member States. For its part, India has always sought to strengthen the forces of cooperative multilateralism. With the objective of reforming and strengthening multilateralism, we remain committed to seeking responsible and inclusive solutions to global challenges, guided by dialogue, cooperation, mutual respect and commitment to international law.

We thank the Chinese presidency for having convened this meeting. We also thank the President of the General Assembly for his briefing. The multilateralism that France supports is a strong multilateralism, based on the rule of law, in particular for the maintenance of international peace and security. It is also an effective multilateralism, producing results to overcome the challenges of our time. That is the whole purpose of the Alliance for Multilateralism, which France initiated together with Germany in 2019. I am saying that there is no hidden agenda because, for us, everything is clear and everything is on the table. It is simply a question of promoting a multilateralism that is based on a solid foundation — that of international law. International law is not selective. The Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 1966 International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Geneva Conventions enshrine universal principles and values. It is their full respect that constitutes the only alternative to the law of the strongest. International law thus provides a framework for action, within which the spirit of cooperation is essential in order to achieve results. Moreover, it is that spirit of cooperation that has enabled multilateral diplomacy to succeed. I am thinking of the Iranian nuclear agreement and of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change at the twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. It has to be said that that spirit of cooperation has sometimes been lacking in the Security Council in recent years. Too often, the use of the veto has paralysed our work. We can say things to each other. How can we justify our collective inability to act in response to the appalling conflict in Syria? That is why France, together with Mexico, is promoting an initiative that provides for a joint voluntary framework for the use of the veto by the permanent members of the Security Council in the event of mass atrocities. I am pleased that 105 Member States have already given their support to that initiative. We call on all the members of the Security Council, in particular the other four permanent members of the Council, to join it. The foundation that underpins multilateralism also means the good governance of international organizations. As we know, organizations face organizational, logistical and financial challenges, which have been exacerbated by the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) crisis. Such organizations are too often criticized or used to promote national interests. That is not the spirit in which we wish to work. International organizations must be recognized for their true value and must be able to carry out their work in a transparent, rigorous and open manner. Again, the law and respect for good practices within the United Nations system are essential. Secondly, to be effective that multilateralism must also be inclusive. It is not a moral imperative to be inclusive, but rather a guarantee of sustainable outcomes. When women fully and actively participate in political processes, agreements are more sustainable. When young people and civil society are heard, everyone’s rights are better defended. When we work hand in hand with regional organizations under the provisions of Chapter VIII of the Charter, we can propose more appropriate solutions. I am thinking of the international community’s efforts in the Sahel. I am also thinking of the European Union military operation in the Mediterranean, which helps to implement the arms embargo in Libya. Effective multilateralism is also multilateralism that is committed to finding concrete solutions to common challenges. The COVID-19 is a tragedy for too many people. It is also a test for our international community and for the United Nations. France promotes collaborative solutions to overcome the pandemic because they are the only ones that work. I am thinking of the Access to COVID-19 Tools Accelerator initiative, which France initiated. We were among the first to donate doses of vaccine acquired for our own use to the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access. I am also thinking of the efforts of the Security Council to call for a ceasefire in all conflicts in order to allow humanitarian access and the delivery of vaccines. I commend the Tunisian party that was working with us. The Security Council must not remain idle in the face of the consequences of climate change either. That is why we have proposed that the Secretary-General report regularly to the Council on this specific subject, so that we can put in place the necessary preventive measures. I invite the members of the Security Council to follow up on this proposal. Finally, multilateralism can be effective only if it knows how to be reformed. France supports the reforms implemented by the Secretary-General, whose efforts in that regard we commend. We strongly support the Action for Peacekeeping initiative, which enhances the performance and security of peacekeeping operations. The Security Council, as has already been said, must also be reformed to be more representative of today’s world. Our position is well known — France is in favour of expanding the Security Council in both categories of permanent and non-permanent members. France supports the Group of Four members in obtaining a permanent seat and an increased presence of Africa, including among the permanent members. Lastly, France is particularly committed, together with its European partners, to promoting a reform of the multilateral health architecture, with the World Health Organization at its centre, which will allow for a better response to current and future health crises. The resolution on preparedness and response to health emergencies, which the European Union will submit to the next World Health Assembly in a few days, will be an essential step in this reform. In conclusion, Mr. President, in the face of these many challenges, France wishes to be a force for constructive proposals in the service of a result-oriented multilateralism. We know that our success in the face of the changes of our time will not come from turning inward, but from strengthened cooperation.

Mr. President, State Councilor, good to see you and thank you for convening this important debate today. And also my thanks to President Bozkir for sharing your thoughts and, indeed, aspirations. The United Nations remains the cornerstone, rightly so, of the international system. As we look at the United Nations history, it has mitigated dozens of conflicts. It has saved hundreds of thousands of lives through humanitarian action. It has promoted and protected human rights and freedoms, and safeguarded the principle of sovereign equality and the right to self-determination of peoples. Seventy-five years on, our world faces new and complex challenges. International peace and security is challenged by threats that do not recognize borders: climate change, pandemics, famine, organized crime and terrorism, to list a few. This calls for a response that crosses borders, just the same. We must remain true to the universal founding principles of the United Nations and, indeed, the Security Council. The core values of the Charter of the United Nations — peace and security, development and human rights — are equally important and interdependent. To ensure the future we all desire, the future we all want, we must be guided by them, and we must defend them. With these principles in mind, we must also acknowledge that the United Nations needs to adapt and reform in order to respond. Existing and new global threats and challenges, including climate change, global health, weapons of mass destruction, technology and artificial intelligence, are really testing coherence within the United Nations system. Therefore, to provide a truly effective response, these areas of our expertise must be fully joined up with humanitarian, development and human resolutionights efforts right across the system. The Secretary-General’s sustaining peace agenda lays the foundation for an integrated, coherent United Nations system that works better together to address the drivers of conflict and build lasting and sustainable peace. Reform is at the centre of the Secretary-General’s agenda for the United Nations, and we should all be working to support its implementation. Reform, as I am sure we all agree, is not a one-time action, but rather a permanent attitude that needs to prevail. We must all support the United Nations in becoming more efficient and more productive while it continues to increase transparency. The United Nations human rights system also has a key and pivotal role to play. Human rights are the heart of the Charter of the United Nations, and we must support them as strongly as peace, security and development. We know that States that respect human rights, territorial integrity and their obligations to their own people are more prosperous and more resilient. In an international order that is sometimes fragmented and characterized by intensifying competition over interests, norms and values, the United Kingdom will continue to place the promotion and protection of human rights at the top of our international priorities. The transnational challenges I mentioned threaten all of our prosperity and resilience, and need a coordinated approach. United Nations peacekeeping exemplifies this. Since the first mission in 1948, you will know that the Security Council has now mandated over 70 peacekeeping operations in more than 50 locations across the globe. Alongside the many other contributing Member States, the United Kingdom is proud to play an active role, most recently in deploying 300 troops to the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali. Even more broadly, as the President of the twenty-sixth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change this November, the United Kingdom will aim to boost international cooperation and global climate finance for the benefit of us all. We have already pledged over $15 billion of international climate finance over the next five years, and we will spend a significant proportion of that building resilience in the most vulnerable countries. Lastly, I would like to touch on the important issue of sanctions. We have been proud to introduce our independent sanctions measures. The United Kingdom’s measures advance our national security and foreign policy priorities. They hold accountable those responsible for a range of activities, including human rights violations and abuses, and, indeed, corruption. They are legally robust and carefully targeted in scope to minimise any wider impact. Where we have been unable to agree in the Security Council, the United Kingdom has pursued sanctions against the likes of the Syrian regime, the Myanmar junta, perpetrators of sexual violence in Libya and those working to support the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s nuclear programme. We have worked in concert with others, together, to stand up as a force for good in the world. As many other colleagues have already reflected, we are still in the midst of a pandemic. The coronavirus disease affects us all. It continues to require an inclusive, global response. And as you said, Mr. President, at the current time, we all come together to stand in solidarity and friendship with India. But, as we have often heard over this past year, it is important to exemplify the key point that none of us is safe until we are all safe. Therefore, upholding the values of the Charter of the United Nations is the key to our effective, united, collaborative response to the quite extraordinary challenges our nations share. And finally, for all our peace and security, we must absolutely work together, collaboratively and inclusively, in a strong, functioning, multilateral United Nations system.