S/PV.10110 Security Council

I would like to welcome the Deputy Prime Ministers, Ministers and other high-level representatives present in the Security Council Chamber. Their presence today underscores the importance of the subject matter under discussion. In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Austria, Cyprus, Czechia, Estonia, Georgia, Germany, Lithuania, Poland, Spain, Sweden and Ukraine to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I also invite His Excellency Mr. Stavros Lambrinidis, Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I now give the floor to Ms. DiCarlo. Ms. DiCarlo: Secretary-General Guterres was unfortunately unable to be in New York today, but I will deliver his statement. Four years after the Russian Federation launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the war remains a stain on our collective conscience. Day after day, year after year, we have witnessed the cascading consequences of this blatant violation of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations: shattered lives, devastated communities and deepened regional and global instability. The human toll is catastrophic. Despite unprecedented diplomatic efforts, last year was the deadliest for Ukrainian civilians since 2022. More than 15,000 civilians have been killed in Ukraine since the start of the invasion, and more than 41,000 injured. Millions have been forced to flee from their homes. Millions more require life-saving assistance. Human rights violations are rampant. The plight of Ukrainian children is particularly dire. More than 3,200 children have been killed or injured. More than one third of Ukrainian children remain displaced, and an estimated 2.2 million require humanitarian assistance. An entire generation has lost years of education, as schools have come under fire. This winter, the Russian Federation intensified strikes against Ukraine’s civilian energy infrastructure. Large-scale attacks have killed and injured scores of civilians and deprived millions of electricity, heating and water for prolonged periods, including in the capital, Kyiv. In sub-zero temperatures, strikes on electricity, heating and water systems turn access to basic services into a matter of life and death. Civilians in the Russian Federation are also increasingly affected by reported Ukrainian strikes. International humanitarian law is unequivocal: attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure are strictly prohibited. I condemn all such attacks, no matter where they occur. I urge both sides to implement an immediate moratorium on all such attacks. The ongoing fighting also poses direct risks to the safe and secure operations of Ukraine’s nuclear sites. This unconscionable game of nuclear roulette must cease immediately. I commend the International Atomic Energy Agency and its teams for their critical efforts on the ground, despite the serious dangers involved. Even as the fighting rages, the United Nations is working closely with the Government of Ukraine to repair damaged infrastructure, keep people warm and sustain critical services. Despite limited access and the deteriorating security situation, we are also working with local partners to deliver food, water, medical supplies and other humanitarian aid, including to those in front-line communities, and I urge Member States to fully fund the humanitarian response. Throughout the war, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has reported widespread human rights violations — torture, sexual violence and even executions of prisoners of war and civilian detainees. These acts have gone with virtually no accountability. I welcome ongoing prisoner exchanges and urge that all prisoners of war and detainees be treated humanely and released in accordance with international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Any Ukrainian children deported or forcibly transferred to the Russian Federation and occupied areas of Ukraine must be returned home to their families without delay. I commend efforts to facilitate such returns and family reunifications. We will continue to work closely with all relevant actors to ensure that this happens in a safe, swift and verifiable manner. I urge the sides to continue to work constructively to address these concerns as a matter of priority. A year ago, the Council adopted resolution 2774 (2025), imploring a swift end to the conflict and urging a lasting peace between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. I commend the ongoing diplomatic efforts by the United States of America and others to end the war. We need concrete measures to de-escalate the fighting without delay and to create the space for diplomacy. The longer this war continues, the greater the suffering, and the greater the risks for regional and international peace and security. As complex as the path may be, our collective obligation is clear: use every diplomatic tool to end this war. United Nations expertise is readily available to support the ongoing peace efforts. Our tools are at the disposal of the parties and mediators. The parameters of peace in Ukraine are not a mystery. It must be in accordance with international law, including the United Nations Charter and the relevant United Nations resolutions, and it must uphold the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine, within its internationally recognized borders. Enough with the death, enough with the destruction, enough with the broken lives and shattered futures. It is time for an immediate, full and unconditional ceasefire — the first step towards a just peace that saves lives and ends the endless suffering.

I thank Ms. DiCarlo for her briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Minister of State for Europe, North America and Overseas Territories of the United Kingdom. As we mark this grim anniversary, I want to reflect on three personal encounters that I have had with Ukrainians from all walks of life. They show what Russia’s illegal and unprovoked war is doing to civilians, to vital infrastructure and, fundamentally, to the rules that we are all here to uphold — the very Charter of the United Nations. First, a year ago, I visited Bucha, and there I met a priest, who told me of shocking atrocities carried out by the Russians. He recalled how he dug graves for members of his own congregation after the massacre and swapped his robes for civilian clothes after a fellow priest was killed. That conversation stays with me because it shows how Russia wages this war. And today, notwithstanding the false claims by the Russian representative in the General Assembly, its forces continue to strike Ukrainian civilians and communities with missiles and drones, killing and destroying. I should add that the same disregard for civilian lives is not just evident in Ukraine, but it is also evident in the killing of Alexei Navalny, which we are confident was the result of lethal poisoning. Secondly, in September, I met children who had been forcibly taken from occupied Ukrainian territory by Russian forces. They told me how they were separated from their families, with new identities imposed upon them. I have a picture in my office, painted by a Ukrainian child, who had escaped Russia and is now undergoing therapy to deal with the ordeal that they endured. Russia is doing this to tens of thousands of children, using them as tools of war. I have to ask the Russian representative: is there no shame? This must end. Thirdly, last month, I spoke to schoolchildren in Kyiv via video link from a school in East London. They told me how happy they were that day to be learning in their classroom, like all children should be able to, because regular power cuts kept disrupting their lessons, with attacks near their schools and homes. Children all over Ukraine are enduring days and nights marked by air raid sirens and blackouts, by fear and loss. Save the Children reports that Ukrainian children have endured 4,000 hours of air raid alarms since the start of the full-scale invasion. That is equivalent to more than five months of constant alert. This is taking a severe toll on their mental health. A generation is being robbed of the security and peace that every child in this world deserves. And there is no respite, even during the brutal cold of winter. Let us speak the truth in this place: Russia is relentlessly targeting civilian infrastructure. Since October, it has launched 20 mass attacks on Ukraine’s energy system, firing more than 1,000 missiles. It has struck again and again, leaving hospitals without power, schools unable to function and families facing winter in darkness and cold. But what has stayed with me after meeting Ukrainians from all walks of life is their incredible courage and resilience in the face of this barbarity. It has earned them the respect of people the world over, and the United Kingdom stands by their side, and our people stand by their side every day. Our support is practical, and it is sustained: We are strengthening air defences, we are helping Ukraine to keep essential services running when power is cut, we are supporting Ukraine to enable the return of stolen children, and we are pursuing justice and accountability through international mechanisms. Today we have announced a £30 million package for emergency energy support, humanitarian assistance and justice and accountability in Ukraine. This builds on billions of pounds of United Kingdom support, guarantees and direct military aid to Ukraine since 2022. We will continue to stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes to achieve a just and lasting peace, and beyond. This also means keeping up the pressure on Russia and choking off its war machine, and that is why today we have announced our largest package of measures since 2022, targeting oil revenues and components fuelling that war machine. We are working with partners across the Council and beyond to defend the United Nations Charter because Russia’s war is illegal and unprovoked. It is an assault on the Charter’s foundational principles: respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. We call again on Russia to comply with international law, and we are pressing it to engage meaningfully in the United States-led peace process. Along with France, we are also leading the coalition of the willing to support Ukraine now and ensure that peace endures. Ukraine has made clear its readiness for peace, but Russia has not. Instead, it continues to escalate attacks on civilians while stalling negotiations. So, let us be clear again in this place about what peace requires: a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire; a settlement that results in a sovereign, secure and independent Ukraine; all the stolen children and prisoners of war returned; and justice for the crimes committed. That is what every Ukrainian deserves, and it is our responsibility as members of the Council to demand it. I resume my functions as President of the Council. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements. I call on Her Excellency Ms. Baiba Braže, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Latvia.

I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing on behalf of the Secretary-General. Let me pay respect to the United Nations staff working on the ground in Ukraine and doing their job in very difficult circumstances. One thousand four hundred sixty-one days of an entirely illegal, unjustified and unprovoked war with root causes known by the entire world, namely Russia’s imperial, colonial aspirations; principles of the Charter of the United Nations shattered; countless Ukrainian lives lost and destroyed; war crimes; global consequences for food security; ecocide; landmines; a global arms race — all because of one State that refuses to accept that empires are dead, one State that four years ago blocked the Security Council from taking action, one State that a year ago vetoed a reference to the United Nations Charter in a Security Council resolution (see S/PV.9866). Today the same one State continues to sabotage the peace efforts led by the United States and Ukraine. This State is Russia, a permanent member of the Council, with a legal responsibility in the United Nations Charter to uphold international peace and security. The good news is that Russia’s aggression is failing. In four years, it has achieved none of its strategic goals. Last year alone, Russia lost more than 400,000 troops, killed and severely wounded, and it was able to capture less than 1 per cent of Ukrainian territory. At the same time, as confirmed by United Nations reports and the briefing by the Under-Secretary-General today, Russia’s missile and drone attacks on Ukrainian civilians last year were the deadliest since the start of the war. During the coldest winter of the decade, Russia is constantly destroying civilian and energy infrastructure. Millions are suffering in freezing temperatures. Children and elderly people are freezing to death in their beds. Russia has forcibly transferred around 20,000 Ukrainian children and has militarized Ukrainian children in the occupied territories. In so-called summer camps, they are forced to operate drones, dig trenches, mine and demine areas and use grenades and firearms. Russia has also bombed first responders, humanitarian workers and clearly marked United Nations aid convoys, as well as embassies in Kyiv. Russia’s war has severe global consequences. Countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East are not safe from Russia’s colonial, imperial ambitions. Russia has manipulated and coerced thousands to the front lines to kill Ukrainians. We have seen the videos of Russian commanders using foreigners as cannon fodder. I urge all countries to protect their citizens from this fate. What are they dying for? They are dying so that Russia can desperately attempt to restore its empire. Ukrainians continue to inspire us with their bravery and resilience. Ukraine is a strong democracy and a proud nation. Ukraine will stay free and sovereign, but it is time to bring this war to an end, to have to an immediate, full and unconditional ceasefire. Latvia fully supports the peace efforts led by the United States and Ukraine. We stand for a just and lasting peace, a peace that guarantees Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, a peace in which Russia is unable to resume its aggression. There is only one country and one man standing between us here and peace. That country is Russia, and that man is Vladimir Putin. That is why Latvia urges all countries to exert maximum pressure on Russia, restrict Russia’s economy, impose sanctions and isolate it in international organizations — to stop the killing and ensure accountability for war crimes.

I thank the Under-Secretary-General for her sobering briefing and welcome the Deputy Foreign Minister of Ukraine to this meeting. And I thank you, Minister Doughty, for leading the meeting here today. Exactly four years ago, as the Council met in an emergency meeting (see S/PV.8974) and as the Secretary-General appealed directly to President Putin to make peace prevail, Russia launched its unprovoked and illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine. For four years, the Council has met numerous times to shine a light on the devastation and destruction caused by this aggression, on the humanitarian crisis unleashed, on the children abducted, on the threat of nuclear disaster and on its global repercussions. Since that day four years ago, and despite the unspeakable suffering of the Ukrainian people, the fundamental situation has remained largely unchanged. Russia’s clear violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations continues. Its aspirations to subjugate Ukraine and unlawfully seize territory by force continue. Ukraine’s bravery has remained undeterred, as it legitimately exercises its inherent right to self-defence. What has changed over the past four years is the scale of death, destruction and terror inflicted on Ukraine’s civilians. In this Russian war of territorial conquest, millions have been forced to flee their homes. Hundreds of thousands of soldiers have perished, and at least 55,000 Ukrainian civilians have been killed or injured. For five winters in a row, Russian drones and missiles have rained down on Ukraine's energy grid, desperately trying, but failing, to break the Ukrainian people’s spirit. We recall that intentionally directing attacks against civilians or civilian objects is a serious violation of international humanitarian law and constitutes a war crime. As we have heard from the Under-Secretary-General, 2025 was in fact the deadliest year for Ukraine’s civilian population in this war. Russia’s attacks on residential buildings, schools, hospitals, churches and playgrounds only intensified in this past year. We cannot allow this to continue. Exactly one year ago, the Council adopted resolution 2774 (2025). This resolution, which Russia supported, employed a swift end to the conflict and urged lasting peace. Quickly thereafter, Ukraine offered an immediate and unconditional ceasefire. It has stood by that offer ever since. President Putin, on the other hand, has repeatedly rejected it, choosing violence and aggression again and again. Russia shows no interest in peace. Rather, its actions are desperate and deeply cynical. Denmark urgently calls on Russia to adhere to all its obligations under international law and to engage in good faith in negotiations to end this war. This morning the General Assembly reaffirmed its call for a ceasefire and lasting peace in Ukraine with an overwhelming majority (see A/ES-11/PV.23). Around this table, and indeed around the globe, there are clear demands for peace; for a just, sustainable and lasting end to this terrible war; for respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence; and for accountability for Russia’s crimes. Anything less or without robust security guarantees for Ukraine would consign future generations to live in constant fear of further invasion. The time for Russia to hear and heed these demands is now. In closing, the United Nations was not founded to bear witness to aggression; it was founded to stop it. The Security Council carries not only authority but responsibility: responsibility to maintain international peace and security, to defend the Charter and to act. Denmark stands with Ukraine both in words and in deeds. Our support is unwavering. Ukraine and its people deserve to be free, to choose their own destiny and to live in peace and prosperity. On this sad four-year anniversary, let us not only reflect on this imperative but act on it.

I would like to commend the United Kingdom for convening this meeting, as we mark four years since the Russian invasion of Ukraine. I also thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her sobering remarks on behalf of the Secretary-General, and I welcome the participation of the Deputy Foreign Minister of Ukraine in today’s meeting. Allow me to begin by reiterating Greece’s unwavering solidarity and support to the Ukrainian people, as we are sadly witnessing an ever-worsening humanitarian situation. Ukrainians are enduring large-scale Russian air strikes, targeting major cities and critical energy infrastructure across the country, weaponizing the energy needs of innocent civilians amid harsh winter conditions. The targeting of civilians and civilian energy infrastructure is a blatant violation of international humanitarian law and must be condemned. Ukraine’s children, the most vulnerable part of any population, have gravely suffered in the course of these four years. More than 3,000 of them have been killed or injured, and thousands more have otherwise been gravely affected, uprooted and transferred out of the country. Greece calls for their immediate, safe and unconditional return. Despite the recent commendable diplomatic efforts, peace remains elusive. Greece has consistently called for a ceasefire and has vigorously supported the objective of a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in Ukraine, a peace in line with international law and the Charter of the United Nations and in particular with the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States. We firmly reject revisionist policies and any attempt to change borders through the use of force. The rules and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter are the very foundations of the international legal order we subscribed to 80 years ago. It is in the vital interest of the Council and of all Members of the United Nations to keep this order intact and uphold the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and the peaceful settlement of disputes. As a founding Member of the United Nations, Greece has shaped its foreign policy all along on the basis of respect for international law and the principles of the United Nations Charter. In this spirit, we remain fully committed to Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. In conclusion, Greece, along with all partners devoted to the same principles, will continue to support efforts aimed at restoring peace in Ukraine — a fair, lasting and comprehensive peace that will guarantee a prosperous, independent and sovereign future for Ukraine, free from the threat of renewed aggression.

At the outset, I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing. Four years to the day after Russia invaded Ukraine and one year after the Council adopted resolution 2774 (2025), which Russia itself voted in favour of, calling for a swift end to the conflict, this sad anniversary calls on us to take action to implement the Security Council’s mandate in the service of international peace and security. I would therefore like to commend the clarity of the Secretary-General, who, as the Under-Secretary-General recalled, reiterated yesterday the fundamental requirements for achieving this goal: an immediate, complete and unconditional ceasefire as a first step towards a just and lasting peace, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. This morning, the Assembly comfortably adopted General Assembly resolution ES/11-10, presented by Ukraine, which calls for exactly that. Russia’s continued aggression is unjustifiable because it still constitutes a major violation of the United Nations Charter, especially by a permanent member of the Security Council, and because the means employed are totally unacceptable. Unable to advance against the Ukrainian army’s lines of defence, Russia is wreaking havoc behind the front lines, inflicting a winter without heating or electricity on the Ukrainian civilian population, under bombardment and in freezing temperatures. Despite its war crimes, Russia is dragging its feet, persisting and demonstrating that it does not want peace. For four years, Ukraine has been resisting. For four years, it has been fighting for its independence, its territorial integrity, its sovereignty and its freedom. Russian forces are coming up against a wall that they cannot and will not be able to break through. It is time for this war to end. Negotiations to achieve this must be conducted with clarity. France has done everything in its power to avoid this war and will do everything in its power to help bring it to an end. We support the ongoing peace efforts, in close cooperation with our American and Ukrainian partners. We want to expand these efforts, in particular by amplifying the voice of Europe, which is deeply involved. We are ready to support a peace agreement. This means preparing the conditions for lasting peace. Today, the President of the Republic and the British Prime Minister brought together more than 30 countries from the coalition of the willing, which tomorrow will guarantee that Ukraine will never again have to endure a Russian invasion. These leaders reiterated their unswerving commitment to work together to achieve a just and lasting peace in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter, and they have reaffirmed that international borders should not be modified by force. In order for diplomatic meetings to be successful, peace requires sincere political will. The vast majority of the international community, including Ukraine, has that political will. Russia alone continues to want war: its dilatory diplomatic manoeuvres are fooling no one. We must continue to act to compel it to make peace.

We welcome the high officials and representatives from the countries that grace us with their participation here today. The statement by Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo once again highlights the devastating consequences of the conflict and reaffirms the need to bring it to an end. Panama has also consistently reiterated this very message and, once again, reaffirms its urgent call for a ceasefire. Four years into the conflict in Ukraine, we meet again today to try to address the profound effects of events that represent a substantial breach of the international order, owing to the resort of the use of force, once again, in defiance of the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. This conflict quickly transcended its immediate geography. Not only does it directly impact Europe, reconfiguring alliances and accelerating rearmament processes, but its repercussions are being felt on a global scale: energy instability, food insecurity and disruption of maritime security. It also brought back to the forefront of international debate the dynamics of a period of marked bipolarity that seemed to have been overcome at the end of the past century. The violation of the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and the prohibition of the use of force ceased to be a discussion of the past, altering current regulatory frameworks. On the ground, missiles and drones have not ceased, and the growing technological sophistication of warfare, together with the proliferation of weapons, has fuelled the conflict and increased human losses. The strength shown by civilians, the main victims of this war, should not be normalized; their suffering, a consequence of geopolitics, is sufficient. Furthermore, the number of military deaths, which could be close to 2 million, also reflects the magnitude and severity of the conflict. The humanitarian efforts of United Nations agencies and other organizations cannot be sustained indefinitely. It must be reiterated that respect for international humanitarian law requires guaranteeing humane conditions for prisoners of war, ensuring care for the sick and seriously wounded and repatriating them whenever possible. Furthermore, the search for missing persons must remain a central humanitarian priority for all parties. In this regard, it is essential to guarantee the International Committee of the Red Cross regular and unrestricted access to all detainees on both sides of the front line, in accordance with the Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, and to ensure that the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs has free and safe access to both sides of the front line, especially to the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Similarly, the war in Ukraine continues to have a devastating impact on children: thousands of minors have been killed or injured, and millions remain displaced or with limited access to essential services. There continue to be worrisome reports of forced transfers and family separations that hinder reunification, which must be duly addressed. The protection of children leaves no room for ambiguity; it is a legal, humanitarian and moral obligation. It is unfeasible to maintain dialogue while attacks continue and while the conflict continues to be fuelled by weapons and other resources, which not only exacerbates human suffering but also further weakens the international system. We therefore recognize the diplomatic efforts of various international actors and the United States’ push for sustainable peace in Ukraine, as evidenced by the recent meetings in Abu Dhabi and Geneva, which we hope will continue to progress in order to put a definitive end to a conflict that must not persist. Panama reaffirms its commitment to the principles of multilateralism and peace, rejecting the idea that mistrust and the preponderance of force should become the norm. We therefore support resolution 2774 (2025) and all diplomatic efforts aimed at ending the conflict, in full accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.

I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo, for her briefing. Four long, brutal years have passed since the Russia-Ukraine war escalated to its current horrific scale, resulting in thousands of casualties — men, women, children, soldiers and civilians. This war must end immediately. Today we also mark the one-year anniversary of the adoption by the Council of resolution 2774 (2025), which implored a swift end to the Russia-Ukraine conflict and a lasting peace between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. That call has obviously not yet been heeded. Under President Trump’s leadership, the United States continues to push for a negotiated and durable end to the war. Military force will never resolve this conflict. Only a diplomatic solution, agreed to by both sides, can do so. We are closer to a deal right now than at any point since the war began. But we have obviously not reached it yet — the fighting continues. Bombs are still falling in Ukraine, hitting energy infrastructure and leaving thousands of homes without light or heat in the depths of winter. But make no mistake. President Trump is committed to peace prevailing. His actions, public statements and global leadership mission make clear his determination to put an end to the carnage. I should say that one reason why the conflict continues to grind on, in spite of the staggering costs it has already meant for Russia, is the support that Russia continues to receive from third countries. China remains the decisive enabler of Russia’s war industrial machine. We have urged China many times in this Chamber to stop supplying Russia with dual-use goods and material components that end up in the drones and other weapons used in Ukraine. China also remains one of the top importers of Russian oil. If China truly wants peace, it should immediately end exports of dual-use goods and stop purchasing Russian oil. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has transferred munitions and ballistic missiles to Russia for use in Ukraine and, since October 2024, has deployed thousands of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea troops to fight for Russia on the front lines. These activities not only prolong the war, they violate the United Nations Security Council resolutions that Russia itself voted for. Resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009) and 2270 (2016) collectively prohibit United Nations Member States from receiving arms and related materiel, training, or assistance from, or providing them to, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Iran has supplied Russia with hundreds of uncrewed aerial vehicles (UAVs) and UAV technology for use in Ukraine, including transfers before October 2023 in violation of resolution 2231 (2015). More recently, Cuba has emerged as another significant contributor of foreign troops to Russia. In 2025, Cuba has also signed new defence agreements with Russia and Belarus. The United States calls on all United Nations Member States to end any and all support that enables the continuation of this deplorable war, which exacts a devastating human toll and threatens peace and security around the world. We call on all countries to join us in our efforts to encourage a negotiated, durable peace that will restore prosperity, security and a bright future for everyone around the globe. Most urgently, we once again call on both parties to stay at the negotiating table and, in a spirit of flexibility, compromise and a duty to protect and preserve the lives of their own citizens, to end this barbaric war once and for all.

I would like to express my gratitude to the Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs for her comprehensive and insightful briefing. I would also like to welcome the delegations joining us for today’s meeting. I address the Council today with immense sadness at the devastating consequences of the war in Ukraine. After four years of fighting, human suffering continues to mount at an alarming rate, leaving a trail of destruction that transcends the battlefield and permeates the daily lives of millions of people. Colombia deeply regrets the loss of human lives. Each one represents a life cut short, a family affected and a community in mourning. Today, as we mark four years of sustained violence, we remember and pay tribute especially to the civilian victims: children whose childhoods have been cut short, women who bear the burden of displacement and uncertainty, older people who have lost their homes and support networks, persons with disabilities whose vulnerability has been exacerbated and humanitarian workers who risk their lives to assist others. To all the victims and their families, we express our solidarity, empathy and respect. The impact is not only material. Reports of damage to civilian infrastructure — hospitals, schools, electricity grids and water and sanitation systems — confirm that services critical to survival have been affected. In this regard, it is necessary to remember that respect for international humanitarian law is neither optional nor selective. It is a fundamental obligation incumbent upon all Member States of the United Nations, including the members of the Council. Dialogue and understanding between our countries have been built on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. This is not the time to abandon those foundations. On the contrary, it is in the worst moments of war that we must hold fast to what is essential: the protection of life, human dignity and the civilian population. Respect for the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution in hostilities is not an abstract aspiration but a concrete and urgent requirement. Colombia therefore reiterates its call for a guarantee of safe, rapid and unhindered humanitarian access to all people in need. Humanitarian agencies and organizations working on the ground must be able to carry out their work without interruption and in a predictable manner. It is essential to preserve humanitarian action based on the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence. These principles must not be exploited or made conditional. They are the foundation that allows us to build trust and reach those who need it most. Colombia also reiterates its strong call for respect and protection for humanitarian personnel. Attacking or threatening those who provide assistance is a serious violation of international law and undermines the very possibility of alleviating suffering. Protecting humanitarian workers means protecting the communities they serve. We welcome the ongoing efforts to maintain a dialogue. Colombia has consistently reiterated that channels of communication must remain open and operational, even and especially in contexts of high tension. We welcome the meetings held on 17 and 18 February and call for these talks to be sustained and substantive, always including all interested parties. It is also essential that any negotiations include humanitarian provisions, not as an incidental and conditional element, but as an integral and essential part of the process. In this regard, we stress the importance of addressing the situation of prisoners of war, detained civilians and missing persons. Humanitarian measures can and should build trust and alleviate suffering while concrete political solutions are sought. Colombia reiterates once again its call for a ceasefire. Silencing the guns is a crucial precondition for alleviating the immediate suffering and ushering in genuine space for negotiations and a path to peace.

At the outset, I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her comprehensive briefing. What began four years ago has now entered yet another difficult chapter, with consequences that continue to ripple far beyond its borders. My delegation remains profoundly concerned about the continued deterioration of the security and humanitarian situation. The ongoing hostilities serve only to prolong suffering and further diminish prospects for a sustainable peace. We are deeply troubled by the continuous escalation of attacks affecting civilian areas and essential infrastructure. The protection of civilians, in particular the most vulnerable, and the preservation of critical infrastructure, including hospitals, schools and homes, are non-negotiable obligations enshrined in international law. Somalia reiterates that all parties to the conflict must respect and uphold these principles without exception. We remain convinced that there is no military solution to this protracted conflict. Dialogue and diplomacy remain the sole means to bring about an end to this conflict. We note, with encouragement, the ongoing diplomatic initiatives to achieve a comprehensive ceasefire. We also welcome the recent diplomatic efforts led by the United States, including the third round of trilateral talks, which took place last week in Geneva. These engagements represent vital steps towards de-escalation, and we hope they will lay the groundwork for a constructive path forward. We call upon all sides to prioritize de-escalation, exercise the utmost restraint and commit to genuine, immediate negotiations. It is incumbent upon all parties to respect international law and to prevent a wider conflagration. A durable solution must address the underlying root causes of this conflict and be consistent with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We underscore that a just and lasting peace will require compromise and confidence-building measures. In closing, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at achieving a solution that restores security and stability. The people of Ukraine and all of those affected by this conflict deserve a future of peace, prosperity and dignity.

Liberia approaches today’s discussion not with theoretical detachment, but with the lived memory of painful scars. Our own war was internal; Ukraine’s is international. The causes may differ, but the suffering is the same. In every conflict, ordinary people form the unwilling front lines — mothers whispering lullabies in basements, children learning the sounds of drones before school bells and persons with disabilities facing barriers, not only to mobility but also to survival. Hospitals turn into targets, power plants into ruins, water into scarcity, and hope into fragility. The Council was not established to manage wars. It was created to prevent them. Liberia therefore unequivocally reaffirms the principles of the Charter of the United Nations: respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and the prohibition of the use of force. These are not ceremonial words; they are the load-bearing pillars of our international order. When they crack, the entire structure trembles. From Monrovia’s own history, we learned a simple but profound truth: war is loud and consuming; peace is patient, rebuilding brick by brick. When guns fell silent in Liberia, classrooms reopened, markets revived, roads replaced roadblocks, and former fighters became farmers, teachers and entrepreneurs. The dividend of peace is not poetic; it is profoundly practical. It feeds families, restores dignity and gives nations a future. We commend the sustained efforts of the United Nations, humanitarian agencies, regional bodies and Member States to alleviate suffering and promote de-escalation. These efforts matter, but compassion must be matched by courage. Liberia underscores three key imperatives. First, the protection of civilians must move from rhetoric to reality. Attacks on homes, schools, hospitals and energy infrastructure must stop. Secondly, humanitarian assets must remain unhindered, safe and sustained. Aid delayed is aid denied. Thirdly, vulnerable groups — women, girls, older persons and persons with disabilities — must not be afterthoughts but central actors in protection and recovery strategies. Liberia does not pretend that peace is easy. It demands compromise, persistence and difficult dialogue. Yet, we know wars rarely end on battlefields. They end at negotiation tables. The Council must therefore promote confidence-building measures, strengthen diplomatic channels and insist firmly and consistently on respect for international law. History will not measure us by the number of meetings we held but by whether we chose courage over convenience, upheld principles when it was inconvenient and stood with civilians when it was costly. Liberia appeals to the moral conscience of the Council: choose the harder path of peace, the rule of law over the rule of force and humanity over hubris. The people of Ukraine deserve not a managed war, but a decisive and lasting peace.

It is an honour to see you presiding over today’s meeting, Mr. President. I would also like to thank Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, for her briefing and to welcome all participants in today’s meeting. The war in Ukraine is the largest on the European continent since the Second World War. As it enters its fifth year, military operations continue, and according to statistics from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, more than 2,500 civilians were killed in 2025, making it the bloodiest year since the outbreak of the conflict. Vital civilian infrastructure has sustained severe damage, which is adversely affecting the provision of basic services at a time when the humanitarian needs of the affected population are rising. In this regard, we would like to make the following points. First, the Kingdom of Bahrain reaffirms the importance of adhering to international law, including international humanitarian law and the Charter of the United Nations, and of shielding innocent people from harm in all circumstances, since civilians continue to bear the brunt of this conflict. Secondly, the Kingdom of Bahrain appreciates all the efforts aimed at ending the war in Ukraine through the diplomacy of dialogue and negotiations, mitigating its humanitarian impact in a manner that helps to strengthen security and stability on the European continent and achieving a just and comprehensive peace and sustainable prosperity at the regional and international levels. The Kingdom of Bahrain underscores the importance of efforts to continue negotiations between Russia and Ukraine, such as those carried out by United States President Donald Trump, the latest of which was the round of direct negotiations in Geneva. The Kingdom of Bahrain also praises the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for hosting the talks between the Russian Federation and the United States of America on the Ukraine crisis in Riyadh and the United Arab Emirates for hosting the trilateral talks that brought together the United States of America, the Russian Federation and Ukraine in Abu Dhabi. These constructive and positive steps are part of the diplomatic and humanitarian efforts aimed at finding a peaceful solution to the Ukraine crisis. The Kingdom also appreciates the mediation efforts made by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and its success in releasing detainees and exchanging prisoners between Russia and Ukraine. We also applaud the United Arab Emirates’s efforts, which culminated in the completion of an exchange of 157 prisoners from both sides, with a total of 314 prisoners, bringing the total number of prisoners exchanged between the two countries thanks to these mediations to 4,955. We also appreciate the mediation efforts of the State of Qatar towards family reunification, which reunited Ukrainian and Russian children with their families, thereby helping to alleviate human suffering. Thirdly, the Kingdom of Bahrain stresses the need to continue the diplomatic track in order to keep the avenues of dialogue open between the two sides. All stakeholders should participate, with political will, in these diplomatic endeavours so as to strengthen efforts to establish peace, consolidate security and stability on the European continent, promote understanding and coexistence, address the root causes of the conflict and take into account the security concerns of all parties in order to reach a lasting solution to this crisis. In conclusion, the Kingdom of Bahrain reiterates its support for all efforts to reach a peaceful and sustainable solution to the war in Ukraine in accordance with the principles of international law, the Charter of the United Nations and resolution 2774 (2025) so as to strengthen international peace and security.

I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. Four years into the Ukraine crisis, the situation has come to a critical juncture. Recently, key stakeholders completed multiple rounds of engagement, with a deepened negotiation process. Calls for peace have grown stronger, and the prospect of a political solution is now on the horizon. On the other hand, we are witnessing continued hostilities, mounting civilian casualties and a deeply worrisome humanitarian situation. The more critical the moment, the more imperative it is to strengthen confidence and intensify efforts. China proposes the following. First, a political settlement must be firmly promoted. History has repeatedly shown that military means cannot deliver lasting peace and that all conflicts must ultimately be resolved through negotiations. The Ukraine crisis is no exception. At present, while differences persist among the positions of the main parties, they all acknowledge the overarching direction of a political settlement and the aspiration to reach a comprehensive, lasting and binding peace agreement. This is a valuable consensus and an objective for which we should all strive. We call on the parties concerned to seize the positive momentum, demonstrate political will, continue to build consensus and work towards a political settlement and lasting peace. Secondly, collective security must be firmly safeguarded. This crisis shows that security is mutual: one country’s security cannot be built on another’s insecurity, and regional security cannot be ensured by strengthening or even expanding military blocs. Russia, Ukraine and European nations are neighbours that cannot be separated. Living in harmony is the only realistic option. We call on all relevant parties to discard the cold-war mentality and bloc confrontation, exercise the vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, respect and address each other’s legitimate security concerns and work towards building a balanced, effective and sustainable regional security architecture. Thirdly, spillover effects must be firmly managed and controlled. The ongoing spillover of the crisis has weighed further on the already struggling global economy. We call on the international community to work together to strengthen cooperation on issues such as food, energy, finance, trade and the protection of critical infrastructure to ensure stable and unimpeded global supply chains. We oppose the politicization and instrumentalization of the global economy and the abuse of unilateral sanctions and long-armed restrictions, as such actions are counterproductive and may even create new problems. China’s position on the Ukraine issue has been consistent, guided by the four “shoulds” put forward by President Xi Jinping: the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries should be respected; the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations should be observed; the legitimate security concerns of all countries should be taken seriously; and all efforts conducive to a peaceful resolution of the crisis should be supported. This all holds significant practical relevance in the current complex international landscape. Over the past four years, with an objective and impartial stance, China has worked tirelessly for peace and has promoted dialogue and negotiation. We have maintained close communication with Russia, Ukraine and other relevant parties. We have sent special envoys to conduct shuttle diplomacy and, together with Brazil and other global South countries, have launched the Group of Friends for Peace on the Ukraine Crisis, in a continued effort to garner consensus and advance peace efforts. China stands ready to work with the international community to play a constructive role in achieving an early political settlement of the crisis. The statement just made by the representative of the United States once again resorted to slander and defamation against China, which is completely unacceptable. China is neither the instigator of the Ukraine crisis nor a party to it. Our position on the Ukraine issue has been open and consistent from the start: we call for a ceasefire and an end to hostilities, and we persist in promoting peace talks. Our efforts are clear to the international community. We have not provided either side of the conflict with lethal weapons, and we have consistently exercised strict controls on dual-use items. As a major global producer, trader and consumer, China maintains normal economic and trade relations with Russia, Ukraine, the United States and European countries. These exchanges follow market and commercial principles, do not violate Security Council resolutions and are beyond reproach. China will adopt reasonable energy security measures in accordance with its national interests. I also want to stress that for some time now, the United States has exploited every possible occasion to fabricate excuses and lies, continuing to attack and smear China. This is explicit political manipulation, aimed at inciting bloc confrontation and creating division and conflict. We once again urge the United States to stop deflecting attention, shifting blame and creating conflict and war around the world.

I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing, which once again highlights the magnitude of the humanitarian consequences of the crisis in Ukraine. The Democratic Republic of the Congo reiterates its deep concern about the continuing deterioration of the security and humanitarian situation in Ukraine. Four long years have passed since the start of this conflict, four years marked by considerable loss of life, the destruction of essential infrastructure and the daily suffering of millions of civilians. The Democratic Republic of the Congo reaffirms that there can be no military solution to the conflict. Only a solution based on diplomacy and dialogue, in accordance with the principles of international law, international humanitarian law and the Charter of the United Nations, can pave the way for a definitive end to this strategy, which the entire world agrees must come to an end. In this regard, my country welcomes the efforts undertaken by international partners and the diplomatic initiatives currently under way, including those led by the United States of America, and the commitment of the parties to prioritize de-escalation and dialogue, as evidenced by the recent meetings held on 17 and 18 February in Geneva. The Democratic Republic of the Congo calls on all actors to exercise wisdom and encourages them to avoid any unilateral action that could disrupt the ongoing peace process. We believe it would be advisable to maintain this momentum in order to curb any development that could hinder the achievement of a fair and lasting comprehensive solution. Ukraine is today one of the most painful symbols of the vulnerability of civilians in times of war. As winter sets in, millions of people remain deprived of access to electricity, heating and drinking water. The Democratic Republic of the Congo consistently reaffirms that the protection of civilians must remain at the heart of our priorities. Mechanisms such as the Ukraine Humanitarian Fund and the 2025-2026 winter response plan have provided vital assistance to nearly 1.7 million vulnerable people. However, these efforts, though crucial, remain insufficient given the magnitude of the needs. It is therefore urgent and important to step up humanitarian aid while ensuring safe and unhindered access and ensuring that essential civilian infrastructure is protected. It is important to emphasize that the cross-border consequences of this conflict, which have a direct impact on global food security, are a genuine problem. Disruptions to cereal production and exports are severely affecting certain regions of the world that are already fragile, in particular Africa, where millions of people depend on these imports for food and to meet their nutritional needs. This crisis tragically illustrates the inextricable link between armed conflict, hunger and instability. As the Executive Director of the World Food Programme pointed out, the majority of people suffering from acute food insecurity today live in areas affected by conflict. Hunger has therefore become a silent weapon striking the poorest and most vulnerable. It is precisely in response to these situations that the Security Council adopted resolution 2417 (2018), reaffirming its responsibility for the prevention of famine and food insecurity related to armed conflict. This responsibility is not theoretical; it is moral, political and human. Drawing on its sad experience and aware of the human cost of prolonged conflicts, the Democratic Republic of the Congo reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations: the sovereign equality of States, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes and refraining from all forms of coercion incompatible with the purposes and principles of our Organization.

I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. We echo the calls for bringing this conflict to an early end, for peace to return and prevail in the region. Your presiding over this meeting, Mr. President, and the high-level representation in the Chamber underscores the importance of the occasion. As we mark this solemn milestone, we must look back at how four years of conflict not only ruptured the peace in the region but also sent shock waves across the world and undermined food and energy security, especially impacting the global South. The toll of this conflict, especially the humanitarian catastrophe that it unleashed, is devastating and undeniable: thousands of lives lost or forever changed, generations scarred, cities and safe areas turned into uninhabitable spaces. The rising human suffering is deeply concerning. The disproportionate impact on civilians and critical infrastructure remains a perturbing reality, jolting the very foundations of international humanitarian law. These actions, besides perpetuating the conflict, further deepen distrust, reduce space for meaningful dialogue and undermine peace efforts. Last year on this very day the Council adopted resolution 2774 (2025), which was also supported by Pakistan, thereby making a clarion call imploring both parties to silence the guns and chart a course towards peace. A few months later, in July, the Council reaffirmed its support for peaceful settlement of disputes through the unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 (2025). Those were moments of collective hope. Therefore, it is a matter of profound regret that the demand from the Council has remained largely unheeded. Yet we remain hopeful of a breakthrough for peace. From the very first days of this conflict, Pakistan has stood on the side of dialogue and diplomacy. Our position is born of the conviction that there is no military solution to the conflict. A just and lasting peace can be achieved only through sustained, structured and meaningful dialogue. We supported this in 2022 when the two sides were holding a dialogue in Istanbul, and we have continued to support all subsequent peace initiatives, including the ongoing negotiations process facilitated by the United States. We hope that all sides will make full use of the ongoing diplomacy, demonstrate genuine political will, show mutual understanding and engage constructively to make meaningful strides towards a peaceful and negotiated settlement of the conflict beginning with an early ceasefire. This would require commitment to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, a focus on finding a mutually acceptable solution that ensures the security interests of all sides and thus guarantees lasting stability for the region and beyond. It would also entail avoiding pointing fingers elsewhere. The imperative to end the agony of millions is not just a political objective; it is a profound moral responsibility. Pakistan favours all genuine efforts aimed at a comprehensive and durable resolution of this conflict. We will continue to support all initiatives aimed at bridging the divide and promoting a pacific settlement. It is time to prove that diplomacy and dialogue are not a sign of weakness but essential and powerful means in our collective quest for peace.

Formally speaking, I am a Ukrainian. I have a strange last name, which, as Slavs know, is quite rare even in Ukraine. It comes from Zaporizhzhia Cossacks. My father is a true Ukrainian, just as my mother, who is descended from the Cossacks. They are Ukrainians to a greater extent than Ms. Betsa and Mr. Melnik. But for us there is no difference. We are all one people. There are millions of Ukrainians in Russia, and there are millions of Russians in Ukraine and in Belarus as well. The representatives of Ukraine are perfectly aware of this. But that is not the point. Nationality is something that we share, but our faiths are different. This all comes from the Kyivan Rus’, which was sold, cheaply, for 30 pieces of silver. And let us recall the Great Patriotic War, during which my father, a Ukrainian, went to fight in Leningrad for his country, for his homeland. He pretended to be one year older in order to become a volunteer and fight for his homeland. He lived his entire life pretending to be one year older. Back then we had a common homeland. What has Ukraine transformed its homeland into? This is something that no one here understands nor can begin to understand. Back then we fought together against the Nazis, and today we are fighting alone, without Ukraine, without those who it has transformed into Nazis. We are fighting for the people of Ukraine, for them not to follow suit. Yes, this has been going on for four years. Yes, I am not happy about the fact that people are dying. But this will continue for as long as necessary, so that Ukraine can no longer brainwash these people. The European members of the Council convened this meeting, which has nothing to do with the maintenance of international peace and security or with alleged concerns for the plight of civilians in Ukraine. The European countries are clearly not keen to support the ongoing trilateral negotiations aimed at seeking a sustainable and long-term solution to the Ukrainian crisis, nor do they care about the future of the Ukrainian people. This was fully borne out during the Munich conference held just over a week ago. What were the leaders of the majority of European countries talking about there, those belonging to the European Union and NATO? They were talking about arming Europe, buttressing its eastern flank and preparing it for war. With references to his country’s history and geography, German Chancellor Merz announced his willingness to once again take the lead in Europe by making the Bundeswehr the strongest conventional army on the continent as soon as possible. One wonders how many European countries with lesser geopolitical ambitions raised questions about where precisely the Bundeswehr will bring them. Keir Starmer was not to be outdone by the German warlord: for him, too, war is hardly a distinct prospect, and he is prepared for battle. It is surprising, but the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom also recalled history, claiming that European security is impossible without Britain. In a similar vein, the importance of Anglo-German relations for Europe was also mentioned by British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain upon his return from the 1938 Munich Conference. I think there is no need to remind anyone how things ended up, including for the United Kingdom itself. The current European leaders are now openly and unreservedly announcing that they are banking on inflicting a strategic defeat upon Russia, with their national domestic and foreign policies being made subordinate to this very goal, along with the economy of the entire European Union. Peace in Ukraine and its future were hardly mentioned in any of those statements. Against this backdrop, Zelenskyy’s hysterical remarks in Munich came as no surprise. Money for war is still being allocated, albeit in lesser amount than before, and weapons are still being promised and delivered. But does this not all mean that Zelenskyy is about to be thrown under the bus? Europe appears to be willing to give security assurances to Ukraine only as long as the Kyiv regime remains Russia’s enemy and continues to wage war. Zelenskyy does not want peace, as he clearly stated in Munich: for him, the war is a matter of political and physical survival. Western countries, primarily those in Europe, have played a very unseemly role since the very outset of the Ukrainian crisis. Recent days marked another anniversary of the coup in Kyiv. Let me remind the Council that it was the Europeans who, back in 2013–2014, staged an unprecedented intervention in Ukraine’s domestic affairs, which is precisely what caused the unconstitutional ouster of the democratically elected President Viktor Yanukovych. It was the Europeans who — presenting themselves as a paragon, as democratic norm-setters and as a source of moral standards for the rest of the world, which it deems not always civilized and, more often, blatantly authoritarian —brought a bloodthirsty neo-Nazi regime to power in Ukraine, gave it carte blanche to commit any crimes and effectively instigated its determination to destroy the Russian-speaking population. Over all these years, Western sponsors have never uttered a single word of condemnation for the blood-curdling attacks targeting civilians, first in Donbas and then in other Russian regions. For 12 years, we have been talking in the Chamber about the use of aircraft and heavy weapons against women, children and the elderly in peaceful cities of Donbas. We have also spoken about people being burned alive in Odesa, about the persecution and murder of dissenters and about the all-out war being waged against the canonical Ukrainian Orthodox Church. In response, we have heard only mantras about the need to combat separatism and about the legitimacy of the so- called counter-terrorism operation. But then the magnitude of crimes perpetrated by the Kyiv regime reached a level beyond all imagination and the entire Western military arsenal was brought to its aid. To counter this, we launched our special military operation. Since then, Western narratives have focused on the language of “unprovoked Russian aggression against Ukraine”. Anyone who dares to speak the truth about the lawlessness carried out in Donbas, or about the current attacks targeting civilian objects and civilians of Russian regions, or about the brutal Kursk operation, and even more so, anyone who dares to present evidence that the conflict was unleashed and provoked precisely by NATO, is immediately labelled a pro-Russian propagandist and muzzled. In Ukraine, such people are being expelled from the country, imprisoned or simply murdered. I turn now to my European colleagues: who are they trying to fool? Contrary to the facts and common sense, they have been casting Zelenskyy as a hero for all these years, they have been highlighting his peaceful aspirations, which he never had, while mendaciously accusing Russia of having no interest in peace and being focused on escalation. Any attempts by European leaders to convince the world of their commitment to achieving peace in Ukraine collapse when faced with the facts. Today, 24 February, the Press Bureau of the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation published an urgent statement about the plans of London and Paris to supply Kyiv with nuclear weapons, so-called “dirty bombs”, as well as their means of delivery. Specifically, we are talking about the clandestine handover to Ukraine of the relevant European components, equipment and technology. One option that is being considered is the French TN-75 compact warhead for the M51.1 submarine-launched ballistic missile. It is quite telling that other Western capitals seem to be perfectly aware of the magnitude of the recklessness of the actions of London and Paris. Berlin, for example, has refused to partake in this initiative. I do not think it bears recalling that such ideas and plans are not only reckless and dangerous, but also illegal, insofar as they constitute a direct breach of article I of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. For this very reason, those who have devised this misadventure are striving to portray Kyiv’s acquisition of nuclear weapons as the fruit of the work carried out by the Ukrainians themselves. Such a turn of events clearly shows that British and French leaders, who remain out of the loop in the process of resolving the Ukrainian issue, have definitively lost touch with reality. Russia is in a position to respond to such actions. However, we hope that there are still enough reasonable people with common sense in London and Paris who will be able to keep their leaders from taking such inappropriate steps. Unfortunately, the United Nations Secretary-General is also playing an unsavoury role in resolving the Ukrainian crisis. Not only did he unequivocally take sides in the conflict, depriving the Organization entrusted to him of the opportunity to impartially contribute to the settlement, but he also continues to remain obstinate, arbitrarily interpreting the United Nations Charter and other fundamental documents of the United Nations in order to establish a pseudo-legal basis for the inapplicability to Donbas of the right to self-determination. At the same time, the Secretariat continues to turn a blind eye to the deliberate strikes by the Ukrainian army against Russian territory, targeting civilian infrastructure, including terrorist attacks against civilians, occasionally grinding out a pitiful few syllables about Russian civilian casualties. As is well-known to all present here today, the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security is borne by the United Nations Security Council, which spoke out in favour of a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Ukraine in its resolution 2774 (2025), adopted exactly a year ago. The Council’s resolutions are legally binding. Therefore, all Member States of the United Nations must comply with them. The Ukrainians and their European sponsors have a lengthy track record of treachery and hypocrisy, starting with the sabotage of the Minsk agreements, which were nothing but an attempt to buy time and rearm the Ukrainian army, as certain European leaders subsequently acknowledged. Just like resolution 2202 (2015), last year’s resolution 2774 (2025) was mere noise for them, as it did not advance their interests. The leaders of most European countries, as we can see, consider themselves to be above Security Council resolutions and the principles and norms of international law. This morning there was a vote in the General Assembly on the resolution entitled “Support for lasting peace in Ukraine,” drafted by Kyiv and European countries. This is yet another manipulation: an attempt to create a smokescreen before the eyes of representatives of the global South. It has nothing to do with reality nor does it facilitate a lasting resolution of the conflict. From the very beginning of the conflict, we have stated that we prefer diplomatic ways to achieve our goals. In this regard, we appreciate the position embraced by the United States Administration and personally by President Donald Trump. Russia is approaching the trilateral negotiations conscientiously and in good faith, participating in discussions in Abu Dhabi and Geneva. But any agreement must be comprehensive, address our concerns about the root causes of the conflict and bring about a real end thereto, rather than an ephemeral ceasefire, which the Kyiv regime will exploit to advance its aggressive purposes. Our country’s principled approaches to resolving the Ukrainian crisis were voiced by President Vladimir Putin in June 2024. Let me remind Council members that this refers to Ukraine’s respect for the rights of the Russian-speaking population; its return to a non-aligned, neutral and non-nuclear status, which is enshrined in the Declaration on the State Sovereignty of 16 July 1990; and the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine, as well as the recognition of Crimea, Sevastopol, the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics, and the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions as constituent territories of the Russian Federation, in accordance with the will of their inhabitants. In conclusion, I would like to recall another statement by President Putin to the effect that Russia has no intention of waging war against European countries. But if Europe starts a war, then Russia stands ready for it. The choice is the Council’s to make: members can reconsider their reckless course of escalating confrontation with Russia, give up the mindset of war to the last Ukrainian and stop torpedoing, by every possible means, the negotiations that are under way. A world in which crimes perpetrated on the grounds of Nazism are hushed up and adherents of this ideology are used as a tool to advance geopolitical interests will sooner or later descend into chaos. And the lessons of history are of the utmost importance in this regard.

I shall now make a further statement in my capacity as Minister of State for Europe, North America and Overseas Territories of the United Kingdom. I need to say to members of the Council that the allegation made by the representative of the Russian Federation is an outright lie. He says that we have lost touch with reality. It is he who has lost touch with reality. This is yet another piece of disinformation from the Russian Federation and a clear attempt to deflect attention from its ongoing, unprovoked and illegal invasion of Ukraine. I can categorically assure members of the Council that the United Kingdom remains fully committed to its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons. We are not providing and would not provide nuclear weapons or related capabilities to Ukraine. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of France has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

France agrees with your comments, Mr. President, regarding Russia’s allegations that France and the United Kingdom are preparing to transfer nuclear weapons to Ukraine. These remarks are a gross provocation. They are an attempt at misinformation. They are a blatant lie, devoid of any factual basis whatsoever. France is a responsible party to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. It will never violate its terms and obligations. Who, if not Russia, has continually brandished the nuclear threat in this conflict, which has now lasted more than four years? Who, if not Russia, covers up proliferation activities, such as those of the Republic of North Korea? Who, if not Russia, supports Iran in nuclear activities whose civilian nature has never been proven? I repeat: Russia’s allegations are gross. But allow me to go one step further and point out that the opening remarks by the Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation demonstrate the Russian Federation’s difficulty in accepting the very existence of a Ukrainian nation, in accepting Ukraine’s independence and sovereignty and in accepting that Ukraine wants to be a nation in its own right.

I now give the floor to the representative of Ukraine.

Distinguished members of the Security Council, before I proceed to my statement, I also would like to make three remarks with regard to the statement of the Russian representative. First, Mr. Nebenzia is not Ukrainian and should not pretend to be. Secondly, we were never one nation with Russia and will never be one nation with Russia. Ukraine is a democratic, free European country, while Russia is an aggressive State that wages aggression, terrorism, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Thirdly, Mr. Nebenzia’s entire statement is a vivid example of manipulation, disinformation and Russian propaganda. I will now continue with my statement. I wish to thank the United Kingdom presidency for convening today’s meeting. I am also grateful to Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. At the outset, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all United Nations Member States that voted today, in the morning, for the United Nations General Assembly resolution “Support for lasting peace in Ukraine”, just a few hours ago on this very grim anniversary of four years of Russia’s full-scale invasion against my country, and 12 years of Russia’s aggression against my country. The international community has sent a clear signal: an immediate ceasefire is a prerequisite for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. It is high time for the aggressor to comply with this call. A ceasefire is a fundamental precondition for the peaceful settlement of this conflict. I would like to start my statement with a poem dedicated to peace by a 10-year- old girl, named Katarina, from the Donetsk region: “All Ukrainian children yearn for peace to come, To live with joy upon native ground. To greet the sun, the sky, the flowers blooming bright, May war’s dark shadow fade from sight! May silence settle on our Ukraine’s hills, May our land shed the horrors war instils. Let long-awaited peace flow to our shore And stand as our protector forevermore.” This girl is only 10 years old. This is the brutal reality in which our children are living. This is how children in Ukraine see peace in their native land, which will serve to protect against any repetition of the horrors of war. The United Nations, including its Security Council, was established 80 years ago to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. Here we are again, eight decades later. Russia, as a permanent member of the Security Council, has waged aggression, has perpetrated genocide, has engaged in terrorism and has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity on an industrial scale, every single day, in Ukraine. This is the country that has misused the Soviet permanent seat in the Council and grossly violated the Charter for decades. Today, this is not only a war against Ukraine, and it is not only a war against Europe. It is a war against the entire democratic world, against the international rules-based order, against the international security order and against the principles of the United Nations. While occupying a permanent seat on the Council and claiming to be one of the guarantors of international peace and security, Russia has, in fact, become the principal destroyer. More than 10 million people across Ukraine continue to depend on humanitarian assistance for their basic survival, including for access to food, water, shelter, healthcare and electricity, because of the ongoing Russian aggression. In 2025 alone, the number of deliberate aerial attacks against civilian targets in Ukraine rose dramatically. During just one recent month, Russia launched more than 6,000 drone strikes, approximately 5,500 guided aerial bombs and 158 missiles of various types against the Ukrainian people. It is terror directed not at armies, but at maternity wards, hospitals, apartment buildings, power plants and buses carrying workers. It is terror meant to extinguish light, heat and hope. Men do not fight like this. Human beings do not act towards one another like this. Russia’s strategy is clear: it has not achieved a single strategic goal on the battlefield and therefore wants to freeze Ukrainians and force us to capitulate. As I said this morning in the General Assembly Hall, Ukraine will not surrender, and Ukraine will not accept peace at any price. The impact of the war on the civilian population is truly devastating. Power outages have affected more than 10 million people, forcing hospitals, schools and emergency services to operate with limited or no power. Disruptions to heating during sub-zero winter temperatures have left Ukrainians unable to maintain basic living conditions. Water shortages have deprived hundreds of thousands of people of access to safe drinking water. Economic disruption has led to the closure of businesses and essential services, deepening the humanitarian crisis across the country. These acts are not incidental to the hostilities. They bear the hallmarks of serious, gross violations of international humanitarian law and amount to war crimes. We continue to document indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks, the use of weapons in densely populated areas, summary executions, torture and ill-treatment of detainees, conflict-related sexual violence and the unlawful deportation and forcible transfer of civilians, including children. In this context, the arrest warrants against top Russian officials and military personnel issued by the International Criminal Court underscore that such conduct may entail individual criminal responsibility under international law. Those responsible must be held accountable. Moreover, Russia has deliberately targeted grid lines and substations essential for the reliable off-site power supply of nuclear power plants, creating nuclear risks, not only to Ukraine and not only to Europe. One such attack recently caused the Chornobyl nuclear power plant to lose its external power supply. Against this backdrop, the situation at the Russian-occupied Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant remains gravely alarming. Europe’s largest nuclear facility has endured repeated losses of off-site power. This leaves the plant in a state of constant and dangerous vulnerability, while Russia continues its unlawful and irresponsible attempts to connect the plant to its own energy system. The international community must act decisively and without delay, including through the establishment of temporary international supervision to ensure nuclear and radiation safety, prevent further militarization and safeguard the plant’s legal status. Such measures must clearly serve one objective: the safe, lawful and irreversible return of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant to Ukraine’s legitimate authority, which remains the only sustainable guarantee of nuclear security in Europe. The occupation and militarization of nuclear facilities cannot be accepted. Ukraine calls on all partners to impose comprehensive sanctions on Rosatom and to reduce cooperation with this entity, wherever possible. Resilience alone is not enough. Ukraine urgently needs both humanitarian and defence assistance to protect our people. We express our deepest gratitude to the Governments and citizens of all countries providing assistance. Their support saves lives and sends a clear message to Russia that its terror will not break Ukraine. We are also deeply grateful to the United Nations agencies operating in Ukraine under very difficult conditions. Since February 2022, the United Nations system in Ukraine has been implementing one of its largest humanitarian operations. In January 2026, the United Nations presented a new humanitarian response plan for Ukraine for the year 2026, aimed at assisting more than 4.1 million Ukrainians. And this is precisely how the United Nations proves its relevance, even while the Council is immobilized owing to the presence of the aggressor in the Chamber. As of today, 2,000 Ukrainian children have been successfully saved from Russian control and brought back home. At the same time, we are aware of the more than 20,000 Ukrainian children who have been abducted and deported by Russia in grave breach of international law. Overall, approximately 1.6 million Ukrainian children remain in temporarily occupied territory. Russia systematically subjects Ukrainian children to militarization, forcibly alters their identity, changes their citizenship status and seeks to impose upon them a hateful ideology aimed at totally erasing their Ukrainian identity. This is a deliberate component of Russia’s genocidal policy against Ukraine and Ukrainians. I urge all Member States to contribute to implementing the recently adopted General Assembly resolution on the return of Ukrainian children (General Assembly resolution ES-11/9), in particular by consolidating pressure on Russia. For Ukraine, the return of each and every child is a moral imperative. It is a matter of justice, of identity and of the very future of our nation. This war has brought immense suffering, not only to those killed or injured but also to the loved ones left behind — mothers searching for their sons, children waiting for their fathers, families living in unbearable uncertainty. Beyond this visible destruction lies another layer of agony: tens of thousands of missing persons, arbitrarily detained civilians and prisoners of war. A central obstacle to clarifying their fate is Russia’s systematic practice of incommunicado detention. The United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross are denied unimpeded access to places of detention. In stark contrast, Ukraine provides full access to facilities holding Russian prisoners of war and civilians, in full compliance with international humanitarian law. More than 16,000 Ukrainian civilians are currently held in Russian captivity. The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine has concluded that enforced disappearances form part of a coordinated Russian State policy and amount to crimes against humanity. Russia’s treatment of Ukrainian prisoners of war and civilians equally violates every tenet of international criminal law and international humanitarian law. Russia systematically denies people prisoner-of-war status, subjects them to sham trials based on coerced confessions and prosecutes them merely for defending their own country. International monitoring missions and investigation teams document arbitrary executions, widespread torture and inhumane detention conditions, including severe beatings, electric shocks and the denial of medical care. A particularly horrifying dimension concerns conflict-related sexual violence against Ukrainian prisoners of war. The crime prompted the Secretary-General to issue a specific notice regarding Russia’s treatment of Ukrainian prisoners of war in his 2025 report on conflict-related sexual violence (S/2025/389). Only the awareness of the inevitability of punishment can compel Russia, other violators and potential aggressors to comply with international humanitarian law. Ukraine remains ready to proceed with the exchange of prisoners of war on the principle of all for all. We also call for increased international pressure on the Russian Federation to compel it to release all illegally detained civilians and abducted children. Ukraine continues to defend itself against Russia’s unprovoked, unjustified and illegal full-scale military invasion, in full accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Russia can end this war at any time. However, the only way to bring this about is to make Russia bear the full burden of its aggression. The cost of aggression should rise. This should also include actions with regard to new alliances forming around Russia — Iran, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Belarus — united by their contempt for the rules-based international order. The Russian regime and its accomplices will not stop on their own. Russia feels impunity, and it has not yet faced proper consequences for its atrocities. Despite ongoing peace efforts led by the United States and supported by European partners, the Russian Federation continues to show no readiness to stop this aggression, using the negotiating process as a cover to continue this war of aggression, betting on time. As of today, we have held a number of trilateral meetings with the United States and Russian sides. The latest took place in Geneva on 17 and 18 February. As of today, we have no agreement on the most sensitive political matters. Ukraine has repeatedly demonstrated full, constructive engagement in the peace process. Ukraine is not an obstacle to peace — we want peace more than anyone else, but of course it should be a just peace. Ukraine is ready to make compromises and already said that we are ready to agree to the cessation of hostilities along the current line of contact. It is a very difficult compromise for us, but we cannot compromise our sovereignty and territorial integrity. Yet, the Kremlin’s position remains unchanged; it wants Ukraine to withdraw from our own sovereign territory to ensure that Russia can occupy it. This is not a matter of negotiating red lines. Sovereignty and territorial integrity are key, founding principles of the United Nations Charter — they are red lines for Ukraine and, I am more than sure, for every country present in this Chamber. While Russia continues its war, we must mobilize all resources to stop the aggressor and uphold international law. The first is sanctions. Sanctions are not a magic solution, but they are essential and efficient. They must be strengthened to impose real economic sanctions, including targeting Russia’s shadow fleet, limiting oil revenues and restricting access to critical components for weapons production. The second is defence support. Ukraine needs additional air defence systems and modern capabilities to close our skies and protect our people. The third is security guarantees. Ukraine must receive credible and legally binding guarantees to prevent any future aggression. And the fourth is justice. Accountability should prevail, and it must include ensuring full compensation by the aggressor for the damage, loss and injury caused to Ukraine and its people, in accordance with international law. All those responsible — Russian military and political leadership — should be held to account. The question today is whether the United Nations is capable of fulfilling its core function of maintaining international peace and security. We must reaffirm that international law is not just declaratory but a real instrument of peace. If a comprehensive, just and lasting peace is not restored in Ukraine, and if the rule of force prevails, no country will be safe. If aggression prevails, the global security system will collapse, and I am afraid that the United Nations might collapse. Ukrainians are fighting for the right to live freely on our own land, on our own soil, in our own State and in accordance with our own choice. We will never recognize the occupation, and we will never accept territorial concessions. We will never compromise our freedom. Our ultimate goal is a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, based on the United Nations Charter and international law, whereby every State can be certain that its sovereignty is respected, its people are safe, and aggression and aggressor are punished. Glory to Ukraine.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Petr Macinka, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic.

I thank you, Mr. President, for this opportunity to speak here today. Today marks four years since the launch of the war against Ukraine — four years of bombarded cities and drone strikes; four years of divided families; four years of trenches, minefields and mass graves. We are here in an institution created to protect peace, and yet, for four years, we have been watching an open aggression against a sovereign State that seems impossible to stop. Once a wall stood in Europe. It separated freedom from oppression. It separated truth from propaganda. It separated the future from the past. That wall no longer stands in Berlin; it stands in Ukraine. It takes the form of the front line. It takes the form of occupied cities. It takes the form of children who learn to recognize the sound of missiles before they learn their letters. As United States President Reagan said in his famous speech in Berlin in 1987, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall”, I think that we should send the same message to President Putin: break down this war. This war is not just about territory; it is about a fundamental principle, namely whether nations have the right to decide their own future or whether their fate is decided by the force of arms. It is about whether borders can be redrawn by tanks, whether a neighbouring State can be erased from the map, whether we are returning to a world of spheres of influence and occupation. I think that Ukraine is not just defending itself today; it is defending the idea that sovereignty matters, that freedom is not a bargaining chip, that aggression must not be rewarded. My country, the Czech Republic, knows this experience. We know what it means when others decide one’s fate. We know that appeasing aggression does not bring peace; it only delays the next conflict. History teaches us a simple lesson: no occupation lasts forever, no wall stands forever, and no army can break the will of a nation that has chosen to be free. And that is why I want to speak plainly today, and I am sorry that Mr. Nebenzia left the Chamber because I would like him to tell his people in Moscow to stop this war and give peace a chance, not as a gesture of weakness but as a step of responsibility. The world is watching, history is watching, and with every additional day of this war, the unnecessary toll of human suffering grows. Some say that peace is not possible, but peace always begins with a decision — a decision to stop the destruction, to stop sending young men to their deaths, to open the way for diplomacy instead of artillery. Aggression is not a sign of strength; it is an admission of fear. Today is not just about Ukraine. It is about the message we send to the world: whether we say that war pays off or that the civilized world stands with the victims, not the aggressors; whether we accept that the law is silent when weapons speak; and whether we can show that values have weight. I would like to urge delegations to exhaust every diplomatic avenue in pursuit of a just and lasting peace. In that regard, I commend United States President Trump and his team for their tireless efforts to bring the parties to the table. Talks, however imperfect, are infinitely preferable to the alternative. The future does not have to belong to the trenches. It can belong to reconstruction. It can belong to cooperation. It can belong to a generation that will no longer know the sound of sirens and drones, as the representative of Liberia mentioned. But that future begins with a single decision. Therefore, I ask the honourable representatives of Russia to tell President Putin to stop the war.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Michael Damianos, Minister of Energy, Commerce and Industry.

Cyprus fully aligns with the statement delivered on behalf of the European Union, but I would like to make some brief remarks in my national capacity. Today marks four years since the Russian Federation launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. We commemorate this solemn anniversary with reflection and a clear awareness of our collective responsibility under the Charter of the United Nations. Cyprus reiterates its full and unwavering support for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. We support a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, firmly anchored in the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Together with the European Union and its member States, Cyprus remains committed to an immediate, full and unconditional ceasefire. We call on the Russian Federation to agree to such a ceasefire, to which Ukraine has consistently expressed its readiness, and to engage in genuine and constructive negotiations. In this regard, Cyprus welcomes the ongoing diplomatic efforts aimed at ending the war, including the involvement of the United States in advancing this process. For peace to endure, it must be just. Borders must never be altered by force — not in Ukraine, not anywhere. Any settlement must fully respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and include credible security guarantees to ensure its long-term stability and ability to defend itself. Cyprus speaks from its own historical experience. As a country that has endured foreign aggression and ongoing occupation for more than five decades, we understand first-hand the lasting consequences of violations of international law. Since assuming the presidency of the Council of the European Union in January, Cyprus has prioritized support for Ukraine, advancing political, financial, humanitarian and military assistance, while also supporting recovery, reconstruction and Ukraine’s European path. The upholding of the United Nations Charter should neither be selective nor optional; it is universal and indivisible. Sustainable peace can never come at the expense of sovereignty, territorial integrity or political independence. Cyprus will continue to stand firmly with Ukraine and its people.

I now give the floor to the representative of Georgia.

We are gathered here today to mark another tragic anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. This illegal attempt to forcefully redraw the borders of a sovereign neighbour constitute a direct assault on the international rules-based order. They represent a blatant violation of the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the Helsinki Final Act, and they have shattered the security architecture in Europe and beyond. Georgia unequivocally condemns the immense human suffering and widespread destruction caused by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. In response to these grave developments, Georgia is demonstrating its full solidarity with Ukraine through consistent political and diplomatic efforts, as well as by providing substantial humanitarian assistance and supporting Ukrainians arriving in Georgia. Georgia has supported all major resolutions and initiatives adopted by leading international organizations in support of Ukraine. Georgia knows first-hand the consequences of occupation. Russia continues its illegal military presence in Georgia’s Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions, where the security, human rights and humanitarian situation remain deeply concerning and access for international monitoring mechanisms continues to be denied. The international community must remain united and resolute. Attempts to redraw internationally recognized borders by force must never be tolerated. Georgia understands well the price of peace and its importance for a stable and prosperous future for its region. We welcome all genuine efforts aimed at ending the war and achieving lasting peace. Allow me to reaffirm Georgia’s unwavering support for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, including its territorial waters.

I now give the floor to the representative of Austria.

As we mark the fourth year of the unprovoked and illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine by its neighbour, the Russian Federation, we are reminded that this aggression constitutes an ongoing and blatant violation of the Charter of the United Nations. It constitutes a direct attack on our international order. As our Foreign Minister, together with some Austrian parliamentarians, witnessed upon her visit to Ukraine last week, Ukrainians have been enduring a harsh winter under merciless drone strikes and bombardments this year. This must stop immediately. As all of Council members know, Austria is a militarily neutral country, but neutrality has never meant indifference. It also does not mean moral ambiguity in the face of violations of the Charter and international law. On the contrary, as a neutral country, Austria relies even more than others on respect for our common norms and the strength of the United Nations Charter. As the international community, we should not, we must not, accept that the most basic rules are undermined and weakened, while the ones violating the Charter shield themselves from scrutiny with the veto in the Security Council. Austria does not provide weapons to Ukraine. But solidarity takes many forms. Since February 2022, nearly 100,000 Ukrainians have found refuge in Austria. Austria has provided €350 million in bilateral financial and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine and neighbouring countries. Finally, Austria has consistently advocated for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, a peace based on the United Nations Charter and international law. But peace negotiations are simply not credible while bombs fall and missiles strike. We therefore need an urgent ceasefire, one that is actually respected, monitored and implemented. The United Nations and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, both with headquarters in Vienna, could play an important role in the implementation of a ceasefire or a broader peace agreement. Austria stands ready to support all genuine efforts towards peace, including by offering its good offices and hosting negotiations in Vienna, as has been done often in the past. And we will continue to do our part, through humanitarian assistance, by raising our voice and by supporting dialogue.

I now give the floor to Mr. Lambrinidis. Mr. Lambrinidis: I thank the United Kingdom presidency for convening this meeting and Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her powerful briefing on behalf of the Secretary-General. On this tragic anniversary, our thoughts go out to the countless Ukrainians, who have been subjected to unspeakable suffering, and to the thousands killed, during the past four years. The resilience of the Ukrainian people, as they defend their country from brutal violence and stand up for the rules and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, is an inspiration to us all. Exactly one year ago, the General Assembly adopted a resolution on the need for a just and lasting peace (General Assembly resolution ES‑11/7), in line with the United Nations Charter, and the Security Council adopted resolution 2774 (2025), which implored a swift end to the conflict and urged a lasting peace. Russia voted in favour of that resolution. But in the year since, it has openly and shamelessly violated it by not stopping its attacks and, instead, has massively escalated them. Here are the facts: In the midst of a freezing winter, Russia has cynically and systematically intensified its targeting of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, deliberately also targeting civilians. In 2025, Russia launched over 54,000 long-range drones and over 1,900 missiles against Ukraine, even after the adoption of that resolution in the Security Council. According to the human rights monitoring mission in Ukraine, civilian casualties in 2025 were 31 per cent higher than in 2024 and 70 per cent higher than in 2023. According to UNICEF, there was a 10 per cent increase in child casualties in 2025. Almost all civilian casualties — 97 per cent, verified by the United Nations — occurred in Ukrainian-controlled territories from attacks launched by the Russian army. So much for the Russian representative reminding us that Security Council resolutions are legally binding. That is rich. These are not the actions of a country interested in ending its war of aggression. Intentionally directing attacks against civilians and civilian objects is a war crime, and its perpetrators must be held fully accountable. The civilian population in Ukraine, including children, is paying the highest of prices. Let me recall that, in December, the General Assembly clearly confirmed the need to redouble efforts to facilitate the return of Ukrainian children who have been deported and forcibly transferred by Russia (see A/80/PV.69), and we look forward to an update on the Secretary-General’s efforts to that end. The situation today is as plain as it is critical: Ukraine is ready for serious negotiations and compromises, as illustrated by its readiness to agree to an immediate ceasefire, de facto freezing the current positions on the battlefield, but Russia has not moved an inch from its maximalist claims. Our efforts continue to focus on achieving an immediate, full and unconditional ceasefire and a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in line with international law and the United Nations Charter. That is precisely what was confirmed today in the Assembly Hall through the adoption of General Assembly resolution ES-11/10 by an overwhelming majority of United Nations Member States. The European Union will sustain its diplomatic efforts with Ukraine, together with the United States and other partners. We urge Russia to end its aggression and call on all members of the Council to join us in this message. To have peace, Russia must be made to realize that its strategy of pretending to negotiate while extending its aggression will no longer be tolerated. Third countries that enable Russia’s aggression must stop doing so too. We condemn the continued military support provided by Iran, Belarus and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and urge all countries, including all members of the Council, to immediately cease any direct or indirect assistance to Russia. In conclusion, let me reiterate that borders cannot be changed by force — not in Ukraine, not anywhere. Any future agreement must respect Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. It must guarantee Ukraine’s independence, long-term security and ability to defend itself. No one wants and needs peace in Ukraine more than the Ukrainians. And no one has a larger stake in European security than the Europeans. It is time for Russia to stop the killing and leave Ukraine’s territory, which it is illegally occupying. Today more than ever, action by the Council is needed to end a devastating war that has lasted for too long.

I now give the floor to the representative of Lithuania.

We are entering the fifth year of Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine, and the thirteenth year since the illegal annexation of Crimea. This war is not only a tragedy for Ukraine and its people — it is a direct assault on the foundations of international peace and security. The scale of documented Russian war crimes and crimes against humanity speaks for itself: cities razed, civilians deliberately targeted, millions displaced and critical infrastructure systematically destroyed. Let us be clear: this is a war of choice, driven by calculated imperial ambition. Human lives are being treated as collateral damage in Russia’s pursuit of power by a permanent member of the Council, entrusted with upholding the very Charter it is now violating. The forced deportation, indoctrination and militarization of Ukrainian children, combined with systematic attacks on civilians and widespread atrocities, point to patterns of conduct that raise profound concerns about genocidal intent. These crimes demand accountability. Russia’s aggression does not stop at Ukraine’s borders. Lithuania and other countries face escalating hybrid threats, such as cyberattacks, disinformation, sabotage against critical infrastructure, airspace violations, and the instrumentalization of migration. These are not isolated incidents. They are coordinated elements of a broader strategy to destabilize our region, intimidate democracies and fracture international resolve to support Ukraine. We are working together in NATO and the European Union to identify and to respond to hybrid threats. In this regard, I would like to use this opportunity to call on the Council to take these activities into consideration and address Russia’s escalating behaviour. Russia is not acting alone. Belarus, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Iran and other authoritarian actors are actively enabling this war through weapons transfers, military cooperation, technology support and sanctions circumvention. This network of enablers is expanding the conflict’s geopolitical reach and undermining global stability. The Charter of the United Nations is unequivocal. It enshrines sovereignty, territorial integrity and the prohibition of the use of force. These are not optional principles. Yet Russia continues to violate them while disregarding the Council’s own decisions, including resolution 2774 (2025), demanding the cessation of hostilities. We have said it for four years and we are saying it again today: Russia must stop. Ukraine has demonstrated its readiness for a just and lasting peace. We support calls for an immediate ceasefire and meaningful negotiations, including diplomatic efforts advanced by the United States and its leadership, notably President Donald Trump, aimed at achieving a comprehensive peace consistent with the United Nations Charter and General Assembly decisions. But peace cannot be imposed through aggression. Any future agreement must fully respect Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders and guarantee its ability to defend itself. All members of the Council bear responsibility. Resolution 2774 (2025) must be implemented; the killing must end. And let us be equally clear: there can be no sustainable peace without justice. Accountability for international crimes committed in Ukraine is not optional; it is essential. We will continue to stand with Ukraine. We will continue to strengthen security guarantees. And we will continue to defend the principles of the Charter against those who seek to dismantle them.

I now give the floor to the representative of Estonia.

Four years ago, Russia started its unjustified and unprovoked war of aggression against sovereign Ukraine. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine continues to be the biggest threat to global peace and security. It constitutes one of the gravest breaches of international law and of the Charter of the United Nations since its adoption. Unfortunately, Russia’s neocolonial imperial objectives vis-à-vis Ukraine have not changed. The Kremlin wants the subjugation of the whole of Ukraine and the overturning of the European security architecture, in order to reverse the collapse of the Soviet Union. And here we will find the real root causes of this conflict. The first step towards a just and lasting peace in Ukraine should be an immediate and unconditional ceasefire. We commend the efforts led by the United States to promote meaningful dialogue and advance peace. It goes without saying that any settlement must be firmly grounded in international law and in full respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Ukraine has consistently demonstrated that it is ready for peace. In contrast, Russia appears to be ready to continue its war of aggression to the last Russian soldier and until Russia itself collapses and disintegrates, sharing the fate of its predecessor, the evil empire. Since 2022, at least 15,000 civilians have been killed and more than 40,000 injured in Ukraine by Russia, as verified by the United Nations. As we speak, in the coldest winter of the decade, Russia is desperately trying to use cold and darkness as a weapon to undermine the morale of the Ukrainian people. After four years of one major miscalculation after another and the loss of nearly 1 million soldiers, Russia still fails to comprehend the resilience of the Ukrainian nation. As Ukraine enters its fifth year of full-scale war, almost 11 million people require humanitarian assistance. For our part, and in addition to the continuous supply of humanitarian assistance to alleviate the suffering of the Ukrainian people, Estonia will host the Ukraine Recovery Conference in 2027 in Tallinn. Throughout its war of aggression against Ukraine, Russia has been using the full spectrum of heavy weaponry, including so-called Oreshnik missiles — capable of carrying nuclear weapons — against Ukraine’s civilian population and critical civilian infrastructure. Russia also managed to damage the protective sarcophagus of the nuclear power plant in Chornobyl. The aggressor even put the functioning of Ukrainian power plants and, consequently, the nuclear safety of the whole continent in grave danger. Such totally irresponsible Russian nuclear roulette should stop immediately. To end the war and bloodshed, all United Nations Member States need to come together and to collectively put additional pressure on Russia in order to force it into peace in Ukraine. We also remain deeply alarmed by the continuous systematic deportation and forced transfer of Ukrainian children. Russia’s behaviour and actions in this regard are not compatible with the status and responsibilities of a permanent member and amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. In this context, we recall the International Criminal Court arrest warrants issued for Mr. Putin and Ms. Lvova- Belova for the crime of deporting Ukrainian children to Russia and their illegal adoption. Accountability is a matter of justice and long-term security for all. Those responsible must be brought to justice. I want to conclude my intervention today by underlining that Estonia’s support for Ukraine and its people was, is and will remain unwavering.

I now give the floor to the representative of Germany.

I thank the presidency for convening this important meeting on this day and I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. We mark the fourth anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and, Mr. President, as you said at the beginning, it is indeed a grim milestone. It is also a day to mourn the countless victims killed over the course of this unjustified and illegal aggression. Every day of further bloodshed is a tragedy, and it is an avoidable tragedy. The war could easily end. Time and again Ukraine has reiterated its readiness to agree to an unconditional, immediate ceasefire, and time and again Russia chooses to continue its brutal warfare. While apparently engaging in negotiations but stalling in reality, Russia sends rockets to destroy Kyiv’s heating system, leaving hundreds of thousands of people, young and old, sick and healthy, exposed to Arctic temperatures. This war has profound consequences for Ukraine but also for all Member States of the United Nations in so many ways, many of which have been mentioned today in previous interventions. One very important consequence is the violation of the most fundamental norms of the Charter of the United Nations. Our common security depends on all of us jointly upholding these most essential norms. Therefore, this morning the United Nations General Assembly sent a clear signal that the reckless continuation of warfare is not acceptable and that the rules that we have all agreed to as Member States of the United Nations matter. Russia must finally agree to an unconditional ceasefire and seriously engage in negotiations. This war has to end, and we will not cease working until a comprehensive, sustainable and just peace is achieved. The people of Ukraine have the right to live in peace and security within the secure borders of their sovereign nation. Germany reaffirms its continued and unwavering support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, within its internationally recognized borders. And what we do as Germany, I would like to underline at this point, for Ukraine and for European security, we do with partners, with allies and with friends. To our Russian colleague, who has unfortunately left the Chamber, who selectively quoted from the speech of the German Chancellor in Munich, I would suggest that the speech be read and digested in full, because it clearly shows what we are doing and why we have to invest in our defences, the reason being the Russian aggression. And to not quote selectively, I would like to offer the following quotation from the Chancellor’s speech: “Power politics in Europe is not an option for Germany, however: leadership in a spirit of partnership, yes; hegemonic fantasies, no. Never again will we Germans go it alone. This is the abiding lesson from our history.” A lesson from our history and from the Second World War is that we have to abide by common rules that we gave each other and that we all supported in signing the United Nations Charter. And this is why we are here today and this is what we are working towards, with all of our friends, allies and partners around the world.

I now give the floor to the representative of Sweden.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the five Nordic States: Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and my own country, Sweden. For four long and devastating years, the people of Ukraine have rightfully defended the country against Russia’s full-scale invasion. Their resilience continues to command our utmost respect. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine was unprovoked and unjustified. Its objective was and remains the subjugation of an independent Member State. What the Kremlin envisioned as a three-day so-called special military operation has instead become the largest military conflict on European soil in generations, with consequences felt far away, beyond Europe. This war of aggression, waged by a permanent member of the Council, constitutes a flagrant violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. It goes against the fundamentals of this Organization, and in particular the Council, which has been mandated to uphold international peace and security. The General Assembly has repeatedly, again this morning, called for a sustainable and just peace in Ukraine, grounded firmly in international law, including the United Nations Charter. Respect for sovereignty and territory integrity is not an abstraction. It is a foundation of our global system of collective security. Important progress is being made on accountability, including the work under way to establish a special tribunal for the crime of aggression and an international claims commission. We will ensure that aggressors are held responsible and that Russia will pay compensation for the damage caused by its war. Russia’s aggression cannot be rewarded. It would create a dangerous precedent. It is in our common interest, as United Nations Member States, to ensure respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all States, both large and small. Let one truth be abundantly clear. No one wants peace more than the Ukrainians. They are the ones who have paid an unbearable price. It is their civilian infrastructure that has been destroyed. It is they who have suffered torture, rape and summary executions. They have seen their children forcibly taken away in a systematic State- directed Russian campaign that has been documented by United Nations agencies. While Ukraine continues to call for an immediate ceasefire and a peace consistent with international law, Russia continues its systematic attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure, aimed at spreading fear and weakening the resilience of Ukraine’s civilians. Russia has created one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises, and, through its actions, it continues to show no genuine interest in peace. The Nordic States will remain unwavering in their support for Ukraine. We support a just and sustainable peace — a peace rooted in international law and the United Nations Charter.

I now give the floor to the representative of Spain.

Spain aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the European Union and makes the following points. Four years have elapsed since the onset of the unprovoked, unjustified and unjustifiable Russian aggression against Ukraine. Accordingly, I wish to begin by reaffirming Spain’s consistent condemnation of this action, which is wholly antithetical to the most fundamental principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. This aggression must not continue a single day more. This violation of international law is all the more grave in that it is the deed of a permanent member of the Security Council, upon whom the Charter of the United Nations confers primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security and for upholding the purposes and principles of nations. No argument can justify a war of aggression, which, with every passing day, is resulting in more civilian victims, the systematic destruction of essential infrastructure and a humanitarian crisis of global proportions. Russia claims to be ready for peace, but, in practice, it is pursuing its indiscriminate bombardment of the population and energy infrastructure, in flagrant violation of international humanitarian law. By January 2026, Ukraine had lost more than half of its capacity to generate electricity on account of the damage sustained. The gap between generation capacity and consumption needs has led to extensive blackouts, leaving civilians with electricity for only a few hours a day or, at times, depriving them of it for days. The lack of electricity has meant that many have gone without heating and water in the depths of winter. Data indicates that there have been more than 1,000 attacks against health infrastructure and that more than 1,611 schools have been destroyed or damaged, while 95 per cent of released Ukrainian prisoners of war surveyed said that they had been tortured. Those crimes cannot and must not be left unpunished and demand decisive action from the Security Council. Russia and its leadership must be held accountable for those violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Spain will continue to support all diplomatic efforts aimed at a just and lasting peace, while continuing to contribute on the political, financial, humanitarian and security tracks in support of Ukraine’s right to self-defence. The international community must support a peace process between Russia and Ukraine, but a peace that rewards aggression would not constitute peace; it would spell the demise of international law. The peace achieved must be rooted in the principles that have ensured international peace and security for decades, lest the international order and the borders, independence, sovereignty and integrity of all States the world over be imperilled. If we allow one State to invade another and to exert pressure on its sovereignty without being held accountable, no country will be safe. We must uphold the rules-based international order, which safeguards big and small States alike. Spain will stand unequivocally with Ukraine, out of a firm belief that aggression must be punished and never rewarded. In the current context of negotiations on a peace agreement, we assert that nothing that affects the future of Ukraine must be decided without Ukraine’s input. The suffering and resistance of the people Ukraine must be rewarded with a peace process in which it plays a direct part, in which its interests and security are taken on board and in which effort and concessions are required in a manner that is fair. In conclusion, our message is firm and without ambiguity: Russia must immediately cease its aggression and withdraw all its troops from the territory of Ukraine, within its internationally recognized borders. Only then will it be possible to pave the way to a comprehensive peace — one that is just, lasting and grounded in the Charter of the United Nations.

I now give the floor to the representative of Poland.

Four years ago, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, seeking to redraw the map of Europe and erase a sovereign nation. Many thought that such actions belonged to the dark past of previous centuries, but Russia reminded us that imperial craving for colonies knows no such limits. Four years later, Ukraine continues to valiantly defend itself against the brutal onslaught. Every inch of sluggish Russian progress on the battlefield comes at an enormous price in soldiers’ lives and suffering. And yet, more than 1,400 days since the start of the three-day “special operation”, Russia continues to wage its illegal war with full disregard for human life, including that of its own citizens. The reason behind this is very simple: Moscow does not want peace. Moscow wants Ukrainian capitulation, while Ukraine wants peace — and that is the difference. Despite the diplomatic efforts of Kyiv, our partners in Washington, D.C., and the broader international community, Putin continues to seek the total subjugation of Ukraine, as we also heard today from the Russian respresentative. Already today, this aggression does not stop at Ukraine’s borders. We feel it in Poland through hybrid attacks, sabotage and cynical attempts to destabilize our society. So do many of our partners across Europe. Make no mistake: these actions will not undermine our resolve to help a nation under attack, but they do carry a risk of escalation that should concern us all, and I want to bring this to the attention of the Council. Through this aggression, Russia has betrayed the very principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law — violations made all the more shocking by the fact that they are being committed by a permanent member of the Security Council, the very member that, last year, voted in favour of the resolution calling for a swift end to the conflict and urging a lasting peace (resolution 2774 (2025)). Russian attacks on Ukraine remain systematic and deliberate. Nearly every day, drones and missiles strike Ukrainian cities and critical infrastructure. Attacks on energy infrastructure represent a calculated weaponization of winter. The strategy is simple: to break civilians through frost and darkness. This is terror elevated to the level of State policy. We categorically condemn such attacks and refuse to remain indifferent. This policy is, however, failing. Ukraine is not just defending itself; it is repairing, building and preserving. This commands our deepest respect. Our thoughts are with the victims, but our actions must be with the survivors. What must we do? First, we must continue comprehensive support for Ukraine for as long as it takes. Half measures are not helpful. Secondly, we must maintain and strengthen sanctions, particularly on Russian energy exports that finance the war. Sanctions must bite. Thirdly, we must persist in diplomatic efforts towards a just and lasting peace defined and accepted by Ukraine as the victim, not by Russia as the aggressor. On its part, Poland will not waver in its support to Ukraine, whether through Government-led aid or heartfelt assistance from our citizens, non-governmental organizations and faith-based organizations. We have been helping Ukraine from day one and mobilizing others to do so, and this will not change. It is my hope that a year from now, we will not be sitting here repeating the same pleas. It is time for Russia to end this war and finally understand that the era of the Russian empire is over — be it the White Empire or the Red Empire, for which the Russian representative was longing today.

There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I want to thank all speakers for their contributions. I wish all a safe journey.