S/PV.10109 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the Sudan, Türkiye and the United Arab Emirates to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs; Ms. Edem Wosornu, Director, Crisis Response Division, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs; and Ms. Hala Al-Karib, Regional Director of the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I also invite Her Excellency Mrs. Hedda Samson, Deputy Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Ms. DiCarlo. Ms. DiCarlo: Just over a month ago, the Sudan reached a horrific milestone: 1,000 days of a brutal war that has nearly destroyed the third-largest country in Africa; 1,000 days of staggering violence and unimaginable suffering; 1,000 days of total impunity for the perpetrators of a long list of atrocities and war crimes. And as we near the fourth year of the war, the fighting continues to expand. In recent weeks, the front lines have fluctuated in the North Darfur, North Kordofan, South Kordofan and Blue Nile States. In South Kordofan State, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) reported breaking sieges by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on Kadugli and Dilling. The security situation in these areas remains fluid, with military activity, including drone strikes, putting civilians at great risk. North Kordofan remains a focus of conflict. The State’s capital, El Obeid, is besieged from three sides by the RSF. The SAF continue to reinforce their presence in and around the city — a key logistical hub for ongoing operations in the Kordofan region. Ground fighting inside El Obeid would have catastrophic consequences and deal a significant blow to the prospects for a ceasefire. The RSF have also opened a new front in Blue Nile State, where they launched attacks on southern localities in January. While the RSF seem to be in control of most of Darfur, fighting has recently erupted in North and West Darfur between the RSF and the SAF and their joint forces allies, including clashes along the Sudan-Chad border. Across these battlegrounds and beyond, the use of long-range drones and aerial strikes by both parties has become a defining feature of this conflict. The consequences for civilians and civilian infrastructure are severe. No corner of the Sudan is safe from the threat of attack. The risk of a regionalization of the conflict is a matter of urgent concern. On 16 January, the Government of Chad announced that seven Chadian soldiers had been killed during a confrontation with RSF elements in the border area. The RSF later acknowledged the clash, characterizing the incident as an unintentional mistake. Movements of armed groups across the Sudan and South Sudan’s border in both directions continue to be reported. These are only some of the potential flashpoints in the Sudanese war that could destabilize the broader region. Reports indicate that weapons also continue to transit through the Sudan’s neighbours. Escalating tensions and rhetoric among neighbouring States over the situation in the Sudan underscore the impact of the conflict on regional stability. The horrific events in El Fasher in October 2025 were preventable. While El Fasher was under siege for more than a year, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights repeatedly sounded the alarm about the risk of mass atrocities, but the warnings were not heeded. High Commissioner Türk has now alerted the global community to the possibility of similar crimes in Kordofan. Civilians are again at risk of summary executions, sexual violence, arbitrary detention and family separation. During the final offensive of the RSF on El Fasher, reports indicate that sexual violence against women and girls was widespread. Women and girls are also particularly vulnerable to displacement, poverty and systemic exclusion. The time to act to prevent a repeat of atrocities elsewhere in the country is now. The parties to the conflict must adhere to international humanitarian law and human rights law. Those who violate these laws must be held accountable. Amid this bleak picture, efforts to find a path towards peace are intensifying. We welcome the progress in the initiative led by the Quad countries — Egypt, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and the United States — to secure a humanitarian truce in the Sudan. These efforts offer a critical opportunity for immediate and much-needed de-escalation and could pave the way for a sustainable cessation of hostilities. We call on both parties to the conflict to engage with this initiative in good faith and without preconditions. We welcome the ongoing discussions on potential United Nations support for the implementation of a humanitarian truce. Alongside work to silence the guns, progress on charting a political vision for the future of the Sudan is of the utmost urgency. We must anchor any ceasefire in a credible political process that can pave the way for an inclusive transition, and we are firmly committed to ensuring that voices reflecting the Sudan’s diversity are heard. The partnership among the quintet members, combining the capacities of the African Union, the European Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the League of Arab States and the United Nations, is central to this work. We will continue working to ensure that mediation initiatives are well coordinated and based on our respective comparative advantages and a clear delineation of labour. It is critical for all the Sudan’s partners to be united behind peace efforts. This entails ensuring that the flow of weapons to the warring parties is cut off. The war has gone on this long and has been this deadly in large part because of the support that the parties have received from abroad. Unified messaging and strong action by the Security Council is more important than ever. Pressure must be brought to bear on the parties and those who back them to end the war now. The parties must also know that there will be accountability. For our part, we will continue to do everything within our means to help bring this devastating conflict to an end.

I thank Ms. DiCarlo for her briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Wosornu. Ms. Wosornu: Nearly three years have passed since this war began — more than one thousand days in which violence has spread relentlessly, humanitarian needs have deepened, and countless civilian lives have been shattered. Since the beginning of this year alone, the situation in much of the Kordofan and Darfur regions, as underscored by Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo, has deteriorated. In recent weeks, we have seen an alarming escalation of drone attacks across the three Kordofan states, leading to more civilian deaths and injuries and forcing families to flee their homes. According to the International Organization for Migration, more than 1 million people are now displaced in the region. In North Kordofan, fighting around El Obeid, the state capital, continues, as armed groups battle for control of key routes. These clashes are restricting humanitarian and commercial supplies and increasing shortages and deprivation. South Kordofan has also seen intensified fighting and aerial attacks, particularly in and around the state capital, Kadugli, and the town of Dilling to the north. Analysis by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) indicates that famine conditions may be prevalent in both locations. Recent announcements were made that sieges in these locations had been broken. Convoys are now able to move from El Obeid to Kadugli and Dilling, but humanitarian access along these routes remains unpredictable. Blue Nile has also witnessed an escalation of conflict, including another air strike in Yabus and reports of displacement following recent violence. In Darfur, communities still endure overwhelming hardship. Reports of air strikes and drone attacks across the region continue. Earlier today, the independent international fact-finding mission for the Sudan issued a new report describing atrocities committed by the Rapid Support Forces in and around El Fasher in late October 2025 as “indicators of a genocidal path”. The most recent alert from the IPC confirmed that, in December, acute malnutrition rates in the Umm Barru and Kernoi localities in North Darfur exceeded famine thresholds. Although these levels are not the same as a famine classification, malnutrition is of great concern. In Tawilah, North Darfur, families continue to arrive seeking safety. Recently, more than 1,000 newly displaced people reached the locality, joining the 600,000 displaced people already living there in dire conditions. Earlier this month, a partner operating near the border with Chad reported 10 fatalities and many injuries due to drone strikes in Tiné. These front-line responders continue to provide support in a hospital and in an overwhelmed transit camp just on the border with Chad. The humanitarian toll of the fighting is egregious. Once again, we remind all parties that they must protect civilians and ensure that their essential needs are met. This includes taking constant care to spare civilians and civilian objects, allowing civilians — most of them displaced multiple times — to move to even safer areas and allowing humanitarian relief to reach civilians in need safely. For more than 12 million women and girls, this is a crisis within a crisis. Violence against women and girls in the Sudan has reached catastrophic levels. Demand for life-saving prevention and response services has surged by 350 per cent since the conflict began. Council members heard about this issue from Under- Secretary-General DiCarlo, and I will stress again what she said: simply put, sexual violence against women and girls has reached simply horrific levels. Documented cases have nearly tripled, and we know that this is a fraction of the real scale, given the barriers to reporting. Partners have also witnessed a sharp rise in female genital mutilation, domestic violence, exploitation and child and forced marriage. The IPC further warns that the number of children and pregnant and breastfeeding women estimated to face acute malnutrition has now reached 4.2 million. The scale, severity and brutality of gender-based violence demand urgent international action to support survivors, prevent further abuse, reinforce protection services and hold perpetrators to account. Women-led organizations, which we salute, are also facing mounting intimidation, movement restrictions and threats that disrupt vital services. Protecting women and girls must remain central to any effort to protect civilians in the Sudan. In the Sudan, health and humanitarian workers are risking their lives every day, working in the most challenging of all circumstances. Four incidents in 10 days have killed or injured humanitarian personnel as they were delivering life-saving food. As stressed by the Humanitarian Coordinator in her statement more than a week ago, the humanitarian community is outraged by the attacks on World Food Programme trucks, assets and facilities. Health facilities are also being targeted. The World Health Organization reported that in just one week this month alone, three health facilities were attacked in South Kordofan, killing 31 people, including women, children and health workers. Front-line responders are the backbone of our response, and yet they face the greatest risk of being killed or wounded as they try to support communities. These unacceptable attacks are often carried out with total impunity. Since the conflict began, approximately 130 humanitarian workers — nearly all of them Sudanese — have been killed. Aid workers and humanitarian assets must never be targets. The Sudan has been stripped of its essential lifeline. Basic services are nearing total collapse, food is largely unavailable in markets in some parts of the country, means of livelihood are almost non-existent, and most health facilities have exhausted their medical supplies. Amid this hardship, our humanitarian partners continue to respond with unwavering dedication. Last year, partners reached 17.6 million people with humanitarian assistance, including nearly 1 million women and girls, who received critical gender-based violence and reproductive health services. This year, as the fighting has grown deadlier for civilians, aid organizations have also stepped up. In January, the United Nations and partners re-entered El Fasher and delivered critical aid. In Tawilah, we are providing hot meals through community kitchens, for example. The Sudan Humanitarian Fund has allocated $2 million to scale up life-saving assistance to Northern state, North Kordofan and White Nile following a recent visit from the Humanitarian Coordinator, Ms. Denise Brown. In South Kordofan, a joint United Nations convoy with supplies for more than 130,000 people reached the cities of Kadugli and Dilling after being delayed for several weeks, owing to high insecurity. This we deem a significant breakthrough. It is not enough, but we are trying. We acknowledge with appreciation the cooperation of the Sudanese and Chadian authorities in keeping the Adré crossing open for humanitarian operations. Our capacity remains strained. Just as needs reach unprecedented levels, we grapple with critically low funding. This year, we aim to reach more than 20 million people through our hyper-prioritized humanitarian response plan. But we need funding, and we need it fast. At a pledging event hosted on 3 February by the United States Government in Washington, D.C., the Emergency Relief Coordinator, Under-Secretary-General Fletcher, urged the international community to redouble its efforts to end this war and the unbearable suffering of the people of the Sudan. We need a humanitarian truce and unfettered access to reach people in need across conflict lines and borders. Under- Secretary-General Fletcher called for a reenergized effort to fully fund the humanitarian response plan. This includes support for air assets, medical evacuations, logistics and other enabling assets that are critical for our humanitarian operations. Today I call on the Council to act with urgency in three areas. First, Council members must use their influence to urge the parties to respect international humanitarian law and protect civilians across the Sudan. Secondly, they must ensure that humanitarians, including local partners, who are at the front lines, including women’s groups, are protected and their work facilitated. Thirdly, we ask the members of the Council and all other Member States with influence to work together in pursuit of an immediate stop to the fighting, to stem the flow of weapons into the Sudan and to press for a lasting, inclusive peace that the people of the Sudan so desperately need. We welcome the ongoing efforts led by the United States Senior Advisor for Arab and African Affairs, Mr. Boulos, together with the Quad for Sudan, to secure a truce, as a crucial step in this direction.

I thank Ms. Wosornu for her briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Al-Karib. Ms. Al-Karib: I am grateful for the opportunity to brief the Council today. I am Hala Al-Karib, a Sudanese woman human rights defender and the Regional Director of the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA), a grassroots feminist network. Like millions of Sudanese people, I have lost family members and my home as a result of the war. I have had the honour of speaking to the Security Council twice before — first in September 2021 (see S/PV.8857), when I warned of the fragility of the Sudan’s democratic transition, and again in October 2023 (see S/PV.9452), just six months after the war had erupted, when I described its devastating impact on Sudanese women and girls and the growing risk of genocide. To be here a third time, only to report that the situation is even worse, is an indictment not just of the warring parties but also of the Council’s inability to stop the bloodshed. More than 1,000 days since the start of the war, despite repeated warnings, the Council has failed to act. Every red line — siege, forced displacement, man-made famine, genocide, mass rape — has been crossed. As we approach a point of no return in the Sudan, I am here with two messages. First, every day this war continues, it destroys the lives and brutalizes the bodies of Sudanese women and girls. Secondly, the worst atrocities that have already taken place during this war risk happening again, with civilians paying the price. For instance, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) committed atrocities in El Geneina and in El Fasher, where the scale of killing was so shocking that pools of blood were seen from space, and now in Greater Kordofan and Blue Nile, drone attacks by all parties are killing civilians and destroying hospitals, schools and markets. The escalation of the conflict is already destabilizing the entire region. Unless Council members act now, they will have more blood on their hands. Let me start with the first point. Women, regardless of who they are, face systematic violence by all actors. They are targeted for their ethnicity, the colour of their skin, their poverty, their ability and their political affiliations, among other factors. Sexual and gender-based violence against Sudanese women and girls is a central feature of this conflict. Such violence, including rape, torture, enslavement, trafficking, detention, abductions and killings, continues. Since the beginning of the war, we at SIHA have documented more than 1,294 cases of conflict-related sexual violence against women and girls, perpetrated primarily by the RSF and their allies. In Darfur, the RSF and their allies have deliberately targeted women and girls from the Fur, Masalit, Berti, Zaghawa and Tunjur communities on the basis of their ethnicity. As the independent international fact-finding mission for the Sudan confirmed in a report today (A/HRC/61/77), this is part of a strategy of genocide, aimed at eradicating native African communities — one that we, as civil society, have seen in Darfur for decades and have warned Council members about for years. We fear that the RSF will continue their genocidal violence throughout Greater Kordofan and Blue Nile. Sexual violence, arbitrary detentions and enforced disappearances of women in areas under RSF control remain severely underdocumented owing to the RSF’s deliberate restrictions on access, targeted communications blackouts and retaliation against those who speak out. Still, we know that thousands of women and children have been detained in the villages of Garni, Tura and Tabit in North Darfur and that the RSF has turned hospitals, schools and other sites into detention centres. Forced and child marriage to RSF soldiers is also frequently linked to abductions and enforced disappearances. The suffering of Sudanese women does not end with their escape to safer areas. After the RSF is driven out of a specific region, they must still contend with entrenched legal discrimination. From August 2024 to December 2025, we received reports of more than 840 women being detained by local police and military intelligence in areas controlled by the Sudanese Armed Forces, including Wad Madani, Khartoum, Gedaref, Port Sudan, Dilling, Kadugli and El Obeid. Many of these women are accused of being RSF collaborators, often on the sole basis of their ethnicity or the fact that they were unable to escape when the RSF took control. Women detained by the Sudanese Armed Forces are frequently subjected to degrading treatment, including ethnic slurs and physical assault during interrogation, and lack the means for legal representation to contest their detention. The collapse of the healthcare system means that survivors of sexual and gender- based violence lack adequate medical care and psychosocial support. Without access to the necessary sexual and reproductive healthcare, including post-rape care, women are dying of hepatitis, HIV/AIDS, syphilis and other sexually transmitted infections. Without access to emergency contraception and safe abortion, survivors are forced to carry unwanted pregnancies to term. Even women volunteers and front-line workers, who are instrumental in assisting survivors, are being targeted, killed, detained or forcibly disappeared. This horrific sexual violence has not only destroyed lives; it has also ripped our communities apart. This brings me to my second point. None of this will stop without immediate action from the international community. Unchecked external interference in this conflict allows these atrocities to continue. The Panel of Experts on the Sudan and international non-governmental organizations have documented the flow of weapons and military equipment into Darfur, including by the United Arab Emirates, in violation of the Council’s arms embargo. Council members can stop the violence by pressuring the RSF’s powerful backers with economic, political and criminal consequences. The Council must act immediately to stop the violence in the Sudan by taking the following actions. It must demand an immediate cessation of hostilities and of the targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure, including the use of starvation and sexual violence as weapons of war. It must demand the release of all civilians held by warring parties, particularly women held by the RSF in conditions amounting to sexual slavery. It must deploy a mission with a clear mandate to protect civilians across the Sudan, especially in Darfur, in collaboration with the African Union. The Council must call on all Member States to immediately cease arms transfers that risk being used to commit war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide, including sexual and gender-based violence. It must expand the arms embargo to the whole of the Sudan and hold violators accountable, including through targeted sanctions. And it must stop the Sudan from being a playground for regional actors. The Council must demand safe, immediate and sustained humanitarian access. It must condemn all assaults on aid delivery, including the recent attack on a World Food Programme convoy in North Kordofan. The Council must urgently provide support and resources to Sudanese women-led organizations, including Emergency Response Rooms, so that they can continue their life-saving work. The Council must hold all perpetrators accountable for genocide and other international crimes, including all forms of gender-based violence. It must support accountability efforts, including the ongoing work of the International Criminal Court, and call on all parties to allow access for independent monitors and investigators, including the independent international fact-finding mission for the Sudan. This war aims to strip women of their agency. Council members must therefore ensure that Sudanese women in all their diversity are meaningfully included in all efforts to resolve the conflict. The Council must do everything in its power to prevent further atrocities and to ensure that the Sudan is not forgotten. I urge Council members to meet more frequently, to focus attention on the Sudan, consider a country visit, and include women’s rights in all their decisions on this conflict. Most importantly, they must ensure that any end to this conflict does not come at the expense of accountability or respect for international law, and that it is overseen by the United Nations. As you seek solutions to the war in the Sudan, I urge Council members to remember that I, like thousands of other Sudanese women and men, have dedicated my life to challenging oppression and dictatorship. We have repeatedly proven that we can lead the Sudan’s struggle for peace and democracy. The future of the Sudan must be written by its own people.

I thank Ms. Al-Karib for her briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs of the United Kingdom. Two weeks ago, I stood in Adré, on the Chad-Sudan border, in a camp of more than 140,000 people who have fled Sudan’s conflict, 85 per cent of whom are women and children. I met women who are teachers, nurses, students, small businesswomen, market traders and mothers, back home, but whose lives and whose families have been ripped apart. I spoke to a mother who did not know whether her children are still alive. A Sudanese young woman told me that most women she knew had experienced what she described as bad violence, that no one wanted to talk about, because of the shame. A Sudanese community worker told me she thought more than half of the women in the camp had been subjected to sexual violence. Other community workers have told yet more distressing stories: one about three sisters arriving at one of the Sudanese Emergency Response Rooms who had all been raped. The oldest sister was 13. The youngest was 8. There is a war being waged on the bodies of women and girls, and I told the women that I spoke to in Adré that I would bring their voices and their stories to the United Nations and to the world. That is what we are doing today because the world must hear the voices of the women of the Sudan, and not the military men who are perpetuating this conflict, voices that ensure the Council confronts the bitter truth, because the world has been catastrophically failing the people of the Sudan. This is the worst humanitarian crisis of the twenty-first century, a war that has left 33 million people in need of humanitarian assistance, 14 million people forced to flee their homes, famine stalking millions of malnourished children and a conflict that is embedded in vested interests and regional rivalries with implications that go far beyond the Sudan’s borders. Yet too often the world has looked away. We must shine a spotlight on the suffering in the Sudan. And that is why in the Human Rights Council in November the United Kingdom led work across countries to commission the fact-finding mission into El Fasher and the siege and capture of the city by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). That report is now published today, and I am bringing its evidence and conclusions before the Security Council. With page after page of the most distressing accounts imaginable, it is horrific. Quotations from the report include the following: “Survivors consistently spoke of widespread killings, including indiscriminate shootings and point-blank executions of civilians in homes, streets, open areas or while attempting to flee the city.” “A pregnant woman was asked how far she was in her pregnancy. When she responded, ‘seven months’, he fired seven bullets into her abdomen, killing her”. “Hospitals, medical personnel, the sick and wounded were not spared.” “And survivors reported being raped in front of their relatives, including their children.” There was “ethnic targeting” and there were calls for, as it says, “extermination.” So why are we here, in the Council, when we see a report that concludes that it bears “the hallmarks of genocide.” The Council’s mandate and purpose is to confront such shocking crimes and to drive action. Because El Fasher should have been a turning point. Instead, the violence is now continuing. More than three months after the fall of El Fasher, we continue to hear and see reports of continued violations of international humanitarian law or human rights abuses unfolding; aid agencies still facing barriers to getting in; and schools, hospitals, markets and humanitarian convoys being destroyed. There have been four attacks on the World Food Programme since the start of this month alone. There have been reports of strikes on aid operations by both RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and there is a real risk of further escalation now, across the Sudan and beyond, as fighting spreads to the Kordofan regions. This is not just a humanitarian crisis, it is a regional security crisis and a migration crisis too. We have seen the impact in terms of regional security on neighbouring countries and on the whole of the Horn of Africa and along the Sahel — opportunities for extremists to exploit and terror groups to take hold — and millions displaced from their homes, with the risk of increased migration destabilizing nations nearby but also across and into Europe as well. This affects all of us. And that is why we need action and we need the United Nations to be a force for countries to come together from across the world to demand peace. First, it means demanding unimpeded humanitarian access and far greater humanitarian support, protection for civilians and for aid workers. Both warring parties must lift the restrictions on aid. The United Nations 2026 appeal is just 13 per cent funded, leaving front-line agencies without the funding they need to save lives. The United Kingdom is the third largest donor to the Sudan, providing $200 million this year, plus $54 million for Sudanese refugees. In Chad, I announced a further $27 million to support survivors of sexual violence. But aid alone will not stop this. We need an immediate humanitarian truce and a pathway to a permanent ceasefire, so I commend the work of the United States and President Trump’s special adviser who has convened the Quad of nations, with Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, to discuss plans for peace, and the commitment from the quintet, from the African Union and the European Union and others, to support plans for peace. But we will need pressure from every United Nations Member State, and I urge all of those with influence on both the RSF and the SAF not to fuel further conflict, but instead to exert maximum pressure on them to halt the bloodshed, to pull back and to pursue a plan for peace — a plan that includes rebuilding Sudanese civil society, supporting civil society groups and a civilian transition — because it should be the people of the Sudan who determine the Sudan’s future. And that means we also need an end to the arms flows. There is no military solution to this conflict. But the reason that the military men convince themselves that there is a military solution is because they can still obtain ever-more lethal weapons. There is external support from at least a dozen States — funding, manufacturing, transit and training — that is perpetuating the conflict and the misery. The independent international fact-finding mission for the Sudan has said that it will report back further on investigations into breaches of the United Nations arms embargo into Darfur, but arms restrictions need to be enforced and extended. I therefore appeal to all nations. Now is the time to choke off the arms flows and exert tangible pressure for peace. And we need accountability. It is time for more sanctions against the perpetrators of these vile crimes. The United Kingdom has already sanctioned several senior RSF commanders linked to the atrocities committed in El Fasher. And this week, we joined the United States and France in proposing that they be designated by the Security Council, as well. We are confronting impunity by supporting the International Criminal Court’s Sudan investigation so that we can bring perpetrators to justice. In September, during the General Assembly general debate, the energy and the determination in the Security Council, but also across the entire United Nations, around the peace process for Gaza was immense — and rightly so. We could see and feel countries across the world — countries that normally disagree — coming together to back a peace process. That is what made it possible for the United States-led plan to deliver a ceasefire within weeks. We need that same energy and determination that we have rightly brought to the peace process in Gaza now to bring peace for the Sudan to enable us to secure an immediate ceasefire and humanitarian truce so that those responsible for atrocities are held to account. Let this be the time that the world comes together to end the cycle of bloodshed and to pursue a path for peace. I now resume my functions as President of the Council.

I have the honour to deliver this statement on behalf of the three African members of the Security Council, namely the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, and my own country, Somalia (A3). At the outset, we thank the United Kingdom for convening this important high- level meeting at a critical juncture for the Sudan. We thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo and Director Edem Wosornu for their sobering and timely briefings. We also take note of the intervention by Ms. Hala Al-Karib, whose testimony reminds us of the human dimension of this conflict. What is unfolding in the Sudan is not only a humanitarian emergency. It is a collapse of protection, a collapse of accountability and, increasingly, a collapse of hope for millions of civilians trapped in violence they did not choose. The humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate at an alarming pace. Millions face acute hunger, displacement and the breakdown of essential services. Entire communities remain cut off from assistance. Famine conditions are no longer a distant risk; they are an imminent reality for many. In this regard, we welcome the high-level humanitarian conference for the Sudan, held in Washington in February, which mobilized critical pledges to support life-saving operations. We commend the leadership of the United Nations, including the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and its humanitarian partners, as well as the World Food Programme and other agencies, which continue to operate under extraordinarily dangerous conditions. We stress in the strongest terms the importance of protecting civilians, critical infrastructure, humanitarian personnel and facilities. The targeting of humanitarian operations and civilian infrastructure is unacceptable. We condemn all attacks on humanitarian assets, including the recent attack on a World Food Programme convoy, attributed to RSF elements, which further undermines already fragile humanitarian lifelines. Humanitarian actors must be able to operate safely, rapidly and without obstruction. This requires not only access but resources. The scale of suffering demands a substantial and sustained increase in humanitarian funding, commensurate with the gravity of the crisis. In this context, in observance of the holy month of Ramadan, we underscore the urgent need for a cessation of hostilities, which would allow humanitarian assistance to reach those in need and provide much-needed respite to civilians who have endured immense suffering. The values of this sacred time — peace, mercy and unity — should guide all efforts towards de-escalation. We urge restraint, the silencing of guns and actions that honour the spirit of Ramadan. Accountability must remain central. Credible and independent findings, including satellite-based documentation and investigative reporting, have confirmed widespread atrocities. Civilians have been deliberately targeted. Entire communities have been subjected to systematic violence. The A3 condemns in the strongest terms the atrocities committed by the Rapid Support Forces, including mass killings, sexual violence, attacks against civilians and other grave violations of international humanitarian law. When truth can be documented from orbit — when destruction is visible from the sky — then impunity on the ground becomes indefensible. The Council cannot remain passive in the face of such evidence. We encourage ongoing efforts within the Council to activate its tools, including the sanctions regime established under resolution 1591 (2005), to promote accountability and deter further violations. There is no military solution to this conflict. Only dialogue, political engagement and a Sudanese-led process can lead to sustainable peace. In this regard, the A3 welcomes the peace initiative of the Government of the Sudan, presented by the Prime Minister of the transitional Government of the Sudan before the Council on 22 December 2025 (see S/PV.10077), as an important step towards a Sudanese-owned pathway out of the crisis. We also welcome the reopening of Khartoum airport and the return of the Government to the capital, which represent important developments towards restoring State institutions and normalcy. We commend the continued diplomatic engagement of regional and international partners, including the efforts of the United States, the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, in facilitating dialogue. We further underscore the central role of the African Union, in coordination with the United Nations, including the efforts of the Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy. Ensuring complementarity, coherence and streamlining of mediation tracks remains essential to advancing a unified and effective political process. External interference continues to fuel and prolong the conflict. The instruments of destruction we see in the Sudan — the drones, the weapons and the ammunition — are not produced within the Sudan. They are supplied and sustained by external actors whose actions have contributed directly to the continuation of violence. The Council must do its part to halt these flows, deter further external interference and ensure accountability for those who enable the continuation of the conflict. The suffering of the Sudan’s people is no longer hidden. It is visible; it is documented; and it is undeniable. The Sudanese people deserve protection. They deserve accountability. They deserve peace. The A3 remains committed to supporting all efforts towards these objectives.

I begin my statement by thanking the United Kingdom for convening this meeting and Under-Secretary- General DiCarlo and Director Wosornu for the valuable information that they shared with us regarding the situation in the Sudan. I also thank Director Al-Karib for her insights, and I welcome the Sudanese delegation, whose representative is here with us. Colombia is observing with great concern the continued deterioration of the political and humanitarian situation in the Sudan, which is now resulting in an increasingly severe food crisis, as we discussed just a few days ago (see S/PV.10103). Only decisive action can counteract the growing loss of life and the rapid deterioration of conditions for the civilian population. Today we are meeting again to continue to hear how the situation is worsening in areas such as El Fasher, Kordofan and Darfur. The outlook is devastating. In addition to the deterioration of food security, internal displacement continues to increase on a large scale. The combination of hunger, poor medical care and damage to infrastructure creates a scenario in which the lives of millions of people depend on an immediate, sustained and unhindered humanitarian response. The Security Council must therefore demand urgent measures to respect and ensure respect for international humanitarian law and the effective protection, safe passage and transit of civilians, as well as the cessation of attacks on personnel responsible for channelling humanitarian aid. Colombia is particularly concerned about the situation of women, girls, boys and adolescents. We are also disturbed by alarming reports from humanitarian agencies that more than 12 million people have been displaced — more than half of them women and girls — and that gender-based violence has intensified alarmingly, including systematic forms of sexual violence used as a tactic of war. Colombia condemns this situation and calls for humanitarian and political responses to integrate an intersectional gender approach that recognizes women in all their diversity and guarantees their full, equal, meaningful and safe participation in peace and reconstruction processes. Knowing the horrors of conflict and based on its experience in peacebuilding, Colombia understands that women’s participation paves the way for justice, reparation, non-repetition and reconciliation. Without claiming to be a perfect model for the rest of the world, we highlight the value of an inclusive peace built through dialogue. We therefore urge all members of the Council and those actors involved in the conflict to redouble efforts to find a path in that direction. It is not enough to describe the suffering; we must act to stop it. History reminds us that peace is possible when there is national will, with consistent and determined international support. Only a genuine, inclusive and sustained political process can forge a real path to de- escalation, the cessation of hostilities and lasting peace. In that spirit, we urgently call on the parties to immediately open spaces for understanding, facilitate unhindered humanitarian work and ensure the effective protection of civilians. The longer the search for a negotiated solution is delayed, the greater the human cost will be, and the more we will continue to witness, in this Chamber and beyond it, the deepening suffering of the Sudanese people and highly vulnerable communities.

Allow me to warmly welcome you, Madam President, in your capacity as President of the Security Council and as Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs of the United Kingdom. We thank you for your presence here today, which underscores the importance of the situation in the Sudan and sends a clear signal of the Council’s engagement at this critical juncture for the Sudanese people. I also thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo and Ms. Edem Wosornu of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs for their comprehensive briefings and the civil society representative, Hala Al-Karib, for her most powerful testimony. I also wish to express our full support for the United Kingdom’s efforts to advance a Security Council press statement for the Sudan. We believe that the Council should speak with one voice at this critical moment. Allow me to underline three key aspects. First, Greece strongly condemns the recent drone attack on World Food Programme (WFP)-contracted trucks in North Kordofan, which were delivering life- saving assistance to displaced families near El Obeid, resulting in a loss of life, injuries and the destruction of essential supplies. We are equally alarmed by the earlier strike near a WFP facility in Blue Nile State. We note with grave concern the very recent escalation of drone strikes, particularly as these attacks have resulted in civilian casualties, including children, compounding an already dire humanitarian situation. Attacks targeting humanitarian personnel and infrastructure are unacceptable and may constitute war crimes. All parties must ensure the safety of humanitarian workers, safeguard aid operations and guarantee rapid, safe and unhindered access across the country. We equally condemn in the strongest possible terms attacks against civilians, including through drone strikes, resulting in the killing and displacement of civilians and the destruction of civilian infrastructure. Perpetrators of atrocities against civilians in El Fasher must be held accountable. Secondly, the food security situation has reached catastrophic proportions. The expansion of famine-level conditions in additional localities, with acute malnutrition rates approaching 53 per cent in Umm Barru and 34 per cent in Kernoi, signals the dramatic proportions of the crisis. Famine has already been confirmed in Zamzam, El Fasher and Kadugli. In 2026, nearly 4.2 million children under 5 and pregnant or breastfeeding women are projected to suffer from acute malnutrition, including up to 800,000 children facing severe acute malnutrition — the deadliest form of hunger. With much of the health system having collapsed owing to conflict and insecurity, life-saving treatment remains out of reach for vast segments of the population. The international community must urgently increase humanitarian funding and strengthen diplomatic efforts to protect civilians and facilitate access. Without swift and coordinated action, the human toll, especially among children, will continue to rise. We acknowledge the Quad’s commitment, and we welcome the presence of the United States Senior Advisor for Africa, Mr. Boulos, in this meeting. We also take note of the quintet joint statement of 11 February and support its call for an immediate halt to further military escalation. We express our strong support for the efforts of the quintet to facilitate dialogue, advance a nationwide humanitarian truce and promote a credible pathway towards a sustainable and inclusive political solution in the Sudan. The intensification of hostilities, including the use of increasingly destructive methods of warfare, continues to exact a heavy toll on civilians, particularly in Kordofan and Blue Nile, as we have heard today. With Ramadan having started, we encourage renewed and coordinated efforts to secure a humanitarian truce in line with international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions, including resolution 2736 (2024), as an immediate step towards a broader de-escalation. Humanitarian relief, while essential, cannot substitute for a political solution. There is no military path to lasting peace. Greece remains firmly committed to the Sudan’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity and rejects the establishment of parallel governance structures in areas controlled by the Rapid Support Forces. A Sudanese-owned, comprehensive and inclusive political process remains the only viable path towards stability and recovery.

I would first like to welcome Secretary of State Cooper in presiding over this meeting, and thank Under-Secretary- General DiCarlo, Director-General Wosornu and Ms. Al-Karib for their briefings. The conflict in the Sudan has been raging for nearly three years, inflicting profound suffering on the nation and its people. The international community must not allow the conflict to continue to spread, nor can it accept further civilian casualties. China calls on the international community uphold the following five- point consensus to jointly seek a lasting and effective solution to the Sudanese conflict. First, we must uphold the consensus on achieving a ceasefire and ending hostilities as soon as possible. The international community should urge all parties to the conflict to prioritize the overall interests of the Sudan and the long-term well- being of its people, heed the strong calls from the region and the international community, and swiftly bring about a ceasefire and end hostilities. The tragedy in El Fasher remains a stark reminder; such incidents must never be repeated. External forces must stop providing military support, avoid fuelling the conflict and not seek to exploit the situation for their own ends. Secondly, we must uphold the consensus on alleviating the humanitarian crisis. China strongly condemns attacks on civilians, civilian infrastructure and United Nations personnel. All parties to the conflict should strictly comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law and provide special protection to vulnerable groups such as women and children. The Sudanese Government has maintained the opening of the Adré border crossing and implemented several measures to improve humanitarian access. The international community should assess these efforts in an objective and impartial manner and refrain from using humanitarian issues as tools for political pressure. The international community must increase its assistance, responsibly fulfil funding commitments and help the Sudan and neighbouring countries hosting large numbers of refugees to increase their humanitarian response capabilities. Thirdly, we must uphold the consensus on strengthening mediation efforts. The United Nations should play a leading role in mediation, while regional organizations such as the African Union, the League of Arab States and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development should strengthen coordination and build synergy so as to urge all parties to the conflict to return to dialogue and negotiations as soon as possible. Countries with direct influence over the parties should focus on bridging divides and fostering mutual trust and avoid turning the Sudan into an arena for geopolitical rivalry. All mediation processes must respect the Sudan’s concerns and ensure the effective participation of the country concerned. Fourthly, we must uphold the consensus with regard to a Sudanese-led process. The history of the Sudan’s political transition has shown that persistent external interference and the imposition of external solutions are ill-suited to local conditions and may even exacerbate tensions. Ultimately, the key to resolving the Sudan’s issues lies in the hands of the Sudanese people themselves. The Sudan peace initiative of Prime Minister Idris can serve as a foundation for inclusive dialogue. All parties should effectively uphold the Sudan’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity, support a Sudanese-led political transition process and oppose actions that could lead to national division, such as establishing a parallel governance structure. Fifthly, we must uphold the consensus on integrating development and security. President Xi Jinping has emphasized that security is the prerequisite for development, and development is the safeguard for security. Sustainable development is the lasting solution to addressing the root causes of conflict. China supports the Sudanese Government in seizing the opportunity presented by the relocation of the capital back to Khartoum to repair infrastructure, improve public services, facilitate the reception and resettlement of displaced persons, strengthen public security management and advance the rule of law, thereby continuously enhancing the well-being of the people. The international community should increase targeted investments in agriculture, industry, healthcare, education and infrastructure to assist the Sudan gradually resume national reconstruction and development. As Muslims around the world, including in the Sudan, observe Ramadan, a month which, in Islamic culture, symbolizes peace, tranquility and tolerance, we renew our call on all parties to the conflict to immediately cease hostilities and allow the Sudanese people to observe a peaceful and serene Ramadan. China stands ready to work with the international community to continue playing a constructive role in helping the Sudan achieve lasting stability, development and prosperity.

At the outset, I would like to thank you, Madam President, for presiding over our meeting again today. I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo; the Director of the Crisis Response Division of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Ms. Edem Wosornu; and Ms. Hala Al-Karib, for their briefings and the important information they have shared with the Council. For nearly three years now, war has been ravaging the Sudan, in an escalating cycle of violence and atrocities. So far, all the efforts to end it have failed. The result, as we have heard, is an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. In this context, I would like to emphasize three points. First, France reiterates its call for an immediate ceasefire throughout the Sudan. For nearly three years, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), backed by their allied militias, have been taking turns gaining the upper hand. And yet, must this be repeated again? It is unrealistic for either side to think that it can win by resorting to the use of arms. Sooner or later, the warring parties will have to cease hostilities and negotiate — the sooner the better. The prolongation of hostilities only exacerbates the suffering of the Sudanese people and increases the risk of the country’s partition. France condemns in the strongest terms the violations of international humanitarian law committed by the RSF during the capture of El Fasher in North Darfur, which may constitute war crimes or crimes against humanity. That is the thrust of the joint statement issued on 18 February, in which we condemn the atrocities committed against civilians, in particular women and children, as well as all violations of international humanitarian law. France, together with the United Kingdom and the United States, supports the imposition of sanctions on RSF generals whose responsibility for these crimes has been proven, pursuant to the sanctions regime for Darfur. Furthermore, France calls on all States to end support for the warring parties, which is prolonging the conflict. We reiterate the importance of compliance with the Darfur arms embargo. Secondly, we must respond to the humanitarian emergency, the magnitude of which has been reiterated by today’s briefers. France is working alongside Germany, the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union and the African Union to co-organize a donors conference on 15 April to finance the humanitarian response plan and provide assistance to the civilian population. France calls on the parties to the conflict to ensure safe and unhindered access for humanitarian assistance throughout the Sudan across borders and front lines. The passage of convoys through famine-stricken areas is a matter of particular urgency. The parties have an obligation to protect humanitarian personnel, in accordance with international law and resolutions 2730 (2024) and 2286 (2016). France condemns all violence against civilians perpetrated by the RSF, the SAF and their allied militias, including the extremely deadly drone strikes. The perpetrators of these crimes must be held accountable. The protection of civilians is an obligation incumbent on the parties under international humanitarian law and the Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect the Civilians of Sudan. In particular, we condemn the increase in conflict-related sexual violence. Thirdly, the Council must support the diplomatic initiatives under way. France commends the efforts of the United States and other members of the Quad for Sudan to reach a humanitarian truce in the country. We support the efforts of the quintet and in particular those undertaken by the African Union to restore peace to the country. In conclusion, a ceasefire must, in any event, be followed up by an inclusive intra-Sudanese dialogue that brings together all parties to the conflict and Sudanese civil society, in order to put the Sudan back on track towards a democratic and stable future. We support all regional and international efforts to facilitate such a dialogue.

I would like to thank Ms. DiCarlo, Ms. Wosornu and Ms. Al-Karib for their valuable contributions. Madam President, your leadership as Foreign Secretary has been instrumental in keeping the Sudan at the forefront of international attention. We deeply value the United Kingdom’s partnership and clear commitment to working closely with the United States and the broader international community to help bring this crisis to an end. It is an honour to be here in the Council Chamber with you and so many other members, including several partners and friends. As most of those present know, under President Trump and Secretary Rubio’s leadership and close direction, I am helping to spearhead United States efforts to achieve peace in the Sudan. Resolving the crisis in the Sudan is a deeply felt concern of President Trump’s and one that reflects our shared responsibility to the Sudanese people. Today the Sudan faces the biggest and gravest humanitarian catastrophe in the world. After more than 1,000 days of needless conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the toll is staggering. More than 12 million people have been displaced, making this the largest displacement crisis globally, with Egypt bearing the largest refugee burden, followed by Chad. More than 34 million people — or more than 72 per cent of the population of the Sudan — require humanitarian assistance of some sort. More than 21 million Sudanese are acutely food insecure, with famine conditions confirmed in parts of Darfur and South Kordofan and at risk of spreading further. Hospitals have been destroyed or looted, water systems have collapsed, and entire communities have been cut off from aid. The actions of the Sudan’s warring parties have made much of the country nearly uninhabitable for its own people. Every day of continued fighting costs more innocent lives. The Sudanese people wake up daily to violence, hunger and uncertainty. Entire cities have been reduced to rubble. Credible reports of mass killings, sexual violence, forced recruitment and the obstruction of humanitarian aid are all too common across the Sudan. We must be clear-eyed and balanced in our assessment: there are no good actors in this conflict. Both the RSF and the SAF have committed serious human rights violations and abuses. Both bear responsibility for prolonging this war, deepening the suffering of their own people and threatening to drag the broader region into conflict as well. In El Fasher and across Darfur, we have seen credible reports of atrocities committed by the RSF, including ethnically targeted violence and siege tactics that exacerbate famine conditions. At the same time, there have been documented air strikes and shelling by the SAF in densely populated areas, in addition to arbitrary detentions and restrictions on humanitarian access. Accountability must apply to all perpetrators, regardless of affiliation. We must also acknowledge the destabilizing role of entrenched Islamist networks that have sought to exploit this conflict. Elements associated with the former regime and Islamist political movements, including figures tied to the Muslim Brotherhood, have worked behind the scenes to regain influence within State institutions and armed structures. These networks have fuelled polarization, obstructed reform and, in some cases, facilitated external support and arms flows that prolong the fighting. Let me be clear: efforts by Islamist networks or any extremist political movement to manipulate this conflict, derail a civilian transition or reassert authoritarian control will not be tolerated by the United States. We will use the tools at our disposal, including sanctions and other measures, to hold accountable those who enable violence, undermine democratic governance or threaten regional stability. This morning, the United States announced sanctions on the RSF commanders for human rights violations, including ethnic killings, torture, starvation tactics and sexual violence. These individuals are now subject to assets freezes, arms embargoes and travel bans. We have also imposed visa restrictions on another commander implicated in gross violations of human rights. These actions follow previous measures targeting actors linked to abuses on all sides, including Islamist networks that have fuelled instability. Our message is consistent: those responsible for atrocities — whether aligned with the RSF, the SAF or any other armed factions — will face consequences. At the same time, as you said, Madam President, accountability alone will not end this war. There is also no military solution to this conflict. Continued fighting will only fracture the Sudan further and risk permanent State collapse — a grave threat to international peace and security. That is why we are working closely with partners in this room, including the United Kingdom, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, along with several others, to press for an immediate humanitarian truce without preconditions. Such a truce must guarantee sustained, unhindered humanitarian access across conflict lines and borders. It is for this reason that we worked closely with the Office of the Secretary-General, the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and other United Nations offices to establish a mechanism — a United Nations mechanism — to support implementation, coordination and supervision of the truce and humanitarian access commitments, so that agreements made on paper and obligations under international humanitarian law translate into assistance delivered on the ground. Just two weeks ago, together with allies and partners, we helped to mobilize $1.5 billion in new pledges to the Sudan Humanitarian Fund, including a substantial portion from the United States, bringing the total United States contribution to $2.5 billion since the beginning of this crisis. But funding alone is not enough if convoys are blocked, visas are denied and aid workers are targeted. The fighting must stop so that assistance can reach the tens of millions in need. Beyond an immediate humanitarian truce, we must recommit to a credible political process that can achieve a comprehensive political settlement and a transition to civilian rule. The Sudan’s future cannot be decided by generals; it must be shaped by civilians — the doctors, teachers, youth leaders, women’s groups and community representatives, who led the peaceful revolution and who continue to demand democratic governance. A sustainable solution requires a transition to a civilian-led Government that is inclusive, representative and accountable, while preserving and reforming core State institutions so that the country does not descend into institutional collapse. It requires five measures: restoring a strong constitutional framework; safeguarding national institutions from partisan capture; dismantling parallel patronage and malicious structures; preventing extremist domination of the State; and preparing for free and fair elections under international observation and ensuring that political competition takes place peacefully and transparently. The international community must align behind five complementary pillars of engagement. First, an immediate humanitarian truce must be achieved so as to facilitate the full, safe and unhindered flow of aid while also establishing conditions that can lead to a permanent ceasefire. Secondly, there must also be coordinated efforts to ensure sustained access for the delivery of humanitarian assistance and the protection of civilians across the Sudan, as the humanitarian crisis will persist well beyond the conflict. Thirdly, we need to pursue a phased approach to negotiating a permanent ceasefire and security arrangements that will achieve a permanent and durable resolution of the Sudan’s conflict and that complements efforts towards civilian dialogue and a transition. Fourthly, a structured political process that leads to a civilian-led transitional Government that preserves State institutions and ultimately leads to democratic elections, free from military or extremist domination. Fifthly, this political track must be accompanied by a robust reconstruction and recovery effort. The international community stands ready to contribute to rebuilding the Sudan’s infrastructure, to restoring essential services, to revitalizing the economy and to supporting institutional reform once there are a credible civilian framework and a durable cessation of hostilities. Also underpinning all of these pillars of engagement is the need for justice and accountability for atrocities and violations committed by all parties — another area that is critical for sustainable peace and that will require significant international attention and support. The Sudanese people have demonstrated extraordinary resilience and courage. They deserve peace. They deserve dignity, and they deserve a Government that answers to them, not to armed factions. The United States remains committed to working with all Council members to end this tragic conflict and to support a peaceful civilian future for the Sudan.

We are grateful to Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo and Director of the Crisis Response Division of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs Edem Wosornu for their reports. We listened carefully to the civil society representative, Ms. Hala Al-Karib. Her statement served as a reminder of the tragedies that have, in turn, been unfolding in El Geneina, El Fasher and other cities. There is a marked ethnic dimension to these tragedies. We really risk being confronted by the emergence of a conflict within the current conflict. We welcome the participation of the Permanent Representatives of the Sudan, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye in the meeting. The armed conflict in the Sudan is nearing a distressing three-year mark. The situation in the States of Kordofan is not easy. The armed forces are endeavouring to drive rebel forces out of major cities in the south of the country, including Kadugli and Dilling. On 18 February, for the first time after a three-month blockade by the Rapid Support Forces, United Nations humanitarian workers managed to deliver aid to the residents of those cities. With varying degrees of success, threats from the rebels in North Darfur are being curbed. At the same time, adversaries of the army have gained a foothold in this State, largely thanks to supplies in violation of the restrictions imposed by resolution 1591 (2005). Against the backdrop of countless atrocities being committed by the rebels against the civilian population and attempts by the armed forces to restore constitutional order, attempts are being made to blame both sides of the conflict for these acts of violence. The humanitarian situation in the Sudan is far from ideal. Much of the population needs assistance. Since the conflict began, more than 4 million people have left the country. Fewer than half of pre-conflict medical facilities are functioning, vaccination rates have plummeted among the population and outbreaks of infectious diseases are being recorded. Last year, little more than a third of the humanitarian response plan was covered. This year, it is being streamlined, entailing a proposal for individual country contributions to fund it. We point to the need for closer cooperation between humanitarian workers and the Government of the Sudan. At the same time, any difficulties that may arise in the course of interaction must be resolved by smooth, multilevel dialogue, as some humanitarian agencies represented in the country are doing, rather than raising them before the Council in an attempt to pin blame for the delays on somebody. We reject the manipulation of the issues of food security and the protection of civilians in the Sudan. It is important to focus on meeting the priority food needs of the population and to improve the efficiency of food distribution in cooperation with Khartoum. For our part, we continue to assist our friend the Sudan in tackling these issues. As a result, last year, we delivered 1.7 million tons of agricultural produce to the country, 90 per cent of which was wheat. We dispatch Russian Ministry of Emergency Situations aircraft with humanitarian cargo to the Sudan on a regular basis. The authorities are doing much to ensure that life is peaceful in those areas of the country under their control. Of further note is that, according to the International Organization for Migration, more than 3 million people have returned to the Sudan since the beginning of the conflict, including nearly 1.5 million to the States of Khartoum and Gezira. The Government’s plans for the phased return of Government institutions from Port Sudan to the capital are heartening. It is important to focus on helping the Sudanese as they clear the rubble and rebuild the damaged infrastructure in Khartoum. There are also enormous challenges in the field of demining. The Russian Federation consistently advocates for a prompt ceasefire and a transition to a political settlement of the conflict. We stand convinced that the sole viable path to peace is through broad, inclusive intra-Sudanese dialogue, which is not imposed from abroad and takes into account the interests of all significant, patriotically minded political and social forces in the country. Decisions regarding the future of the Sudan must be made by the Sudanese themselves, without external pressure or any ready-made solutions. Unfortunately, the prospects for finding a political solution to the conflict are merely illusive so far. However, we cannot say that the Sudanese themselves are not demonstrating their willingness to seek one. On the contrary, in December 2025, the country’s Government, led by Prime Minister Kamil Idris, presented a robust initiative for a comprehensive settlement. At the heart of this initiative is the road map, which was set out as early as at the beginning of 2025. This plan, regardless of one’s opinion about it, is the only proposal for a peaceful resolution of the internal conflict that has come from the Sudanese themselves. It has been duly appraised by African countries, which is reflected in the outcome document of the African Union Peace and Security Council dated 12 February, and it embodies the aspirations of the Sudanese people themselves for the restoration of stability and security. There is a need to closely study this initiative. We regularly hear certain Council members call for more vigorous action on the Sudan and talk about the need to promptly bring about a peaceful resolution. A possible step in this regard would be a transition to frank, mutually respectful and equitable dialogue with the current authorities and support for their aspirations for peace. There is a need to bear in mind that the current government remains the guarantor of the preservation of national State institutions, stability and security, and it is capable of ensuring the transition to civilian-led governance after the situation in the country has finally normalized. Attempts to create certain parallel governance structures stand in the way of these developments. It is encouraging that the Security Council has categorically spoken out against such steps. The goal of the Security Council here is to facilitate de-escalation and national reconciliation, not to deepen divisions. Russia stands ready to continue to constructively contribute to collective efforts to restore peace, stability and unity in the Sudan.

At the outset, I wish to express my thanks to Her Excellency Ms. Yvette Cooper, Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, for presiding over this meeting today. I would also like to welcome the Senior Advisor to the President of the United States on Arab and Middle Eastern Affairs and Senior Advisor for Africa, Mr. Massad Boulos. I welcome the participation of Their Excellencies, the Ambassadors in today’s meeting. We also thank all the briefers, to whom we listened carefully as they provided detailed information on the escalating challenges in the sisterly Republic of the Sudan. We share the grave concern of all regarding the continued violence and its repercussions on infrastructure and the lives of civilians, especially children and women, and the threats targeting relief supply routes, humanitarian convoys and medical facilities, in a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law. I wish to address the following points. Firstly, it pains us that the holy month of Ramadan starts while our brothers in the Sudan continue to face extremely harsh humanitarian conditions and challenges. In this context, we join the call of the Secretary-General urging all parties to de- escalate, immediately cease hostilities and put an end to the suffering of civilians. We affirm the necessity of enabling the Sudanese people to live in safety and dignity. In harmony with the lofty values embodied by this blessed month, we call upon all parties to engage in serious dialogue to establish the foundations for a political settlement in the country. This is an important and necessary step to reduce civilian casualties and enable the delivery of humanitarian assistance. Secondly, the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Sudan requires the international community, in particular the Security Council, to assume its responsibilities and take effective action to ensure the delivery of humanitarian aid promptly and without obstacles, in accordance with the framework of the Jeddah Declaration and relevant international resolutions and charters. We affirm the necessity of all parties complying with the protection of relief and humanitarian workers, in line with international humanitarian law. We commend the ongoing international efforts aimed at increasing the humanitarian response for the Sudan, including the donors’ conference held in Washington, D.C., and the donors’ conference scheduled to be held in Berlin in April. In this context, we stress the importance of maintaining and building upon this positive international momentum, particularly by fulfilling pledges made by donor countries and strengthening support for the Sudan Humanitarian Fund to ensure an effective and rapid response to the needs of the most affected groups in all parts of the Sudan, and to continue supporting communities hosting refugees in neighbouring countries. Thirdly, we affirm the steadfast position of the Kingdom of Bahrain, supporting everything that ensures the security and stability of the Sudan, contributes to building its institutions and achieves the aspirations of its people for stability and prosperity. From this standpoint, we appreciate the diligent efforts made by regional and international parties to end the conflict in the Sudan by bringing the viewpoints of the Sudanese parties closer together to reach a comprehensive and sustainable political solution. In this context, we have taken note of the statement issued by the Peace and Security Council of the African Union on 12 February, and we support its call for an immediate humanitarian truce leading to an immediate ceasefire, while emphasizing that the conflict cannot be resolved militarily. We also appreciate the outcomes of the fifth consultative meeting to coordinate peace efforts, hosted by the Arab Republic of Egypt on 14 January, to support the path of a political settlement in the Sudan. The Kingdom of Bahrain expresses its appreciation for the good offices undertaken by the Quad for the Sudan and for the role of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for Sudan and the Quintet mechanism. We affirm the importance of joint cooperation and coordination to ensure the consolidation of peace and security in the Sudan regionally and internationally. In conclusion, the Kingdom of Bahrain affirms the importance of preserving the institutions of the Sudanese State, facilities and infrastructure and of launching a comprehensive, Sudanese-led political process that leads to ending the conflict and laying the foundations for a peaceful political transition, through the formation of a civilian government, in a manner that preserves the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Sudan.

I thank Under Secretary-General DiCarlo, Director Wosornu and Ms. Al-Karib for their disheartening updates. Their briefings, like all the briefings we get on the situation in the Sudan, embody the tragic duality of that conflict: accounts so harrowing as to be unimaginable, yet so recurrent that they risk becoming normalized. Let me, therefore, also thank Foreign Secretary Cooper for her presence today and for bringing the voices of the women of the Sudan to the Security Council so that their plight is not normalized. As we heard today, the Sudan has become the site of the world’s largest humanitarian, hunger and displacement crisis. This is the result of unbearable international crimes and grave violations of international law, including of resolutions of the Council. The level of brutality should shock the conscience of the Council and all Member States into action. Allow me to raise three points. First, there is no military solution to this conflict. The war has reached a dynamic stalemate. However, for the Sudan’s civilians, this agony is anything but static, especially in Kordofan, the current epicentre of violence. We strongly condemn the continued assault of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in the region and call on the Sudanese Armed Forces, the RSF and their affiliated parties to halt the fighting. Denmark condemns in the strongest terms the systematic, deliberate and indiscriminate attacks on civilians and critical infrastructure, including health facilities, and the proliferation of drone attacks. Last week’s strikes on a mosque and primary schools in Kordofan are just some recent examples of the depravity of this violence. It is unbearable that, in 2026, one must restate that such attacks are prohibited and morally reprehensible. We call upon all parties to the conflict to refrain from using starvation as a weapon of war. This is driven by deliberate attacks on humanitarian workers and the unlawful obstruction of humanitarian access at scale. Against this backdrop, we thank Senior Advisor Boulos for leading the Quad’s efforts to achieve an immediate humanitarian truce, which is absolutely imperative and which, we hope, can be followed by a process that paves the way to a political solution. We encourage the warring parties to engage constructively with the Quad and welcome the establishment of the African Union-led Quintet to enhance the coordination of mediation efforts and to facilitate an inter-Sudanese political process. Secondly, as we heard from all the briefers today, women and girls continue to bear the brunt of this cruelty, often being subjected to widespread sexual and gender- based violence. These persistent attacks are nothing less than a damning indictment of the perpetrators but also of the Council and our mandate to protect the most vulnerable. We further recall that these acts may constitute war crimes or crimes against humanity. We call for full accountability for those crimes and call on all parties to cooperate with the International Criminal Court regarding the situation in Darfur, as mandated by the Council. Any political initiative or peace plan must integrate, from the outset, the specific needs and protection of women and children and ensure their full, meaningful and safe participation in shaping the Sudan’s future. Thirdly, the war is spilling across borders, forcing millions to flee and straining neighbouring host communities. External actors continue to finance, arm and resource the warring parties. They are complicit in this catastrophe. We call on all States to cease immediately all forms of support and to uphold their obligations under international law, including with regard to arms transfers, in line with the Council’s arms embargo on Darfur, which we believe should be extended to Kordofan and the entire Sudan. In the face of such blatant disregard for Council resolutions, we should be ready to use all the tools at our disposal, including additional restrictive measures against individuals and entities under an expanded sanctions regime established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005). We must also set out our demands to the warring parties clearly and forcefully in a resolution. In closing, the briefers today have sounded clear calls for action: the time for political courage is now, both from the parties and from the Council.

I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo, Director Edem Wosornu of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and Ms. Hala Al-Karib for their comprehensive briefings. We welcome the participation of the representatives of the Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and the European Union in the meeting today. As the briefers have highlighted, the situation in the Sudan continues to deteriorate at an alarming pace. The expansion of hostilities into the Kordofan region, following the catastrophe in El Fasher, reflects another dangerous escalation. Particularly concerning are the sieges of major population centres, the deliberate targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure, the use of increasingly sophisticated weaponry and the growing spillover across borders, including along the Sudan–South Sudan border. It is the civilian population of the Sudan that is paying the heaviest price for the conflict. Pakistan condemns, in the strongest terms, the atrocities committed by the Rapid Support Forces in Darfur, including in El Fasher and, earlier, in El Geneina, as well as the continued violence now unfolding in Kordofan. We reiterate that deliberate attacks against peacekeepers, United Nations personnel and humanitarian workers and facilities are unacceptable and may amount to war crimes. Those atrocities must end and those responsible must be held accountable. Pakistan’s position on the Sudan remains firmly anchored in the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We reaffirm our unwavering support for the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the Sudan. The preservation of a unified Sudan is essential not only for its people but also for the peace and stability of the Horn of Africa, the Sahel and the Red Sea region. At the same time, we stress that there is no military solution to the conflict; the only viable path forward lies in meaningful dialogue. We support the efforts and the peace plan presented by the transitional Sudanese Government. Interim Prime Minister Kamil Idris briefed the Council on that plan in December (see S/PV.10077). We also welcome the African Union Peace and Security Council’s communiqué of 12 February in that regard. Pakistan stresses the importance of coherence and complementarity among the various political processes. The efforts of the African Union, the United Nations — through the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General — the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the Quintet and other regional partners must be mutually reinforcing. The important engagement of the Quad should contribute to those broader objectives and help to secure a humanitarian truce that can evolve into a ceasefire and result in eventual stability and lasting peace in the Sudan. We call on all parties in the Sudan to demonstrate the requisite flexibility and sagacity to reach a peaceful and sustainable settlement that preserves the unity of the country and prioritizes the interests and well-being of the brotherly people of the Sudan. We stress that the Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect the Civilians of Sudan, signed by the parties, must be respected and that civilians must be protected. The humanitarian situation in the Sudan remains dire and a cause of serious concern. Humanitarian imperatives must also remain central to the Council’s work. Sustained, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to the affected areas of the country is essential. In that regard, coordination with the Sudanese Government is indispensable for effective, predictable and large-scale delivery. The recent delivery of aid by the United Nations in South Kordofan, with the assistance of the Government, is a welcome development. We call for an urgent scaling up of international funding for the humanitarian response, which remains severely underresourced despite the immense needs. We welcome the recent conference convened by the United States to secure funding for humanitarian assistance to the Sudan. The Sudanese people have suffered for far too long. The guns must fall silent, and a credible political horizon must be restored. The Security Council must discharge its responsibility by supporting a unified, sovereign and stable Sudan and by advancing a coordinated political process that leads to peace. Pakistan will continue to work with all partners towards that end.

At the outset, I would like to thank the United Kingdom for focusing this high-level meeting on the Sudan and Sudanese women. I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo, Director Edem Wosornu of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Ms. Hala Al-Karib for their briefings exposing the gravity of the situation. Let me clearly reaffirm that Latvia stands with the Sudanese people — robbed of their democratic transition and now trapped in a war they did not choose. This conflict is tearing apart the Sudan’s social fabric and deepening grievances that will long outlast the fighting. El Fasher has shown what this war has become: methodical cruelty. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has documented more than 6,000 people killed in just the first three days of the final offensive by the Rapid Support Forces on El Fasher in October 2025. The independent international fact- finding mission for the Sudan has confirmed that, while individual acts constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity, their cumulative effects may indicate the path to genocide. Now the same brutality is echoing in the Kordofan States. I would like to highlight three main messages from our side. First, we must protect civilians and let life-saving aid in. We call on the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces to cease hostilities immediately and comply fully with international humanitarian law. We are also deeply alarmed by the impact of growing drone warfare by both sides on civilians. United Nations reporting indicates that drone strikes in Greater Kordofan killed more than 90 civilians and injured 142 between late January and 6 February alone. This week, another 57 civilians have been killed. These attacks may amount to war crimes. In the face of the worst humanitarian crisis, we urge the parties to ensure safe, rapid and unimpeded humanitarian access. Aid must never be politicized or used as leverage. Aid is a lifeline, not a bargaining chip. Secondly, any peace plan must be built for a civilian future, not armed rule. It must be Sudanese-owned and lead to a civilian-led transition, with the full, equal and meaningful participation of women and youth. Respect for international human rights law is critical to that end, including protection of fundamental freedoms and due process. This civilian space must operate within one Sudan. Latvia rejects any attempt to impose parallel authorities or fragment the country by force. Thirdly, accountability must be real—including for conflict-related sexual violence. Again, United Nations reporting describes rape being used as a weapon of war in El Fasher: in one day alone, 25 October 2025, at least 25 women were reportedly gang-raped and a 14-year-old girl was abducted and gang-raped the day before. These are just two horrific examples, and we heard many more today. The International Criminal Court has also warned the Council that sexual violence, including rape, is being used as a weapon of war in Darfur. As Ms. Wosornu said, 12 million women and girls face a crisis within a crisis. And these are not just numbers, they are human beings like us. We are also deeply alarmed by reports that in Khartoum and Blue Nile States, two women have been sentenced to death by stoning. This is incompatible with international human rights law and goes against any norms of human dignity. We call on the Sudanese authorities to revise this decision immediately. To make accountability real, the United Nations country team’s capacity to monitor, document and report human rights violations, including conflict-related sexual violence, must be strengthened. Where criteria are met, perpetrators should face targeted listings, including under the sanctions regime established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005). A solution that pauses violence while entrenching coercion and impunity will not hold — as the Sudan’s own history has shown. External support continues to fuel this war, and both sides benefit from outside backing. The flow of arms, financing and other enabling assistance must stop. All States must comply with the relevant Council measures, including the arms embargo. We do commend the efforts of regional and international partners, particularly the United States, the Quad and the Quintet for a humanitarian truce, to advance talks and bring the parties to the table. Indeed, action by the Council is urgent to stop this violence; to protect Sudanese civilians, especially women and girls, from systemic and brutal abuse; and to ensure humanitarian access for starving populations, including children. Let us do just that, with a united voice in the Council.

We thank Under-Secretary- General Rosemary DiCarlo; Ms. Edem Wosornu, Director of the Crisis Response Division of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs; and Ms. Hala Al-Karib, Sudanese civil society representative; for their briefings. We welcome the participation of Her Excellency Ms. Yvette Cooper, Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs of the United Kingdom, and the fact that, under the United Kingdom presidency of the Security Council, the Sudan occupies a priority place on the agenda. We also acknowledge the presence of the Permanent Representative of the Sudan, who honours us with his participation. More than 1,000 days since the start of this war, Panama considers that this conflict cannot be analysed solely in terms of military advances or territorial control. What we observe is a systematic campaign of violence against the civilian population, characterized by the lack of protection for millions of people, the persistence of sexual violence as a weapon and tactic of war, the recruitment of boys and girls, and the deliberate use of hunger as a method of combat. When these patterns consolidate, they create conditions conducive to the commission of large-scale atrocity crimes. Regrettably, that is exactly what occurred in El Fasher. Specific incidents of such brutality have today been well described in tragic and very lucid terms by the Secretary of State from the United Kingdom in her commendable briefing. All of this is confirmed by the recent report issued by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the report published today by the independent international fact-finding mission for the Sudan. Testimonies from Kordofan, Darfur and other affected areas reveal a persistent pattern of conflict-related sexual violence, particularly against women and girls, employed to sow terror, force displacement and destroy the social fabric. These facts demand the immediate protection of women and their full, equal and meaningful participation in any political solution, as well as immediate access to comprehensive services for survivors. The critical escalation of the conflict is deeply alarming, characterized by the intensification of hostilities, the persistence of arms flows and external interference, all of which undermine de-escalation efforts. Panama condemns in the strongest terms the recurrent attacks against civilians, critical infrastructure, including health facilities, as well as against humanitarian assets, convoys and personnel, including recent attacks against the World Food Programme. These acts constitute grave violations of international humanitarian law. We reiterate that the parties must respect and protect humanitarian personnel and their property, in accordance with their international obligations and the relevant resolutions of the Council, and we emphasize that deliberate attacks against civilians constitute war crimes. Panama expresses alarm at the situation of children in the Sudan. According to recent United Nations data, nearly half of those in need of life-saving assistance are boys and girls, reflecting a collective failure to protect the most vulnerable. We recognize the recent delivery of supplies by a United Nations convoy to Dilling and Kadugli, which assisted more than 130,000 people. This type of access must be sustained and not exceptional. Humanitarian assistance must remain neutral, impartial and independent. The Council must act coherently and decisively, fully utilizing the tools at its disposal, including targeted sanctions, to ensure accountability. Panama echoes the statement made by the Secretary-General at the recent African Union summit, indicating that all parties must commit themselves to an immediate cessation of hostilities and resume talks towards a lasting ceasefire and an inclusive political process led by the Sudanese themselves. We express our support for the current mediation efforts led by the Quad and regional actors with a view to achieving a humanitarian truce. An immediate cessation of hostilities for humanitarian purposes is indispensable to stop the suffering of the population. Likewise, we urge all Member States to refrain from any form of external interference that fuels the conflict, to comply with their obligations under international law and to fully implement the relevant resolutions of the Council. After more than 1,000 days of conflict, the situation in the Sudan demands strategic coherence and political determination. The magnitude of the crisis shows that current conditions are neither sustainable nor acceptable. The Sudanese people urgently need effective protection, humanitarian access without obstacles and the establishment of dignified living conditions to achieve a viable political horizon.

I now give the floor to the representative of the Sudan.

I welcome the United Kingdom’s presidency of the Security Council for the current month of February. I express thanks to Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, Ms. Edem Wosornu, Director of the Crisis Response Division at the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Ms. Hala Al-Karib, Regional Director for the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa. I thank them for their comprehensive briefings, and I thank Ms. Al-Karib for her powerful briefing, which served as a voice for the women of the Sudan. The war of systematic aggression that regional and international powers are launching, employing political operatives in a political alliance with the Rapid Support Forces militia, has given the Sudan only one option: confronting the crushing existential danger that functions like a plague to dismantle the Sudanese State and eliminate the Sudanese Armed Forces using misleading and false narratives under the pretext of fighting the Muslim Brotherhood, whose long rule was overthrown by the December revolution in 2019. Truly, the Sudan is fighting a fierce war, which its armed forces confront with great support, with popular backing and the rallying of the population, and unique military steadfastness. The Government of the Sudan is now returning to Khartoum and connecting positively with the African Union, the United Nations and regional organizations; resuming its activity in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD); and communicating with the international community and the United States. It is keen to launch a comprehensive national dialogue for all political and societal forces and welcomes everyone who distances themselves from the alliance of the aggressors and joins our national ranks. The Sudan looks forward to stopping the war of aggression targeting our people, as well as the atrocities and unprecedented violations by the rebel militia against civilians, including ethnic genocide. The Government of the Sudan presented its vision to stop the war to the Council in December 2025, when the Prime Minister addressed it. The efforts of the Government of Hope continue in building and making peace based on national ownership and partnership with relevant sectors, civil society, women and youth. It has crystallized measures for confidence-building, recovery and national consent to achieve the Sudanese peace initiative, end the rebellion and establish a political settlement and sustainable peace to make the transition process successful, with the goal of holding elections and enabling the democratic choice of the Sudanese people. It is also working to contain the worsening effects of the armed conflict and the threat they represent to the unity of the State and the map for civil and societal peace. This is a track complementary to the political process, but it precedes it within the high-security arrangements during the post-war period. Truly, this orientation targets support for enabling the Government to address the root causes of conflicts that have prolonged their duration; consolidating a legal civil culture and peaceful coexistence; and establishing the principle of the rule of law and societal justice, considering it a framework for transitional justice. It aims as well at containing rebellious tendencies; stopping the cycle of violence and hate speech; and involving societal actors, including leaders of native, religious and Sufi administrations, academics, women and youth in the project of making and building peace, based on resolution 2736 (2024). In addition, it involves voluntary return policies; efforts for rebuilding and reconstruction; and building a Sudanese national identity reconciled with the facts of cultural and linguistic pluralism. It seeks as well to enhance the flow of humanitarian aid according to measures and legal procedures determined by the Government of the Sudan; attract support for the plan for the protection of civilians; and oppose endeavours aimed at establishing a parallel administration and a separate government in areas subject to the control of the militia, with complicity from some neighbouring countries, while restricting its space with each successive day, supporting the shift from relief to recovery and reconstruction. As for the position of the United States, truly it has evolved significantly compared to the positions of the rest of the mediators and has increased in importance, following the pledges of President Donald Trump after his meeting with His Royal Highness Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud of Saudi Arabia to stop the war following the atrocities and ethnic genocide committed by the Rapid Support Forces militia. The Sudan supports the American-Saudi-Egyptian engagement, which seeks to put an end to the war after the clear commitment issued by President Trump and the repeated statements of the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Marco Rubio, regarding pressure on the militia and its regional sponsors to stop shipments and flows of weapons. With respect to the United States legislative level, we have followed the issuance of frequent condemnations from the Senate and the House of Representatives and from prominent members regarding those atrocities, criminalizing them, demanding that those responsible be held accountable and designating the militia as a terrorist organization, along with open accusations against the United Arab Emirates of supplying the militia with weapons and war materiel. We value in this regard the statements of Secretary of State Rubio on 12 November 2025, in which he condemned the Rapid Support Forces militia with unambiguous clarity, denying the narrative of the militia that the transgressions and atrocities it commits are performed by rogue elements, and confirming the systematic behaviour of the militia and his position with a call by Congress to designate the militia as a terrorist organization, if that will contribute to putting an end to the war. Therefore, we value the Saudi-American-Egyptian initiative, with a view to ensuring its success, and we value and follow the efforts of Mr. Massad Boulos, who has remained in contact with the high-level leadership in the country. We demand that practical steps be taken, to which Secretary Rubio referred, relating to cutting the flow and influx of weapons and the support obtained by the Rapid Support Forces militia, and his statement on considering the possibility its designation as a terrorist organization, if that will lead to putting an end to the war. The channels of the Sudan and its high-level leadership will remain open at the highest levels regarding the repercussions and details of the Saudi-American- Egyptian initiative, with the aim of stopping external military intervention and ensuring continuity in the delivery of humanitarian relief, which the Sudan does not obstruct. We have provided clarifications to the Council before regarding the cross- border corridors, crossing points and airports facilitated by the Government of the Sudan, and we have received commendation in that regard from Mr. Tom Fletcher. We support humanitarian relief without impediments and in line with the protection of civilians from the bullying of the militia, and we undertake and seek to respect international humanitarian law and international law. We hope that the United States will employ its influence within the current narrative of engagement with the Sudanese conflict through effective mediation that strengthens its results, putting an end to the war and repositioning Sudanese-American relations in a new strategic partnership, which is counted as an achievement for President Trump, who gives this matter utmost importance. The Sudan remains keen on constructive communication with the United States for the sake of peace, and we demand that pressure be applied on the regional sponsor until it stops supplying the militia with war materiel. Ending external military intervention precedes any other step, for it is the key to stopping the war, and it enhances the protection of civilians. We also thank Mr. Massad Boulos, Senior Advisor to President Trump for African, Arab and Middle Eastern Affairs, for his endeavours, his positive engagement with the Sudanese leadership and his efforts to achieve peace and put an end to the war of aggression in the Sudan, as well as the humanitarian donor event for the Sudan hosted by Washington, D.C., on Tuesday, 3 February. We thank the United States for its pledge of a contribution of $200 million in support of the Sudan’s 2026 humanitarian needs and response plan. We also thank the States that have continued to support humanitarian work and the relief effort in the Sudan through bilateral or multilateral contributions. We thank the United Kingdom for its comprehensive statement today and its support for the women of the Sudan, especially its contribution and commitment to end the war. We commend the positive engagement adopted since Ms. Cooper assumed her position in September 2025 and we are grateful for the contribution of more than £146 million with new funding for the victims of sexual violence through the Sudan Humanitarian Fund. Turning to the food situation, since 2022, when the last field survey based on scientific data collection and analysis was conducted, reports issued during the war of aggression have contained assumptions that lack scientific accuracy, given the difficulty of obtaining information from the affected populations across the various states of the Sudan that are under siege by the Rapid Support Forces. Sudanese civilians are not dying from famine in the strict sense. Rather, they are dying owing to the militia’s intransigence, as it kills them in cold blood, employing systemic starvation and siege, as was stated in the recently issued Human Rights Council report, which noted that the systemic use of starvation and siege is the main cause of civilian deaths. This is a flagrant violation of resolution 2417 (2018) and of article 54 of Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Conventions. States neighbouring the Sudan that are aligned with the militia and their main sponsors support this criminality in their pursuit of a political agenda aimed at displacing civilians and transferring nomadic groups and perpetrators from the Sahel States to replace them. The Sudan’s capabilities and resources have enabled it to maintain food production during the war. This is confirmed by humanitarian organizations operating in the Sudan, which procured the largest proportion of food crops purchased in the region from the Sudan, including maize, according to the testimony of the World Food Programme in its meeting with Member States at the end of last year. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification has published new periodic reports based on previous data and unsubstantiated projections, without the agreement of the Ministry of Agriculture, and this has undermined their technical character. We have also tried to open corridors and border crossings during the war, such as the Adré crossing, and the Government has worked to increase emergency funding for food, health and water programmes, while expanding the coverage of programmes for the treatment of acute malnutrition among children and women through partnerships with friendly States and international organizations. We have also delivered food rations through airdrops and through popular community efforts in host local communities, which include the takaya system of community kitchens, such as in the city of Al Dabbah in Northern State. We have also strengthened cash transfer programmes in safe areas and supported remittances from Sudanese people living abroad, and we have promoted investment in restoring supply chains and local markets. The ultimate solution lies in ending the war and protecting civilians. This cannot be achieved without bringing pressure to bear on the militia’s regional sponsors to stop them providing weapons in order to put an end to attacks and assaults against civilians and civilian infrastructure. We welcome the efforts of the Secretary-General via his Personal Envoy, Mr. Lamamra, and his good offices to support efforts to resolve disputes, promote reconciliation, build confidence among the parties, facilitate negotiations and reach a humanitarian ceasefire. We also welcome the coordination of the initiatives for the resolution of the conflict, implementation of the Jeddah Declaration and the informal technical dialogues, in which the Sudan accepted the humanitarian truces requested by the Secretary-General. However, they were rejected by the militia. Cooperation with the Secretary-General’s efforts continues. We have coordinated with them and with those of the United States, while upholding international law and international humanitarian law. We are also enhancing the protection of civilians. We hope that the national plan for the protection of civilians that was submitted to the Council on 23 January will be taken into consideration. We need to follow up on the humanitarian concerns that have intensified after the militia’s occupation of the city of El Fasher. We look forward to the implementation of resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the arms embargo on Darfur because regional sponsors have continued to smuggle weapons to the militia, targeting the Sudan’s territorial integrity and sovereignty, seeking to dismantle the State to make it a prize for nomads, criminals and foreign mercenaries. The United Nations sanctions must be imposed. The Sudan will reject any expansion of the scope of resolution 1591 (2005) imposing any arms embargo on the Sudanese Armed Forces. We believe this would amount to support for the militia, which obtain arms from all corners of the Sudan’s borders. Shortcomings can be addressed by revitalizing the Jeddah Declaration, which contains commitments that can be built upon. We stress that the Government of the Sudan cooperates and coordinates constructively with human rights mechanisms, especially through the most recent visit by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, His Excellency Mr. Volker Türk, during which there were meetings with more than 140 victims, whose testimonies regarding events in Darfur confirmed the occurrence of mass killings and summary executions, including of noncombatant civilians, prisoners and those leaving the city seeking refuge. The testimonies also bore witness to rape and sexual violence, torture, harsh treatment, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, abduction of civilians for ransom, attacks on medical centres, mass killings at the University of El Fasher and the targeting of victims on the basis of ethnic and racial identity, real or imagined. We will cooperate fully with all efforts to end the war as well as with independent legal investigative mechanisms, such as the International Criminal Court. Therefore, we call upon the Council and the international community to take concrete measures, impose United Nations sanctions on the militia and its leadership, activate international legal jurisdictions in order to hold accountable violators and bloodshedders and reject external interference from neighbouring countries and regional sponsors of the militia. This interference prolongs the war and the suffering, worsens the humanitarian crisis and exacerbates the use of starvation as a tool of war. It also encourages the militia and the regional sponsors of foreign mercenaries to enlarge the scope of the war in Kordofan. We have to persuade the regional sponsor to cease supplying the rebel militia with weapons and advanced drones. We have to stop the recruitment of foreign mercenaries from any country. We need to take punitive action against perpetrators of genocide. We have to support the voluntary return of refugees and internally displaced persons. We should support the Sudan’s peace initiative, which calls for the protection of civilians, and designate the militia as a terrorist group, based on the genocide committed in El Fasher. We must condemn the parties that continue to introduce weapons, supplies and drones and deploy mercenaries and foreign fighters, despite claiming support for a political solution, which contributes to prolonging the aggression.

I now give the floor to the representative of Saudi Arabia.

At the outset, I would like to welcome Her Excellency the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom, and I would also like to welcome Mr. Massad Boulos, the adviser to the United States President. We would also like to thank the United Kingdom for including the issue of the Sudan at this critical juncture on the agenda of this high- level meeting. We thank the briefers, led by Ms. DiCarlo, the Under-Secretary- General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, for their detailed insights that highlighted the political and humanitarian challenges in the Sudan. The situation in the Sudan requires all of us to work in a spirit of cooperation and solidarity to end the crisis. The Sudanese people face many unbearable challenges, including tragic lawlessness and food insecurity and shortages of the most basic needs for daily life. There is no doubt that these serious humanitarian consequences are a direct result of attacks against the unity of the Sudan and the integrity of its State institutions, leading to a conflict and lawlessness that have expanded throughout the country, despite the promises in the Jeddah Declaration and Security Council resolutions, including resolutions 2730 (2024), 2286 (2016) and 2791 (2025). These resolutions are clear, indisputable and not open to misinterpretation. My country condemns in the strongest terms the criminal drone attacks by the Rapid Support Forces against the Al-Kuweik military hospital, World Food Programme activities and a bus carrying civilian passengers, resulting in the killing of dozens of defenceless civilians, including women and children, as well as the targeting of humanitarian convoys in both North and South Kordofan. These heinous acts cannot be justified in any way. We therefore call on everyone to abide by their moral and humanitarian obligations to secure humanitarian access, as per international law and international humanitarian law. My country has made relentless efforts since the beginning of the crisis to stop the war and establish peace in the Sudan through the Jeddah negotiations and its continuous efforts to work with brotherly and friendly countries, including the United States. In this context, we welcome the efforts of the United States Administration and its Envoy, Massad Boulos, to end the conflict, and we appreciate the efforts led by the United States to reach a humanitarian truce and a comprehensive solution to the crisis in the Sudan. There is no doubt that facilitating access for humanitarian aid is one of the Kingdom’s main priorities. In this context, we appreciate the efforts of the Sudanese Government in opening the Adré crossing, and we emphasize the importance of the provision of aid for all those in need, without hindrance, in all regions, in compliance with the principles of international humanitarian law and consistent with the Jeddah Declaration of 11 May 2023 and the relevant Security Council resolutions. The Quad mechanism remains an element of supporting a purely Sudanese political process to create the appropriate conditions for reaching a sustainable solution, and we note the role of regional organizations, including the African Union, the League of Arab States and the Personal Envoy of the Secretary- General, Mr. Ramtane Lamamra. All these roles remain essential to addressing this crisis. Since the crisis began, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, based on its humanitarian responsibility, has taken the initiative to carry out evacuations that have helped to evacuate Saudi nationals and those of brotherly and friendly countries since the outbreak of the crisis. The number of evacuees reached 8,455 people from 110 countries — a clear embodiment of the Kingdom’s commitment to humanitarian principles and international solidarity. The Kingdom has also provided humanitarian aid worth $100 million through the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Centre, bringing the total amount provided by the Kingdom up to 6 April 2025 to more than $140 million. The total assistance provided to the Sudan documented by the Saudi aid platform from various donors amounted to approximately $3.1 billion, reflecting the Kingdom’s unwavering commitment to supporting the Sudan and its brotherly people. In conclusion, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia renews its support for all efforts aimed at reaching a permanent ceasefire and launching a comprehensive political process led by the Sudanese, without prescriptions, in a manner that preserves State institutions, enhances security and stability and enables the Sudan to overcome this difficult phase and aspire towards a future of peace, stability and prosperity.

I now give the floor to the representative of Egypt.

I would like to convey through you, Mr. President, our appreciation to Ms. Yvette Cooper, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom, for presiding over the first part of this meeting. We also welcome the presence of Mr. Massad Boulos, Special Advisor to President Donald Trump for Arab and African Affairs. We thank Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under- Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs; Ms. Hala Al-Karib; and Ms. Edem Wosornu, Director of the Crisis Response Division of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. The war in the Sudan is entering its third year, as the suffering of the brotherly Sudanese people continues to deepen. What we heard in today’s briefings is a sad and horrific embodiment of this suffering. Regarding this suffering, the Security Council must be aware of its responsibility to hold those involved accountable in the atrocities. Egypt’s firm commitment to achieving peace and stability in the Sudan has been deepened and embodied in several milestones, the most recent of which was the hosting of the fifth consultative meeting on strengthening initiatives and peace efforts in the Sudan on 14 January. Moreover, Egypt continues its efforts to facilitate the entry of humanitarian assistant to support those affected by the conflict in the Sudan and to receive hundreds of thousands of Sudanese brothers in their second homeland, Egypt, as guests among their brothers in Egypt. Egypt is also seeking, through its participation in several tracks related to the Sudan, including the Quad mechanism that brings together the United States, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, to reach a comprehensive humanitarian truce that would lead to a lasting ceasefire throughout the Sudan and the establishment of safe humanitarian sanctuaries and corridors to provide security and ensure protection for civilians. In this regard, the Quad members are currently consulting with each other, in coordination with the United Nations, to agree on the parameters and details of a humanitarian truce agreement. We hope that, once a common vision is reached thereon, that the Sudanese will move forward in implementing that truce, thereby helping to alleviate the suffering of the Sudanese people. We emphasize the importance of the role played by the United Nations in supporting the achievement and implementation of the humanitarian truce through intensive humanitarian operations focused on the areas most affected by human suffering in North Darfur and North Kordofan. In this vein, I would like to refer to the visit of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to the Sudan in January, which helped to highlight the gravity of the violations committed by the Rapid Support Forces militias and the unprecedented deterioration of the humanitarian situation in the Darfur region, in particular in the city of El Fasher and the Kordofan region. This was evident during the High Commissioner’s visit to the camp for internally displaced persons from El Fasher in the northern State, his hearing testimonies about the militias’ practices of sexual violence and his confirmation that the use of sexual violence by the militias was considered a weapon and a war crime. In this regard, Egypt welcomes the ongoing cooperation between the Government of the Sudan and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, which reflects the commitment of the Government of the Sudan to cooperating seriously with the Human Rights Council and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Amid the violations, tragedies and crimes that we have heard described in terrifying terms as to their extent and magnitude, news agencies and documented reports convey that one of the Sudan’s immediate neighbours has set up camps to train militia members, facilitate their entry and armament and enable them to open a new front of the war in eastern Sudan — an area that hosts thousands or even tens of thousands of displaced persons fleeing the scourge of war in the west of the country. This allowed the militia to continue its brutal campaign against humanity; against a peaceful and unarmed Sudanese people; and against girls, women and children, as though the crimes and atrocities it had committed had not satisfied its savage instinct to target Sudanese civilians. Accordingly, the Egyptian presidential statement issued on 18 December 2025 reaffirmed Egypt’s long-standing principled position on the Sudanese crisis and the red lines that Egypt has established. Egypt will not allow those lines to be crossed, including preserving the Sudan’s unity and territorial integrity, preventing any tampering with its resources and preventing the secession of any part of the Sudan’s territory. Egypt also categorically rejects the establishment of any parallel entities, or the recognition thereof, in any form, as this would constitute a threat to the Sudan’s unity and territorial integrity. We also emphasize the need to preserve the Sudan’s State institutions, without prejudice. In conclusion, I would like to reiterate Egypt’s full and unwavering support for the brotherly Sudan and its national institutions. We are ready to undertake any effort to restore the stability of this brotherly country, enabling it to emerge from this crisis strong and resilient.

I now give the floor to the representative of Türkiye.

I am also grateful to Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo, Director Wosornu and Ms. Al-Karib for their comprehensive briefings. Türkiye is gravely concerned regarding the ongoing conflict and the dire humanitarian situation in the Sudan. I would like to reaffirm our full support for the Sudan’s unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity, which we consider very important for the stability of the Sudan and the whole region. The continued presence of our Embassy in Port Sudan, at the ambassadorial level, is a clear testament to our determination to stand with the Sudan. The recent attack by the Rapid Support Forces militia against a civilian vehicle, which resulted in the loss of many lives, is a dire consequence of the ongoing conflict. We also note with grave concern the negative impact of foreign interference in the Sudan and its implications for the continuation of the conflict, as well as the potential spillover risks it creates in the wider region. Türkiye is of the opinion that the most effective way to end the conflict is dialogue and diplomacy. To this end, we support regional and international efforts aimed at resolving this conflict. However, we believe that this outcome cannot be achieved if the dialogue is not owned and led by the Sudanese people. His Excellency Prime Minister Kamil El-Tayeb Idris’ announcement of the Sudan peace initiative in December 2025, here in this Chamber (see S/PV.10077), was an important step. We believe that it should be supported by the international community. The efforts of international partners should become an inclusive peace process that will enable a permanent ceasefire, followed by a comprehensive political process and accountability. In these difficult times, Türkiye continues to provide humanitarian aid to ease the suffering of the Sudanese people and will continue to do so. We believe that the establishment of stability is intrinsically linked to the normalization of the country and daily life. In this regard, Turkish authorities and companies continue to maintain their presence and enhance their activities in the Sudan. Türkiye calls on the Security Council to prioritize the humanitarian tragedy in the Sudan and focus on the facilitation of Sudanese-owned and Sudanese-led dialogues. We further urge Council members to work constructively to adopt a resolution that will take into account the essential concerns of the Sudanese authorities to swiftly end the conflict and alleviate the suffering of the Sudanese people as soon as possible.

I now give the floor to the representative of the United Arab Emirates.

I commend Foreign Secretary Cooper for presiding over this meeting and for placing the protection of civilians, and particularly women and girls, at the centre of today’s discussion. I thank Under- Secretary-General DiCarlo and Director Wosornu for their insightful briefings, as well as Ms. Al-Karib for her valuable insights. While I regret that Ms. Al-Karib repeated unfounded allegations against my country, which we categorically reject, there is much in her statement that we agree with. It is vital that the voices of independent Sudanese civilians, and particularly those of women and youth, be at the centre of everything the Council does related to the Sudan. For nearly three years, the Sudanese people have endured a devastating conflict, grave violations of international law and unimaginable human suffering. The United Arab Emirates condemns all violations of international law by the warring parties, including the deliberate targeting of civilians and the use of starvation and sexual violence as weapons of war. We also strongly condemn attacks on humanitarian workers, including the recent targeting of a World Food Programme convoy in North Kordofan. Such violations must immediately end, and the perpetrators must be held accountable. Those who have endured such horrors must have access to the necessary care, including healthcare services and psychosocial support. It is now the third consecutive Ramadan that the Sudanese people have been forced to endure under bombardment, the third consecutive Ramadan during which calls for a ceasefire are ignored by the warring parties, who fight on with blatant disregard for the suffering of the Sudanese people, despite the international community’s outcry. While hostilities continue to rage across the Sudan, escalatory rhetoric from the warring parties fuels ever more division, hate and extremism. Their wartime narratives sustain the illusion of a military solution, when in reality there is none. Only a political process can secure sustainable peace for the Sudan. The United Arab Emirates therefore supports the comprehensive peace plan for Sudan announced by the United States, which offers the best pathway towards a political transition to a civilian-led Government. We commend President Trump’s leadership in working to prevent the Sudan from sliding further into extremism, fragmentation and an even deeper humanitarian catastrophe. The fastest way to achieve this is by securing an immediate, unconditional humanitarian truce and ensuring urgent, rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access throughout the Sudan. The United Arab Emirates reaffirms its commitment to working through the Quad to achieve such a truce, under United States leadership. The future of the Sudan must not be shaped through violence, nor dictated by its warring parties. It can only be realized through a permanent ceasefire and a credible political process leading to a civilian Government that is fully independent of the warring parties and extremist groups, including the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates. We urge the warring parties to heed the calls of the international community and engage seriously and in good faith in a political process, thereby choosing dialogue over destruction and placing the interests of the Sudanese people over all other considerations. This moment demands courage, not on the battlefield but at the negotiating table.

I now give the floor to Mrs. Samson. Mrs. Samson: I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting today and for this opportunity to address the Council on behalf of the European Union (EU) High Representative Kaja Kallas on the war in the Sudan. I thank the briefers for their presentations. The EU remains very concerned about the humanitarian situation in the Sudan. Responding to this man-made humanitarian crisis, the largest in the world, remains a priority for us. We express grave concern over the continued deadly unlawful attacks on civilians, particularly women and children, civilian infrastructure and humanitarian operations, and we urgently repeat our call to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and their allied militias to immediately cease hostilities and respect their obligations under international humanitarian law. Civilians, including local and international humanitarian personnel, must be protected at all times, particularly women and girls, who remain at risk of sexual and gender-based violence, as many speakers expressed today in this Chamber. The EU underlines the importance of respecting the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Sudan. The war in the Sudan poses a serious threat to stability and security across the region, which it is in our shared interest to preserve. The EU welcomes the efforts of the United States and the Quad for the Sudan and its efforts towards establishing a humanitarian truce — a broadly shared objective in this Chamber. But more work will need to be done once that goal is reached in order to prepare for the day after. We as the EU stand ready and are actively engaged on the Sudan as well. Let me mention four of those efforts. First, the EU is a member of the quintet. This group comprises the African Union (AU), the EU, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the League of Arab States and the United Nations. Jointly, the quintet has launched a platform for dialogue among the Sudanese civilian political groups, aiming at their unification and the civilian transition. Consultations with all relevant political and civilian blocs are ongoing in the region as we speak. Secondly, the EU has been working for several months on a technical de- escalation track dedicated to the protection of critical civilian infrastructure. Discussions on this initiative with both the SAF and the RSF continue. Our objective is clear: to generate small confidence-building levers that support broader political efforts, such as the one from the Quad. Thirdly, we see today’s meeting as a key stepping stone to the ministerial conference on the Sudan in Berlin on 15 April, which Germany will co-host with the AU, the EU, France, the United Kingdom and the United States. The conference will be another occasion for the international community to join forces and draw attention to the Sudan. And lastly, the EU is a major humanitarian donor. In 2025, the EU allocated €273 million to the humanitarian response to the Sudan crisis, including more than €161 million to the Sudan alone. In April 2025, the EU and its member States pledged a total of €522 million in humanitarian, peace and development funding for 2025. The EU attaches the greatest relevance to coordination with all partners and stakeholders on resolving the crisis in the Sudan. We stand ready to contribute to any efforts geared towards peace, and we believe in the greater role that the Council can play, including preliminary discussions on how a potential truce can be supported by resolution 2719 (2023).