S/PV.10124 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Estonia, Finland, Poland and Ukraine to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under- Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs; and Mr. Tom Fletcher, Under- Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I also invite His Excellency Mr. Stavros Lambrinidis, Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I now give the floor to Ms. DiCarlo. Ms. DiCarlo: It is more than four years since the Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine — nearly 1,500 days of death, destruction and despair. And today, far from abating, the violence is worse than ever. Since February 2022, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has verified that 15,364 civilians, including 775 children, have been killed in Ukraine. Another 42,144 civilians, including 2,588 children, have been injured. The actual number of casualties is likely significantly higher. In February of this year alone, at least 188 civilians were killed and 757 injured — a 45 per cent increase compared to the same period last year. Attacks have continued this month. On 7 March, a strike on a residential building in Kharkiv reportedly killed at least 10 civilians, including children. Some residents are still missing. An attack in the Kyiv region from 13 to 14 March reportedly killed six people and injured several others. Six people were killed and 27 injured in Russian attacks on Donetsk, Kharkiv and Kherson Oblasts on 20 March. A house in the city of Zaporizhzhia was destroyed in a Russian strike on 21 March; a couple was killed and their two children injured. Reports also indicate an increase in strikes targeting railroads and other transport infrastructure in Ukraine. In the Mykolaiv and Odesa regions, five people were reportedly injured in two attacks on railway infrastructure on 4 March. And in Sumy, drones reportedly hit passenger trains on 8 and 14 March. Over the winter, damage to Ukraine’s energy infrastructure brought the country’s energy grid to the brink of total collapse. According to Ukrainian authorities, 60 per cent of gas production capacity has been destroyed, and all the country’s power stations have been damaged, leading to persistent disruptions in electricity, heating and water across the country. Energy, industrial and port infrastructure facilities have been damaged in Odesa. In the latest such attack on 19 March, four people were reportedly injured when drones hit apartment buildings. Repairs to the energy sector, where possible at all, will take time and require concerted international support. The Russian Federation has also reported attacks affecting civilians and civilian infrastructure. Over the weekend of 14 to 16 March, local authorities in the Russian Federation reported the largest Ukrainian drone attack targeting Moscow to date. At least 250 drones were reportedly shot down near the Russian capital. No civilian casualties have been reported. In Russian regions bordering Ukraine — Kursk, Belgorod and Bryansk and the southern Krasnodar region — local officials have reported civilian casualties and damage to infrastructure from alleged strikes. The United Nations cannot verify these reports owing to a lack of access and limited public information. But international humanitarian law clearly prohibits attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. All such attacks, wherever they occur, must cease. Military activity near Ukraine’s nuclear sites, including the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, continues, with potentially devastating consequences. Following repeated disruptions caused by military activity, successful repairs on the plant’s power supplies were carried out on 5 March, under the fifth local ceasefire negotiated by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). We commend the crucial work of the IAEA to help to ensure the safety and security of Ukraine’s nuclear sites. As the conflict drags on, we commend the countries that are still hosting millions of Ukrainian refugees for their continuing support. There are still more than 6.7 million refugees from Ukraine globally. More than 3.7 million people are displaced inside Ukraine. We welcome the extension of protection measures by the European Union until March 2027, recognizing that conditions are not yet conducive to large-scale returns. Long-term international support is also needed for Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction. The total war damage has reached an estimated $195 billion. Ukraine would also require $588 billion over the next decade for recovery and reconstruction. Similarly, substantial assistance will be needed to rid Ukraine of mine and unexploded ordnance. The scale of mine contamination in the country is one of the largest globally. At the end of 2025, approximately 132,076 square kilometres of land remained potentially contaminated by explosive hazards, despite progress in clearance. The reconstruction and rehabilitation of Ukraine should also be accompanied by accountability for the atrocities perpetrated during the war. The findings of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, presented on 12 March, are deeply concerning. The Commission concluded that “Russian authorities have committed the crimes against humanity of deportation and forcible transfer, as well as of enforced disappearance, both targeting children.” All deported children must be returned home without delay. Their rights and identity must be fully protected. We continue to support efforts to facilitate the return of Ukrainian children and commend the countries and organizations working towards this end. We note the recent exchanges of prisoners of war, which saw 657 Ukrainian and 657 Russian prisoners of war return to their families in February and March. Such steps are important and should be expanded. And we reiterate our call on the Russian Federation to facilitate access to, and ensure the release of, all Ukrainian civilian detainees. Recent developments also underscore the serious regional impact of the war. Damage to the Novodnistrovsk hydroelectric plant in the south of Ukraine on 7 March led to an oil spill and widespread water pollution of the Nistru River in neighbouring Moldova. It prompted a 15-day environmental alert and disruption to water services in the country’s third largest city and other localities. Moldovan officials have also reported repeated violations of their airspace by drones. The suffering and destruction caused by the war in Ukraine can never be justified. The longer the war exists, the deadlier it becomes, with growing risks to regional and international security. A full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire is imperative. We welcome the diplomatic efforts led by the United States over the past year to advance peace in Ukraine. As the most significant initiative to date to help to restore momentum towards a peaceful resolution, these efforts require sustained commitment and support. The aim must be a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in line with the Charter of the United Nations, international law and relevant United Nations resolutions. It must uphold the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine, within its internationally recognized borders. We remain ready to support all efforts to this end.

I thank Ms. DiCarlo for her briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Fletcher. Mr. Fletcher: Council members heard a strong and comprehensive briefing from Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo, so let me just underline four points and make three brief asks. As Council members heard, civilian casualties in Ukraine far exceed levels this time last year. Civilians continue to face waves of drone and missile strikes, destroying homes, schools and hospitals. Entire communities are being forced to flee as hostilities intensify along front-line areas. For children, this means missing schooling and prolonged stress and fear, separated from loved ones. At the same time, many civilians, including older people and those with limited means, remain in high-risk areas. The second point to underline is that these strikes on energy and other vital infrastructure are cutting civilians off from the basics of survival: electricity, water and heat. Tens of thousands of families across the country are left in the dark and cold for weeks on end. These attacks reflect a sustained pattern of damage to the systems on which civilians depend to survive, with humanitarian aid increasingly stepping in to fill the gaps left by the deterioration of essential services. This is a population under constant strain, in which the damage builds quietly but relentlessly alongside the visible destruction. A third point to underline is that the conflict in Ukraine is increasingly characterized by the use of advanced technologies. To give just one example, on 20 March, a team from the national non-governmental organization (NGO) Proliska Humanitarian Mission, an NGO I visited last year, came under fire while evacuating older people in the Oblast of Donetsk. A drone strike killed two women and injured two other evacuees. The evacuation van was clearly marked with the logo of the humanitarian organization. There must be an investigation, accountability and practical steps to ensure this does not recur. On a positive note, despite the immense challenges and the risks to humanitarian operations and our people, help is getting through. In January alone, we and our partners reached nearly 1 million people with food, cash assistance, medical care, shelter and protection. Over a cruel, cold winter, approximately 100 humanitarian organizations supported more than 1.6 million people. In recent days, our inter-agency convoy reached a front-line community in the Oblast of Kharkiv, delivering help to some 500 residents in an area with no pharmacies and limited availability of basic services. Of course, local organizations are the backbone of this effort, and they deserve our support and protection. I close with three asks of the Council. First, as Council members heard, international humanitarian law must be upheld, here and of course everywhere. Please insist on protection of civilians and the essential infrastructure on which they rely to survive. Civilians, including those trying to bring others to safety, must be protected. This includes taking all feasible precautions to avoid and minimize civilian harm. Secondly, please ensure rapid, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to all civilians in need, wherever they are, including across front lines. Our access in Russianoccupied areas remains severely constrained, limiting our ability to assess needs or deliver help to civilians. Thirdly, our 2026 humanitarian needs and response plan requires $2 billion to reach 3.6 million of the most vulnerable people with food, heating, medical care and protection. Nearly three quarters of that plan is still unfunded. Therefore, please fund the response, so that we can deliver life-saving aid at the scale and the speed needed.

I thank Mr. Fletcher for his briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Deputy Secretary of State of the United States of America. I want to begin by thanking Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Under- Secretary-General Fletcher for their briefings. When I was previously here for the General Assembly in September, I organized an event called the United Nations, getting back to basics. The key point is that the primary reason for establishing the United Nations in the wake of the Second World War was to stop future wars. And yet the United Nations keeps getting bogged down on tangential issues and failing in that core mission. The United Nations’ inability to stop the war in Ukraine is an unfortunate example of this failure. That terrible war has now lasted more than four years, longer than the United States itself was involved in the Second World War. From the day he returned to office last year, President Trump has made it clear that he is determined to end the war in Ukraine. That war never would have happened if he had been President, and it is imperative to end the senseless death and destruction. And the war obviously does not just affect the belligerents. It has thrown the entire international political, economic and military order out of whack. It has imposed enormous costs on the belligerents, first and foremost, but also on many other nations. Our Administration is continuing to pursue a deal to end the war. Talks with the belligerents have remained ongoing as recently as this past weekend. What we are trying to do is to show both sides that they have more to gain from ending the war than from continuing to fight. Peace would unlock prosperity like this region has never seen before. It is unfortunate that the United Nations has failed to play the constructive role in seeking peace that President Trump has been playing. I ask in regard to the representatives about to make statements here today: are their statements actually likely to advance a peaceful resolution of the conflict? Do their statements try to identify something that could incentivize the belligerents to lay down their arms? Do their statements do anything to bring the parties to the negotiating table, or do they instead drive the parties away? Or are those statements just words that are not geared to lead to any tangible results? It is our fervent hope that the United States presidency of the Security Council this month can mark a moment in which the United Nations produces more than words and actually creates a pathway for peace. We extend a hand of friendship and cooperation to anyone who has constructive ideas for how we can close a deal to end the war. The Trump Administration remains committed to working with both Russia and Ukraine to end this war, and we reiterate our call on both sides to negotiate in good faith, in a spirit of flexibility and compromise and a duty to protect and preserve the lives of their citizens. There is no greater honour than being a peacemaker. Let us resolve today to have the United Nations play a role in bringing about peace in Ukraine, so that people looking back on this period will not say that the United Nations rendered itself irrelevant and that peace was ultimately achieved despite the United Nations, not because of the United Nations. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

Let me begin by warmly welcoming you, Mr. President, as you preside over this meeting. I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Under-Secretary-General Fletcher for their very detailed and factual briefings. It has been more than four years now since Russia unleashed its full-scale aggression against Ukraine, but in reality, this war of choice by the Russian Federation has been going on for 12 years. It started in 2014. The briefings that we just heard clearly describe the situation on the ground and the violations committed and outline what needs to be done, including the asks by Under-Secretary-General Fletcher. We also highly commend the sustained peace efforts by the United States and European countries, and we underline Ukraine’s constructive engagement in peace negotiations. Meanwhile, we also know that ending this war depends entirely on the aggressor — the Russian Federation. Latvia therefore demands the immediate and unconditional cessation of all attacks by the Russian Federation against Ukraine. For more than a year, Ukraine has demonstrated its readiness for a ceasefire. I have a question: has Russia demonstrated the same? Ukraine has been engaging constructively in talks and planning for peace, despite its deeply gruesome past experience with agreements signed with Russia, which have been breached repeatedly. Russia has violated more than 20 ceasefires with Ukraine, even before starting the fullscale aggression in 2022. Latvia expresses its full solidarity with Ukraine and its people. Ukraine does indeed have legitimate security concerns, and not on a whim, but from experience. This is why robust security guarantees for Ukraine are crucial. The Secretary-General and the General Assembly have consistently reaffirmed their unwavering support for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of Ukraine. The Ukrainian nation remains united, strong and determined to defend its native land and its people. Ukraine has been forced into applying its right to self-defence, as foreseen in the Charter of the United Nations. Russia’s military aggression has not been able to achieve its goals, goals that are imperial by nature. Russia has suffered massive losses since 2022, with approximately 1.3 million soldiers killed or wounded. Over the past three months, Russia has been losing more troops than it can recruit, increasingly resorting to deceiving and luring foreign nationals under false pretences and using them as cannon fodder in the war. This is in addition to its coercive and illicit practices against its own citizens and the forced militarization of Ukrainians in the occupied territories, including children. At the same time, Russia’s territorial gains have been less than minimal, amounting to 1.5 per cent of Ukraine’s territory since the end of 2022, and even those gains are diminishing. In February, Ukraine’s gains exceeded the territories lost, and the Dnipropetrovsk region is almost fully liberated from the occupying forces. The fact is that Russia is not winning this war. When unable to win against the heroic defenders of Ukraine, Russia is cravenly taking revenge on the civilian population. Since Russia cannot succeed on the battlefield, it has intensified its attacks against Ukrainian civilians and first responders, the United Nations and local humanitarians alike. Latvia therefore calls upon the Russian Federation to fully comply with its obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law, particularly regarding the protection of civilians and civilian objects. Russia must immediately cease the aggression and withdraw from the occupied territories, and Russia must abide by resolution 2774 (2025). We welcome the leadership of the Secretary-General and the work of the United Nations system in exposing Russia’s crimes. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has verified that the harm to the Ukrainian civilian population continues to worsen with every passing year. Civilians across the country suffer the dire consequences of sustained and systemic attacks by Russia on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. Serious violations of international humanitarian law by Russia have been widespread and have been committed with virtual impunity. The systemic and widespread torture against prisoners of war and civilian detainees taking place in Russia’s detention facilities must stop. We continue to call on Russia to provide unimpeded access to international and independent monitoring. We reiterate the Secretary-General’s call for the immediate return of the deported and forcibly transferred Ukrainian children without delay. We insist on the urgent need to take action to help children in armed conflict and against conflict-related sexual violence. Let me conclude by repeating that this aggression by the Russian Federation against Ukraine has been on the Council’s agenda for 12 years. Latvia supports all diplomatic efforts to end this war and to achieve a just and lasting peace. The Security Council must shoulder its responsibility by taking a firm stance, condemning this unlawful and unprovoked war of aggression by Russia and doing everything in its power to achieve a ceasefire and to prevent any future aggression.

Let me thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Under-Secretary-General Fletcher for their updates. I thank Deputy Secretary of State Landau for his presence here today and for calling for concrete action to end this war, which has been going on for far too long. More than four years since Russia’s full-scale invasion, the pictures that our briefers have painted are painfully familiar: continued Russian attempts to deny Ukrainians the ability to freely choose their destiny, relentless efforts to unlawfully seize Ukraine’s territory and continued violations of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations. This has become the daily reality of Ukrainians, who continue to bravely exercise their right to self-defence. These briefings and figures represent families torn apart, communities devastated and generations traumatized. While it may be considered familiar, we cannot become numb to that fact. It should continue to shock our collective conscience and spur our collective action. Against this backdrop, let me address three recent developments that are both highly illustrative and deeply alarming. First, as we have heard from both our briefers here today, Ukrainian civilians continue to suffer terribly under relentless Russian attacks. Since 1 March, Russia has launched more than 5,000 drones, 4,320 guided aerial bombs and 127 missiles targeting Ukraine. In the past 24 hours alone, seven people were killed, and 17 more were injured following Russia’s recent attacks. In Kharkiv, more than 50,000 children attend school underground every day, only to return home to be attacked in their beds at night. This is the harrowing reality of life under Russia’s blitz of bomb, drone and missile attacks on Ukraine’s cities. Denmark strongly condemns these attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure. We repeat our call for an immediate ceasefire. Ukraine offered a comprehensive and unconditional ceasefire more than a year ago. Russia’s continued refusal to engage shows that Ukraine is the only party seriously committed to peace. In addition, these weapons bringing death and destruction to Ukraine do not stop at its borders. We are seeing their use far from the European continent, specifically in the Gulf. We commend Ukraine for providing hard-won expertise in countering such drone attacks to the countries affected. Secondly, the Organization’s Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine recently concluded that Russia committed crimes against humanity by illegally abducting thousands of children from the temporarily occupied territories. While some children have been returned, these successes only followed tireless Ukrainian and international pressure. As the Commission’s report makes clear, 80 per cent of documented deported children remain separated from their loved ones after more than four years. Denmark renews its demand for the immediate implementation of the December 2025 General Assembly resolution entitled “Return of Ukrainian Children”. Children must never be pawns in war. They must be identified, traced and returned safely to their families. We have seen too few credible signs from the Russian Federation that it is working to implement this resolution. Those responsible for these horrendous crimes must be held fully accountable. Thirdly, the Russian military has reportedly already sustained more than 1.2 million casualties in this senseless war. The Kremlin is now increasingly and desperately turning to other countries for manpower. Recent media reports detail more than 1,000 men from Africa who were tricked into fighting in Russia’s illegal war. This shows the global dangers of Putin’s war of choice. Denmark urges all governments to prevent their nationals from being exploited in this way. In closing, Denmark appreciates the United States-led negotiations and calls on Russia to engage seriously in talks to end this senseless war. It is time for President Putin to heed the call for action now. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has failed and will fail. History has shown time and again that people cannot be controlled indefinitely at the barrel of a gun. Ukraine’s many international supporters remain committed to its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. As the overwhelming majority of United Nations members affirmed in the General Assembly in February (see A/ES-11/PV.23 and A/ES-11/PV.24), the only viable path to peace is clear — an immediate ceasefire, serious peace talks and a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in line with the Charter of the United Nations. Denmark will stand with Ukraine each step of the way to achieve this goal.

I welcome the Deputy Secretary of State to New York. We are pleased to welcome you here to a Security Council meeting on a topic that is very close to our heart. I also thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo and Under-Secretary-General Tom Fletcher for their briefings that highlight the gravity of the situation. Their briefings serve as a reminder, if any were needed, that the war in the Middle East compounds the war in Europe, but does not overshadow it. The two conflicts are linked in that the Shahed drones transferred by Iran to Russia struck major Ukrainian cities long before Iran used them against cities in the Gulf. And how are we to construe the Russian proposals of mediation in the Near East and Middle East even as Moscow refuses to call a halt to the fighting in Europe — the fighting that it has chosen to engage in? The war waged by Russian has already entered into its fifth year, with unbearable consequences, as detailed to us, to which we refuse to become accustomed. That includes consequences in Ukraine, with strikes on the population and civilian infrastructure remaining as massive as ever and with Ukrainian children being deported and transferred to Russia, which the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine has documented in detail and which it has, for the first time, classified as war crimes and crimes against humanity. I note here that in this war there is an aggressor and an aggressed party. It is a war that is taking place on the territory of Ukraine, in which Ukraine is resisting in order to defend its independence and sovereignty. There are also consequences for the entire globe, with Moscow resorting to recruiting men from 17 countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Middle East to join the Russian armed forces and fight on the Ukrainian front. All of this is also documented by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry, which states that “a great majority of them were tricked and lured by promises of civilian work”. Russia continues to gamble recklessly on an endless war in Ukraine. It refuses to engage in good-faith negotiations and is pursuing the same maximalist objectives as at the start of the conflict, despite months of discussion, particularly with the United States. Russia is banking on the exhaustion of Ukraine and its partners. It is mistaken. On the front line, Russian forces are at a standstill, if not retreating, in the face of the Ukrainian armed forces. Our support for Ukraine will not waver either, for at stake is the defence of international law, the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the security of Europe as a whole. Our course is clear: to continue providing legitimate support to Ukraine, which is defending itself valiantly, and to maintain the necessary pressure, particularly economic pressure, on Russia. Our determination remains undiminished, as demonstrated by the French Navy’s boarding on Friday in the Mediterranean of another vessel from Russia’s “ghost fleet”, which is helping to finance Moscow’s war effort and posing security and environmental risks to coastal States. Almost exactly one year to the day since Ukraine agreed in Jeddah, at the request of the United States, to an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, we call on Russia to finally accept for itself the very ceasefire it proposed for the Middle East. The Secretary- General, the vast majority of Member States from every continent, and General Assembly resolution ES-11/10, adopted on 24 February, are calling for this in no uncertain terms. France is in favour of negotiations, and it calls on Russia to accept this outstretched hand in good faith to halt the fighting, at the initiative of the United States, rather than persisting in prolonging it through delaying tactics that have gone on for too long. We support these peace efforts. We are ready for this dialogue in good faith, just as we are ready to guarantee Ukraine’s long-term security alongside the coalition of the willing. We will continue to work with our partners to achieve a just and lasting settlement of this conflict, that is, a settlement that respects the independence and sovereignty of Ukraine.

I thank you, Deputy Secretary of State Landau, for your presence here today, which highlights the seriousness of the situation. I also thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Under-Secretary-General Fletcher for their comprehensive remarks, and I welcome the participation of Ukraine in this meeting. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has now entered its fifth year, and attacks are continuing. For another winter of war, Russia has continued to relentlessly attack civilians and civilian infrastructure. During the past month alone, schools, public buses, residential buildings and railway infrastructure were among the targets, while casualties, including children, continued to steadily rise by more than 30 per cent, compared to the same period last year. Greece reiterates its absolute condemnation of these attacks and its unwavering solidarity with, and support for, the Ukrainian people. Any targeting of civilians violates the most fundamental tenets of international humanitarian law and should cease immediately. The ongoing conflict in the Middle East should not divert our focus and attention from Ukraine. The bloodshed needs to stop now. This is the will of the overwhelming majority of the international community, as repeatedly enshrined in multiple General Assembly resolutions, including the most recent one adopted in February (General Assembly resolution ES-11/10). We also call on Russia to cooperate on the safe return of the Ukrainian children, in line with the General Assembly resolution adopted last December (General Assembly resolution ES-11/9). We stress the findings of the latest report of the International Independent Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine concluding that deportation and forcible transfer of Ukrainian children, as well as their enforced disappearance along with other serious violations of human rights, attest to war crimes and crimes against humanity. Greece has supported the United States-led peace efforts and the bilateral engagement between Ukraine and Russia and welcomes its latest outcome, namely the exchange of more than 1,000 prisoners of war at the beginning of this month. We also support the next steps of this engagement to achieve peace. But not just any peace. As a staunch proponent of international law and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, we remain committed to the principles of sovereignty, independence, the territorial integrity of all States, rejecting any change of borders through the use of force. We emphasize that no peace agreement can be sustainable without the full consent of Ukraine, and we stress the need for credible and enforceable security guarantees to deter future aggression. That is the only way forward for Ukraine and the only way to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Greece stands with the people of Ukraine and will continue to support a sovereign, prosperous, democratic and European future for Ukraine.

I welcome you, Deputy Secretary Landau, to the Security Council. I also thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Under-Secretary- General Fletcher for their briefings, and I welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of Ukraine and other countries of the region in our meeting. It is more than four years since Russia launched its illegal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine, in direct violation of the Charter of the United Nations. It is a war that demands the Council’s sustained attention. In February, Russia fired 280 missiles at Ukraine, the highest monthly total of the entire war. And since 28 February, Russia has fired more than 3,200 drones at Ukraine. This is roughly as many as Iran, which supplied so many of these drones to Russia, has fired at all its neighbours combined in the same period. Russia is now firing more than 5,000 drones per month at Ukraine, five times higher than in 2024. The burden on Ukrainian civilians is immense. There have been more than 50,000 Ukrainian civilian casualties and more than 15,000 killed since Russia started its war, as well as waves of attacks on its electricity and heating infrastructure in the depths of winter. Russia has also sought to systematically erase Ukrainian identity, including through the forcible deportation and indoctrination of thousands of Ukrainian children — acts that earlier this month the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine concluded constitute crimes against humanity. Russia could end this war today. We repeat this because it remains true. Ukraine agreed in principle to a full immediate and unconditional ceasefire 12 months ago. If Russia is serious about peace, we call upon it to agree the same and engage in meaningful negotiations towards a just and lasting peace Ukraine remains committed to United States-led diplomatic efforts to achieve a just and lasting peace, in line with the Charter of the United Nations. But, in return, Russia has only dragged out talks, issued ultramaximalist demands and intensified its assault. The United Kingdom fully supports the diplomatic efforts of our United States colleagues to secure a peace that guarantees Ukraine’s long-term security, sovereignty and prosperity. We call on Russia to end its war of choice immediately and without preconditions. The United Kingdom will not cease in its support for Ukraine and its people.

One does not have to be particularly clever or an insightful analyst to understand why the Ukrainian regime and its European accomplices requested today’s meeting. Zelenskyy is literally bamboozled by the shift of focus from Ukraine and his own “heroic persona” to the escalation in the Middle East, which, objectively, requires the close scrutiny of the international community. The Kyiv regime is no longer in the spotlight, and it is desperately trying to be the centre of attention once again. Yet, the second-rate actor from Kryvyi Rih, Zelenskyy, could not miss the opportunity to try to profit from the tragic developments in the Middle East. Zelenskyy sprang into action immediately and hurried to offer his “assistance”, while talking about sending Ukrainian military experts and drone units to places thousands of kilometres away in order to defend foreign bases and participate in foreign conflicts. Instead of showing concern for his own people and country, he is trying, at all costs, to remind his Western sponsors of how useful he is. Otherwise, God forbid, the money with which he has regularly lined his pockets and those of his associates will flow from Ukraine to the distant Gulf. Clearly, it is more important for Kyiv to be involved in any war than to seek a path to peace at home. That is why he is constantly on a world tour – around Europe and the United States, begging for financial and military assistance and trying to create an illusion of seeking peace, while putting forward “demands”, or, the way he hallucinates it, “fair” conditions: an immediate ceasefire, a return to 1991 borders, the deployment of foreign military contingents in Ukraine and so on. The Western members of the Security Council speak of allegedly increasing numbers of strikes launched by the Russian armed forces against Ukrainian territory. Yet, those in European capitals and in Brussels, the seat of the European Union, are unanimously turning a blind eye to all the Ukrainian armed forces’ crimes, while continuing to lend comprehensive support to Kyiv. I would like to say a few words about European “beacons of democracy”. European countries are taking desperate steps to silence everyone who is telling the truth about the situation in Ukraine. Using spurious pretexts, they now impose restrictions on their own fellow citizens, simply because the views and interpretations of those citizens are not aligned with the official line of the European Union or specific Western States. Among them are German bloggers Alina Lipp and Thomas Röper, French national Adrian Boke, the Swiss national Jacques Baud and the British national Graham Phillips. Without due process, they have been accused of disinformation, propaganda and “destabilizing activities”. Some of them are familiar to Security Council members from Arria formula meetings. This is nothing but intimidation and scare tactics. The persecution of dissidents has become commonplace in Europe, whereas freedom of speech and the presumption of innocence are now just empty words. At the same time, terrorist attacks committed by the Kyiv regime show no signs of abating; on the contrary, they are intensifying. On 10 March, Franco-British Storm Shadow long-range missiles hit Bryansk. The targeted strike hit a bustling business district in the immediate vicinity of apartment blocks, children’s stores, a university and other civilian infrastructure. The attack left eight people dead, more than 40 wounded. On that very same day, the Ukrainian armed forces used drones to attack a medical facility in the Donetsk People’s Republic. At the time of the attack, more than 130 patients and approximately 50 members of medical staff were there. Ten medical workers were killed, and a further ten people sustained wounds of varying severity. In total, in the week of 9 to 15 March, 239 civilians were subjected to shelling by Ukrainian Nazis; 202 were wounded, including 6 children, and 37 were killed. Almost 3,500 ammunition rounds were fired at civilian targets. We are recording an unprecedented number of drone attacks on Russian regions, including Moscow and Moscow Oblast. In total, since February 2022, at least 27,500 Russian civilians were subjected to attacks by the Ukrainian armed forces. More than 520 social facilities, 174 educational institutions and 74 healthcare facilities have been destroyed in Belgorod Oblast alone. And in Belgorod Oblast alone, 467 people were killed, including 23 children. The Ukrainian armed forces are literally hunting down live targets using drones. The regular, targeted shelling of the civilian population is a deliberate tactic of the Kyiv regime. At present, everyone is concerned about the situation surrounding the Strait of Hormuz and the prospect of disruptions to energy supplies from the Persian Gulf region. Let us recall that we never managed to secure a statement of condemnation from the Council regarding the terrorist attack on the Nord Stream pipelines, which were the most important arteries for the transport of natural gas to Europe. Almost four years have since passed, but we are still awaiting the results of the investigation. Attacks are continuing against other export infrastructure facilities that ensure the supply of Russian gas via the TurkStream and Blue Stream pipelines. In recent days, drone attacks have been launched against the Russkaya compressor station in Krasnodarsky krai and the Kazachya and Beregovaya stations. These irresponsible actions are taking place at a time when the global energy market remains extremely volatile. I am not even mentioning the Ukrainians’ closure of the Druzhba oil pipeline, which clearly demonstrates Kyiv’s intention to use infrastructure as a tool for exerting pressure and playing political games. In the past, the Europeans levelled baseless accusations of energy blackmail against Russia. But when it is not Russia but Ukraine that actually engages in such behaviour and there are grounds for asserting this, it is met with silence. After all, it is “different”. These reckless actions by Kyiv are on a par with the terrorist attacks that it has endorsed against Russian and foreign tankers in the international waters of the Mediterranean Sea and the Black Sea. Is anyone in the Security Council concerned about the freedom and safety of merchant shipping in this context? It is becoming increasingly clear that the current Ukrainian authorities are interested neither in peace talks nor even in basic humanitarian measures that might alleviate people’s suffering. Moreover, this is evident not in words but in concrete deeds or, to be precise, the lack thereof. To cite a simple example, seven civilians who were forcibly taken from Kursk Oblast are still being held in the city of Sumy. They are not military personnel, nor are they combatants; they are ordinary civilians who have become hostage to Kyiv’s arbitrariness. Yet, when discussing prisoner exchanges, the Ukrainian side insists first and foremost on the return of radical fighters from the Azov nationalist battalion, whereas the fate of ordinary conscripted men, who often found themselves on the front line against their will, is relegated to second place. This speaks volumes about where the Kyiv regime’s priorities lie. The way mobilization is proceeding in Ukraine can no longer be concealed with loud slogans or rhetoric abroad. This systematic, large-scale and coercive campaign bears less and less resemblance to mobilization in the traditional sense and is increasingly turning into a hunt for, and a round-up of, people. The footage circulating on social media speaks for itself: draft officers are literally snatching people from the streets and their workplaces and dragging them off public transport. At the same time, the so-called “exemptions” system, designed to shield certain categories of specialists from conscription, has, in practice, become a corruption filter, whereby those with money or connections are protected and the rest are dispatched to the front line. All this creates a dangerous divide within society, with some perceived as being of a higher caste of sorts and others as expendable. And this is not merely a moral issue; it also represents a strategic dead end, since an army built on coercion and fear cannot be combat-ready. Against this backdrop, it is clear why the Kyiv leadership fears genuine negotiations. A serious diplomatic process will inevitably raise the question as to what end all those sacrifices made and why the opportunities for a settlement were not taken. The President of Russia has repeatedly confirmed that we are unequivocally committed to a negotiated solution and to achieving the objectives of the special military operation through diplomatic means. But since the Kyiv regime is not ready for this and, egged on by its European friends, it is hell-bent on continuing to fight, it will soon have to face new conditions for a settlement.

We welcome you, Mr. President and Deputy Secretary of State, presiding over this meeting. I would also like to thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Under-Secretary-General Fletcher for their briefings. The conflict in Ukraine, now in its fifth year, has exacted a heavy cost on all those affected: peoples and their livelihoods, economies, entire countries, entire regions and beyond. Its prolonged nature has deepened divisions, strained multilateralism and complicated efforts towards a peaceful resolution. The humanitarian dimension in particular is tragic. As highlighted in the two briefings, civilians continue to bear the brunt of hostilities, with loss of life, displacement and destruction of homes and infrastructure. The continued human suffering underscores the urgent need to uphold human dignity, ensure the protection of civilians and prioritize a peaceful settlement of this conflict. From the very first days of this conflict, Pakistan has stood on the side of dialogue and diplomacy. And we remain convinced that there is no military solution to this conflict and that a just and lasting peace can be achieved only through sustained, structured and meaningful dialogue. We advocated our support for dialogue in 2022, when the two sides engaged in Istanbul, and we have continued to support all subsequent peace initiatives, including resolution 2774 (2025) of February 2025, and the ongoing negotiation process facilitated by the United States. Regrettably, the unfolding of another totally avoidable crisis in the Middle East has also interrupted the negotiation process on Ukraine. We however hope that the next round of these negotiations will take place at the earliest and that all parties will continue their efforts for peace, demonstrate genuine political will, build mutual understanding and engage constructively to achieve a negotiated settlement of the conflict, beginning with an immediate cessation of hostilities. Bringing a lasting peace would require firm commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and a focus on finding a mutually acceptable solution that corresponds to the respective positions and legitimate security interests of all sides. Pakistan will continue to support all initiatives aimed at bridging the divides and promoting a pacific settlement of conflicts globally, be they in Ukraine or elsewhere, while always upholding international law and fully respecting the United Nations Charter principles. Pakistan therefore reiterates its call for restraint, de-escalation and the resolution of all disputes through dialogue and diplomacy.

Liberia welcomes you, Mr. President, and thanks the briefers for their sobering updates. As we heard, we meet today against the backdrop of a conflict whose humanitarian consequences continue to deepen, particularly through the widespread destruction of infrastructure essential to civilian survival. The destruction of energy systems, water networks and basic services, especially under winter conditions, has compounded the vulnerability of millions and underscores the urgency of a more focused and outcomeoriented response from the Council. Liberia calls on all parties to exercise maximum restraint and to act in full compliance with their obligations under international law. At the same time, the Security Council continues to engage this issue with notable regularity, including through monthly meetings. While such sustained attention is necessary, Liberia observes that this consistency of engagement has yet to translate, at scale, into measurable progress towards a cessation of hostilities, nor has it yielded a clearly articulated and credible pathway towards peace. We raise this observation mindful of the complexity of the situation, but also conscious that the Council must continually assess whether its methods of engagement are aligned with the objective of influencing outcomes on the ground. In this regard, Liberia is of the view that the Council must guard against a situation in which it remains actively seized of the matter in form, but less effective in advancing conditions for resolution in substance. The value of our engagement must ultimately be measured by its contribution to de-escalation and to a viable political horizon. Against this backdrop, Liberia wishes to highlight several considerations. The protection of civilians must remain paramount. Previous speakers made this point and, over the past four years, continued to do so. Attacks affecting infrastructure indispensable to civilian survival, including energy, water and healthcare systems, should be assessed not only in isolation, but in the light of their cumulative and cascading humanitarian impact. All parties must fully comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law, including with respect to the treatment of prisoners of war. In this regard, Liberia notes with concern issues raised in recent briefings, including serious concerns highlighted by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Such matters, where substantiated, must be addressed through appropriate and impartial processes consistent with international law. Reports of violations affecting civilians and detained persons further underscore the importance of upholding accountability and reinforcing the normative framework governing armed conflict. At the same time, the Council’s engagement must increasingly be guided by the imperative of achieving tangible progress. Liberia encourages the identification of practical, incremental steps that can contribute to de-escalation and help to build confidence towards a broader political resolution. Closely linked to this is the need to advance a realistic and clearly defined pathway towards peace, as the absence of such a framework continues to risk leaving ongoing efforts reactive rather than strategic. Liberia also believes it would be a matter of concern if the Council were to conclude its engagement on this issue, having maintained it on the agenda without demonstrable movement towards a resolution. Sustained attention must translate into meaningful impact. We further note with concern reports regarding the movement and relocation of children in the context of the conflict. This is an issue that warrants continued attention and careful examination in future briefings, given its serious humanitarian and legal implications. In conclusion, Liberia remains convinced that there is no military solution to this conflict. We therefore support renewed diplomatic engagement aimed at achieving a much-needed ceasefire and a political settlement consistent with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We encourage the Council to match the regularity of its engagement with a renewed emphasis on strategic direction and measurable outcomes. A Council that meets consistently must also move the needle, because being seized of a matter is not, in itself, a substitute for progress towards peace.

We welcome you among us, Mr. President, Mr. Christopher Landau, Deputy Secretary of State of the United States of America. The Democratic Republic of the Congo welcomes the convening of this meeting, which enables us to continue our discussions on the situation in Ukraine in the light of recent developments. We would like to thank Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo and Mr. Tom Fletcher, the United Nations Under- Secretaries-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and Humanitarian Affairs, respectively, for their briefings. The Democratic Republic of the Congo remains deeply concerned about the ongoing hostilities and their devastating impact on the civilian population. As we emphasized in our previous statement (see S/PV.10110), the deteriorating humanitarian situation serves as a reminder that behind the dynamics of the conflict lie, above all, human lives, families and entire communities plunged into suffering. It is imperative to bring hostilities to an end and to ensure strict compliance with all commitments to a ceasefire. Indeed, only a genuine cessation of fighting will make it possible to alleviate the suffering of the civilian population in the long term and prevent the humanitarian situation from deteriorating further. In this regard, although there have been no tangible improvements on the ground, the Democratic Republic of the Congo nevertheless notes with interest the encouraging signs observed in mid-February pointing towards a resumption of diplomatic efforts. We therefore urge all parties to give clear priority to dialogue and to redouble their efforts to consolidate an effective, lasting and credible ceasefire. Respect for international humanitarian law and the protection of civilians must remain constant priorities in times of conflict. In this regard, the Democratic Republic of the Congo reiterates the need to ensure safe, rapid and unimpeded humanitarian access to all those in need. Humanitarian actors must be able to operate in conditions of adequate security in order to respond effectively to the urgent needs of the affected populations. We also reiterate our deep concern regarding attacks on civilian infrastructure, particularly energy facilities, the damage to which directly affects people’s living conditions and jeopardizes their access to essential services. The Democratic Republic of the Congo would like to point out that this conflict also continues to have ramifications that extend far beyond this particular theatre of war. Indeed, the continuation of the conflict in Ukraine is exacerbating existing economic and food insecurity and places the greatest burden on the most vulnerable populations. In particular, this situation is contributing to the disruption of supply chains for grains and vital goods, disproportionately affecting African countries, which rely heavily on imports. In conclusion, the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains committed to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, in particular the peaceful settlement of disputes and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States. We remain convinced that a just and lasting peace can be achieved only by exploring diplomatic pathways, fully taking into account the root causes of the conflict.

I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo and Under-Secretary-General Tom Fletcher for their briefings. The protracted crisis in Ukraine is something that no party, including China, wishes to see. Since the beginning of this year, intensive dialogues on the Ukraine issue have taken place, which China welcomes. The negotiating table is the starting point for peace. Although the current momentum of talks has slowed, as long as dialogue continues, a solution will be found, and the door to peace will be opened. Since the outbreak of the crisis, China has consistently promoted peace talks and worked for a political settlement of the crisis. The four “shoulds” put forward by President Xi Jinping constitute the fundamental guidance for China’s position on the Ukraine issue. We believe that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries should be respected, the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations should be observed, the legitimate security concerns of all countries should be taken seriously, and all efforts conducive to the peaceful settlement of the crisis should be supported. In the light of the latest developments, China wishes to stress the following. First, it is important to ensure the equal participation of all sides and strike a solid foundation for peace. The protracted crisis has become what it is today for a variety of complex reasons that involve multiple stakeholders. China supports the participation of all parties and stakeholders in the peace process, seeking common ground while setting aside differences through dialogue and building consensus through negotiations, so as to jointly advance a political settlement and achieve lasting peace. Secondly, it is important to accommodate the legitimate concerns of all sides and enhance the will for peace. Russia and Ukraine are neighbours that cannot be moved away from one another. What is needed is goodwill instead of hostility and mutual respect instead of confrontation. China encourages both sides to proceed from the fundamental and long-term interests of their peoples, accommodate each other’s legitimate concerns and strive to reach a comprehensive, durable and binding peace agreement at an early date. Thirdly, it is important to realize common security and build a lasting architecture of peace. The Ukraine crisis is essentially a major outbreak of security tensions in Europe, resulting from the long-standing accumulation and deterioration of security and trust deficits. The parties concerned should draw lessons from the crisis, uphold the principle of indivisible security and work towards building a balanced, effective and sustainable regional security framework, so as to achieve lasting peace and stability in Europe. There are no winners in war or conflict. Military means can never bring lasting peace. An early ceasefire and a political settlement represent the only viable path forward. China will continue to uphold an objective and impartial position, remain committed to promoting peace and dialogue, maintain communication with the relevant parties and work tirelessly towards a political settlement of the crisis.

We thank you, Mr. President, for honouring us by presiding over this meeting. We welcome the words of Under- Secretary-General DiCarlo, and we once again support her firm call for an immediate ceasefire as a crucial step to alleviate the suffering of the civilian population and advance towards a peaceful settlement of this conflict. We also thank Mr. Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, for his detailed and timely briefing on the situation on the ground. We recognize the presence of the distinguished delegations joining us in the Chamber today. Panama notes with deep concern how the current overlapping conflicts in an increasingly volatile geopolitical context are undermining the ability of the international community and that of the Council to respond and are having devastating repercussions for civilians, the vast majority of whom end up bearing the brunt of the clashes. This worrisome global trend can be seen in the context of Ukraine, where the humanitarian crisis continues to worsen apace. According to United Nations reports, the growing use of long-range weapons, including missiles and drones, has heightened the risk to the civilian population, and attacks on energy infrastructure have worsened living conditions, particularly over this past winter. The year 2025 was the deadliest year on record for the civilian populations of the belligerents since the hostilities began, with at least 2,514 people dead and more than 12,000 people wounded — an alarming 31 per cent increase in civilian victims year on year. More than 10 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, and a comparable number have been displaced, including 3.7 million internally displaced persons and nearly 6 million refugees abroad. This mass displacement is not only placing pressure on neighbouring countries; it also puts those who are forced to leave their homes in a position of extreme vulnerability. Resolution 2774 (2025), adopted in 2025, unequivocally expresses the Council’s will, as the guarantor of international peace and security, and reaffirms the need to bring an immediate end to the war. Panama reiterates the urgent need to resume, as a matter of priority, diplomatic efforts aimed at ending this conflict. We reiterate our appeal for the parties involved to maintain the necessary political will to engage in ongoing and constructive dialogue that, in line with the principles enshrined in the Charter, leads to a definitive end to this protracted conflict. Absent that political will from both parties, any effort by the Council, from a practical and realistic standpoint, will be futile.

I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Under- Secretary-General Fletcher for their comprehensive briefings. As this conflict continues, my delegation remains profoundly concerned by the continued deterioration of both the security and the humanitarian situations in Ukraine, which have now entered a difficult chapter. The ongoing hostilities serve only to prolong human suffering and further diminish the prospects of a sustainable peace. We are troubled by the continued escalation of military actions, affecting civilians and civilian infrastructure. The protection of civilians, particularly the most vulnerable, and the preservation of schools, hospitals and homes are non-negotiable obligations enshrined in international humanitarian law. Somalia reiterates that all parties must prioritize de-escalation, exercise the utmost restraint and uphold the aforementioned principles without exception. In this spirit, we welcome the significant prisoner-of-war exchange completed on 6 March between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. Such humanitarian milestones serve as essential confidence-building measures and remind us that amid deep division cooperation remains possible. We remain convinced that there is no military solution to this protracted conflict. Dialogue and diplomacy remain the sole viable means to bring this crisis to an end. In this regard, we note with encouragement the ongoing international diplomatic initiatives and welcome the recent trilateral talks led by the United States. While the next phase of these talks planned in March has been postponed, we look forward to their resumption to ensure these diplomatic tracks continue the momentum towards a resolution to this conflict. These engagements represent vital steps towards de-escalation, and we hope they will lay the groundwork for a constructive and durable path forward. A lasting and just resolution must address the underlying root causes of the conflict and be fully consistent with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. In closing, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at achieving a resolution that restores peace, security and stability in the region. The Ukrainian people and all those affected by this conflict deserve peace, prosperity and dignity.

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting. I would also like to extend my gratitude to the Under- Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and the Under-Secretary- General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator for their briefings. And I welcome the delegations joining us at today’s meeting. We are facing a protracted conflict whose most devastating impact consistently and unacceptably falls on the civilian population. The toll is clear and deeply disheartening: lives lost, families displaced, communities fractured and entire generations marked by uncertainty. Urban areas continue to be the scene of hostilities that affect the population and critical infrastructure essential for daily survival: energy, water, healthcare and transportation systems. Attacks on civilian targets and infrastructure are a direct threat to life and dignity: hospitals unable to operate, closed schools and homes without heating in the middle of winter. Those are not inevitable collateral consequences; they are unacceptable realities that Colombia categorically rejects and that must be the Council’s priority. Furthermore, conflict-related gender-based violence, including sexual violence, remains a cause for deep concern. We strongly condemn all acts of this nature, regardless of who commits them, and we recall that they constitute a violation of international law. We urge all parties to prevent, investigate and punish these crimes, guarantee the protection of victims and survivors, and ensure their access to justice and accountability. The civilian victims of this war do not deserve further suffering. It is urgent to promote concrete measures to address their situation. We cannot allow inaction to replace responsibility. It is imperative that all parties respect and ensure respect for international humanitarian law. This includes the obligation to guarantee, at all times, that prisoners of war are treated humanely and with dignity, ensuring adequate conditions of detention, access to medical care, contact with their families and an absolute prohibition of torture and any form of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. At the same time, it is essential to promote and deepen channels of dialogue, with a view to providing a continuous and predictable dynamic that fosters gradual and concrete progress. In this regard, Colombia encourages the parties to maintain a sustained effort and expresses its gratitude for the work of all the mediators who have made it possible to work towards peace. We urge all parties to redouble their diplomatic efforts and not to falter in their attempts to reach a serious and verifiable agreement, based on the principles of good faith and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. History shows that, even in the most complex contexts, dialogue remains the only way to reduce suffering and forge a sustainable and just solution. At the same time, Colombia wishes to underscore the grave danger posed by any escalation involving nuclear facilities. The mere possibility of incidents in those environments carries catastrophic risks, not only for Ukraine, but also for the region and the world. It is essential to ensure their safety, demilitarization and adequate technical oversight. It is time to end this war. Every day that passes without progress towards deescalation and negotiation is another day of suffering for thousands of civilians.

At the outset, I would like to welcome Mr. Christopher Landau, Deputy Secretary of State of the United States of America, and thank Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, and Mr. Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, for their briefings to the Council today. Armed conflicts are increasingly affecting civilians, resulting in the loss of life and the destruction of vital infrastructure, which hinders the provision of basic services, including electricity, water and heating and impacts the global economy and energy supplies, not to mention the profound psychological impact of these conflicts on civilians. In 2025, the Russian-Ukrainian war resulted in the deaths of at least 2,500 civilians and the injury of more than 12,000 others. Those are the highest figures since the crisis erupted in 2022. In this regard, we would like to address the following three points. First, the Kingdom of Bahrain underscores the importance of adhering to international law, including international humanitarian law, the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and non-interference in their internal affairs, and the promotion of goodneighbourly relations, in accordance with Article 2 of the Charter. Secondly, the Kingdom of Bahrain warns against the excessive use of weapons in conflicts, endangering civilian lives and damaging vital civilian infrastructure, particularly given the sharp rise in the use of ballistic missiles and drones by any party in any conflict. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights notes a marked increase in civilian casualties resulting from short-range drone attacks. Indeed, civilian casualties caused by short-range drones increased by 121 per cent in 2025, resulting in the deaths of 580 civilians. In this context, we wish to note the ongoing ballistic missile and drone attacks by the Islamic Republic of Iran against my country, the Kingdom of Bahrain, the States of the Gulf Cooperation Council, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and a number of other countries in the region. The Security Council, in its resolution 2817 (2026) of 11 March, which was co-sponsored by 136 countries, condemned in the strongest terms these brutal attacks and demanded that Iran immediately cease them. This reflects the international solidarity with our nations in the face of the blatant Iranian aggression that endangers civilian lives and threatens regional and international peace and security. Thirdly, the Kingdom of Bahrain underscores the importance of United States efforts to facilitate diplomatic negotiations between Russia and Ukraine, as well as the humanitarian and political mediation role played by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and the State of Qatar. We look forward to these negotiations yielding tangible results, leading to a peaceful and durable solution to the war in Ukraine. Diplomatic negotiations and dialogue are the only viable path towards security and peace in Europe. In this regard, the Kingdom of Bahrain appreciates all States making an effort to mediate for the sake of security, peace and stability, and contributing to the de-escalation of crises in an endeavour to find a diplomatic solution. In conclusion, it has become imperative today to support earnest action to end the war in Ukraine and establish sustainable peace, while mitigating its humanitarian repercussions in line with the principles of international law, the Charter of the United Nations and resolution 2774 (2025).

I now give the floor to the representative of Ukraine.

I wish to thank the United States presidency for convening this meeting and you, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau, for presiding over it. It is a powerful signal that shows the importance that the United States Government attaches to Ukraine. I am also grateful to the delegations of Denmark, Greece, Latvia, France and the United Kingdom for supporting Ukraine’s request. Finally, I thank the briefers, Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo and Under-Secretary-General Tom Fletcher, for their eye-opening and powerful briefings. I have no doubt that sooner than some may expect, all the shocking facts that we just heard from the Secretariat will serve as evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity, which Russia has been committing during its full-scale military invasion of Ukraine. We commend the indispensable work of the United Nations institutions in Ukraine and call upon the Member States to help finance the humanitarian needs we all heard during the appeal of United Nations Emergency Relief Coordinator Under- Secretary-General Fletcher. Before I proceed with my statement, I want to briefly react to the allegations of the representative of Russia about the supposed suffering of the Russian people, even though he snuck out of the Chamber. Listening to all those fantasies, one could get the impression that it is Ukraine that invaded poor Russia and not vice versa. George Orwell would turn in his grave. As noted by Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo, all these baseless claims of alleged Russian victims cannot be verified. My response to him is very simple, and I will say it in Russian. (spoke in Russian) Enough moaning, enough lying. Get out of Ukraine. (spoke in English) We are all closely following the disturbing developments in the Middle East. Ukraine expresses its condolences to the victims of Iran’s missile and drone attacks against the countries in the region and deeply deplores these treacherous strikes. That is why Ukraine became one of the first co-sponsors of the resolution 2817 (2026), adopted two weeks ago, condemning these attacks against the Gulf countries and Jordan. Moreover, our solidarity goes beyond words. In the very first days, Ukraine sent hundreds of experts, who are already on the ground helping our partners in the region to counter aerial threats and intercept deadly Iranian drones. Even though Russia did not dare to veto this resolution, what we have seen in the past weeks is that it is Moscow that has been providing substantial military support to the Tehran regime. It is Russia that is not just the principal ally of Iran, but the main accomplice and co-perpetrator of unlawful attacks against civilian infrastructure of the Gulf States. Russia has long portrayed itself as a great friend of the global South, opposing the vicious West, but this narrative collapses under the weight of the real actions of Moscow, helping Iran to ruin oil and gas production facilities in the region. Russia does not care about the global South; it has actually betrayed it. The Kremlin is not merely providing Tehran with intelligence support, including satellite imaginary and other crucial data that facilitate the targeting of United States military assets across the Middle East. There is also enough evidence that Russia is now transferring modernized Shahed-type drones to Iran, drawing on its own production capabilities, based on licensed Iranian designs. The same Shahed drones that Tehran was sending to Moscow since the beginning of the war, in 2022, to murder Ukrainian civilians are now being produced in Russia and sent back — both to destroy oil and gas infrastructure as the backbone of the economy in the Gulf States and to kill American soldiers. This is an unprecedented escalation in the region that may cost countless lives. Earlier this year, Russia reportedly transferred attack helicopters to Iran, in apparent violation of relevant United Nations arms restrictions. But the massive production of Russian drones and the provision of same to the Tehran regime elevates this conspiracy to a new level. This axis of evil between Moscow and Tehran constitutes an enormous threat to international security. Their military cooperation is truly alarming. The United States and the international community must take this threat seriously and act before it is too late. With those Russian drones, the Tehran regime will be capable of waging this war for a very long period, destabilizing not just the region but the whole global economy. This means that production sites of Russian drones should be considered legitimate targets for military strikes in the campaign against the Mullah regime. Ukraine is already contributing to the weakening of the military potential of the Moscow-Tehran unholy alliance, as our troops are hitting these production facilities, exercising the right of selfdefence. Therefore, providing Ukraine with the means for deep strikes and helping ramp up our domestic production of long-range missiles would support collective efforts to bring peace to the Middle East. And now I come to my last point on Russia’s hidden role in destabilizing the whole region. In reality, Russia is the primary beneficiary. of the new wave of instability in the Middle East. First, it automatically diverts global attention away from its ongoing aggression against Ukraine. Secondly, the massive deployment of air defence systems is already creating shortages on the international markets. And thirdly and most critically, rising oil and gas prices are generating extraordinary windfall revenues for Russia. Estimates suggest that in March alone, Russia may earn an additional $10 billion from energy exports. That is why we call upon our allies to impose additional sanctions on Russian oil and gas to deprive Moscow of these profits, which not only fuel its war against Ukraine, but also undermine global security and claim lives, including those of American servicemen. While the world’s attention shifts, we must not allow Russia’s war against Ukraine to be overshadowed and to fade into the background. The recent conflict in Iran has revealed how intertwined this crisis is with Russia’s military invasion and the Kremlin’s malign imperialistic goals. There should be no illusion. This Russian war of annihilation against Ukrainian statehood continues with relentless brutality. This winter was the deadliest for the civilian population since February 2022. Over the past three months alone, Russia launched nearly 19,000 strike drones, more than 14,600 guided bombs and around 800 missiles. Russia sought to plunge Ukraine into total blackout, to fully destroy our critical infrastructure and break the resistance of our people. But even though the suffering of civilians and the level of devastation are huge, Russia has failed to achieve this perfidious goal. According to recent polls, Ukrainians are not even considering giving up. I will say it into Russian again. (spoke in Russian) He should not hold his breath. (spoke in English) What we are witnessing is a carefully staged performance that Russia continues to play. On the one hand, the war situation for the Kremlin is increasingly bleak on the battlefield. And yet Moscow keeps on puffing itself up, pretending to be invincible and projecting the image of being one step away from total victory and Ukraine’s supposed capitulation. As the Institute for the Study of War, an independent think tank, rightly pointed out a few days ago, Putin’s negotiating position is based on a bluff and a lie. The bluff is that the Russians will overwhelm Ukraine and take what they want anyway, and the lie is that Mr. Putin will be satisfied with less than what he continually demands, namely, a de facto surrender of Ukraine. This Russian claim of the inevitability of its triumph is a myth, and I will briefly explain why. Russia has failed to achieve any of the goals of its full-scale military invasion. We are dealing with the longest three-day blitzkrieg in human history, which has been dragging on for more than four years now. Let us take a closer look at the situation on the front line. Russian forces now occupy 19.4 per cent of Ukrainian territory. They had taken approximately 7 per cent during the first phase of the war, back in 2014, and came to occupy a total of 26.8 per cent shortly after the full-scale invasion began in 2022. Subsequent Ukrainian counteroffensives left the Russians holding only approximately 17.9 per cent of Ukrainian soil in November 2022. Since then — since the autumn of 2022 — Russia has seized only 1.5 per cent more Ukrainian land, while suffering more than 1.2 million casualties in total. Just think about it for a moment: Russian troops — the self-proclaimed second army in the world — have needed three and a half years to occupy 9,300 square kilometres, an area three times the size of Rhode Island. Putin’s allegedly inexorable march to victory has been proceeding more slowly than a turtle’s pace, and at the current speed, it would take 183 years to occupy the entire territory of Ukraine. I repeat: Russia will need 183 years. It does not really sound like a successful blitzkrieg for Moscow, does it? That is exactly the reason why Putin demands that Ukraine abandon, without a fight, territories in the Donetsk region that Moscow has failed to occupy in more than 12 years of its aggression. By turning such ultimatums into preconditions for negotiations, as we have seen, Russia is deliberately obstructing the peace process. That is one of the biggest stumbling blocks on the way to a peaceful solution. Russia has simultaneously invented other unresolvable dilemmas, both demanding that Ukraine hold elections as a condition for a final peace settlement and at the same time refusing a ceasefire, which is needed for such elections. Russia must stop playing these games. We call upon the United States as a mediator — as the only mediator — to make clear to the Russians that these tricks are doomed to fail. By the way, in recent months, Ukrainian troops have disrupted the dynamics of the war and begun to push Russian forces back. In February alone, the Ukrainian army liberated a territory the combined size of Queens and Brooklyn in the Zaporizhzhia and Dnipropetrovsk regions. So, from a military point of view, Russia is not winning the war, and that is an obvious fact. The second reason why Putin is failing in Ukraine is because of the deteriorating economic situation in Russia, which I described in detail when I was last honoured to speak before the Council in January (see S/PV.10087). This Monday, even Putin himself, with a visibly subdued expression, acknowledged the grave state of Russia’s economy. Just watch the video to see his long face; it is priceless. Zero growth, zero reserves, an increasing budget deficit and many other factors make it more and more difficult for Russia to finance the war against Ukraine and pay salaries to its soldiers. The war in Iran and growing prices for oil and gas may, however, become a saving grace and a new lifeline for the Russian war machinery. Putin will be clutching at straws, trying to use this chaos in the Middle East as a game changer. We cannot allow that to happen. Thus, we appeal to our friends, to our allies, to the United States to reintroduce sanctions against Russian energy resources as soon as possible and to tighten the screws on Moscow. We also call upon other Member States who used to be the biggest buyers of Russian oil and gas and diesel to stop exporting them and stop filling the Kremlin’s war chest and bankrolling its aggression. The only domain in which Russia is regrettably succeeding is that of inflicting suffering on the Ukrainian people. Every day, civilians are murdered, both in areas near the front lines and deep within Ukraine, as a result of daily drone and missile attacks. We have just heard the shocking figures concerning the numbers of victims during the briefing by Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo. I will not repeat them. They still echo in our ears. The medieval-era brutality that we see as Russia wages this war against Ukraine must be stopped. Irrespective of all the Russian tricks — the abuse of diplomacy as a delaying tool, aimed at gambling on reduced international support for Kyiv — we remain fully committed to the restoration of peace. Ukraine never was and will never be an obstacle to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. We will spare no efforts to continue negotiations under the United States leadership towards this goal. Before I wrap up, allow me to address one final point. At our previous meeting, the representative of Russia once again recycled a familiar narrative about alleged historical unity between Ukrainians and Russians (see S/PV.10110). He even muttered under his breath something about Kyivan Rus’ that we Ukrainians had sold for 30 pieces of silver. Let me set the historical record straight once and for all. In the beginning of the twelfth century, Kyiv was the capital of the largest and one of the most powerful States in medieval Europe. In those times, the area of present-day Moscow was nothing more than a swamp, where only frogs were croaking. It was in 1147 that a tiny settlement on the edge of the known political world was first mentioned and later would develop into Moscow. And it was under the powerful reign of the Grand Princes of Kyiv that Moscow was founded. And then it was Andriy Boholubsky, the ruler of Vladimir-Suzdal — today’s Russia — whose troops plundered Kyiv back in 1169, murdered its citizens and looted the city’s treasures with a ferocity that is reminiscent of the barbarian sackings of ancient Rome. So, let us be honest: it was Moscow that betrayed Kyiv. It is Moscow that continues the same brutal policy to this day, bombing Kyiv, destroying our golden-domed churches, raping and killing civilians. So, I would like to address our Russian colleagues. Ukrainians do not need their distorted historical lessons about imagined unity. It is like the egg lecturing the chicken. As the cradle of Ukrainian statehood, Kyiv has stood firm for more than a thousand years, and it will stand for a thousand more. It will flourish, it will be unconquered, and Russia will fail to subjugate it. Let me address them again in their own language, which serves as a reminder of the Russian colonial legacy. (spoke in Russian) The carnival is over. The candles are out. Take your coats and go home. (spoke in English) Take your coats and get out of Ukraine.

I now give the floor to the representative of Estonia.

I am delivering this statement on behalf of the three Baltic States. And let me start by thanking the briefers, Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Under-Secretary-General Fletcher, for their valuable input into this timely Security Council briefing today. Just last month, we marked the fourth anniversary of Russia’s full-scale aggression. However, Russia’s war against Ukraine did not begin then. This month marks 12 years since the illegal annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation, following an illegal and illegitimate so-called “referendum” and the start of Russia’s armed aggression in eastern Ukraine. More than 12 years ago, Russia’s killing of innocent Ukrainian civilians began — unlawfully and indiscriminately. Since then, it has not stopped. According to the United Nations, more than 15,000 civilians have been killed and more than 41,000 have been injured in Ukraine since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. The true toll is undoubtedly higher; it includes the victims since March 2014, and its full extent remains unclear. Russia’s killings continue. These attacks target civilians and civilian infrastructure, and they are a clear violation of international humanitarian law and cannot be justified or explained under any circumstances. This killing has come at a significant cost for Russia. According to publicly available sources, Russia’s battlefield losses are estimated at approximately 1,315,000 soldiers since the start of its full-scale invasion in 2022, including both those killed and those seriously wounded. Even these figures likely underestimate the true, staggering scale of Russia’s losses. However, Russia has not lost only soldiers and military equipment. It has also lost credibility, honour and international standing. Russia’s aggression is totally incompatible not only with the status and responsibilities of a permanent member of the Security Council, but also with those of any United Nations Member State. Its full-scale aggression against Ukraine constitutes one of the most serious violations of the Charter of the United Nations and international law, amounting to the crime of aggression and accompanied by widespread war crimes. It represents the gravest threat to European and global security since the Second World War. We call on all States to support and join the initiative to establish a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine, as a necessary step to reinforce the international law-based multilateral system and ensure that impunity does not prevail. Less than two weeks ago, the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, established by the United Nations Human Rights Council, published a deeply disturbing report, concluding that the systematic deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children by Russian authorities may amount to crimes against humanity. The continuation of this war depends solely on Russia’s choices. It can cease its military actions immediately and engage in genuine, good-faith negotiations focused on the full withdrawal of Russian forces from Ukraine, compensation for the damage caused and accountability for those responsible, rather than the insincere processes we have seen for far too long. We must collectively apply maximum pressure on Russia to end its aggression and engage in a just and lasting peace. This must be grounded in the United Nations Charter and international law, including the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. We reaffirm our unwavering support for Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. The occupation of any part of Ukraine will never be recognized by the international community. The Baltic States stand firmly with Ukraine, because defending Ukraine means defending the ironclad principles of the United Nations Charter, including the sovereign equality of States and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all Member States.

I now give the floor to Mr. Lambrinidis. Mr. Lambrinidis: Allow me to begin by thanking you, Mr. President, and the United States presidency for convening this meeting. I also warmly thank Under- Secretaries-General DiCarlo and Fletcher for their important, even if chilling, briefings. Russia’s disastrous war of aggression has now entered its fifth year. Almost 1,500 days have passed in which Russia has subjected Ukraine and its citizens to a brutal aggression, a violation of the Charter of the United Nations which has repeatedly been condemned by the United Nations General Assembly. But Russia’s statements in this Chamber continue to blame others and to float incredible, often self-contradictory justifications for the unjustifiable. We rarely hear about the toll of this war on Russians themselves. Russia’s leaders would certainly not want their citizens to know. Its forces have reportedly suffered approximately 1.2 million casualties since 2022, with as many as 325,000 killed. What a staggering lack of respect for human life. And yet, it has not achieved its military objectives and struggles to hold the territory it has captured. Frustrated by its lack of progress on the battleground, Russia continues to deliberately target Ukrainian civilians — an easier target, no doubt — their energy, their heating, their water, their hospitals, their schools, their residences and their lives. In February alone, Russia targeted Ukrainian cities with almost 300 missiles and more than 5,000 drones, the highest numbers, I stress, since it started its systematic campaign against Ukrainian civilians four years ago. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has verified at least 188 civilian deaths in February as a result of Russia’s attacks, adding to the more than 15,000 verified civilian deaths Russia is responsible for. Without the successful interception rate of Ukrainian air defences, civilian casualties would have been even higher. Intentionally attacking civilians and civilian objects is a war crime, as if anyone needed to remind us in this Chamber, and perpetrators will face justice and will be held accountable. We commend the resilience of the Ukrainian people to stand firm in defence of their country and stand up for the United Nations Charter. According to UNICEF, more than a third of Ukrainian children remain displaced as a result of Russia’s aggression. I recall the decision of the General Assembly last December (General Assembly resolution ES-11/9) to redouble efforts to return Ukrainian children who have been unlawfully deported and forcibly transferred to Russia, and we look forward to hearing from the United Nations about its efforts to this end. For those still in doubt about whether this is important, I refer to the comprehensive new report by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, which presents further damning evidence of Russia’s obstruction of the return of Ukrainian children. The Commission concludes that Russia’s actions amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. The Commission concludes that. We are also deeply alarmed by its findings that nationals from Africa, the Middle East and South-East Asia are recruited by Russia to fight in Ukraine, often lured by false pretences. In coordination with our allies, the European Union will continue to provide comprehensive political, financial, economic, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support to Ukraine and its people in line with their inherent right to self-defence, according to Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. At the same time, the European Union continues to focus on achieving an immediate, full and unconditional ceasefire, and a just, lasting and comprehensive peace, in line with international law, including the United Nations Charter. The General Assembly has spoken out very clearly and very recently in this regard. The European Union will sustain its diplomatic efforts with Ukraine, together with the United States and other partners. From its side, Ukraine has repeatedly stated its readiness for an immediate ceasefire. Meanwhile, Russia continues to pursue its maximalist tactics and claims. We call on all members of the Council to join us in urging Russia — indeed, in applying sustained diplomatic pressure on Russia — to stop pretending and to engage in meaningful negotiations. Third countries that enable Russia’s aggression must also stop doing so. Iran, Belarus and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea must halt their military support, and all countries, including members of the Council, must cease any and all direct and indirect assistance to Russia. We welcome Ukraine’s readiness to provide support and expertise in air defence and counter-drone systems to Gulf countries. This is based, of course, on its own experience of being systematically subjected to Russian attacks by Iranian Shahed drones. In conclusion, I reiterate the European Union’s support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, within its internationally recognized borders. No country can annex its neighbour; no borders can be changed by force. It is time for Russia to stop the killing and engage in meaningful talks in order to achieve a just and lasting peace. Enough is enough.

I now give the floor to the representative of Finland.

I would like to join others in thanking Under-Secretary- General DiCarlo and Under-Secretary-General Fletcher for their very important briefings today. I have the honour to address the Council on behalf of the Nordic countries: Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and my own country, Finland. For the fifth year running, Russia’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine continues, with the publicly and openly declared intention of grabbing territory from an independent neighbouring country and annexing it for good. The war has resulted in more than 15,000 civilian deaths, not to mention the total human toll and the economic and environmental costs of the invasion, some of them global. All this destruction has been caused by unlawful invasion, as pointless now as it was more than four years ago. The Nordic countries have stated the following before, and I reiterate it: the Russian Federation could end this war today, simply by calling its troops home. We regret that the political will to stop the aggression is still lacking after more than four years. Despite this grim backdrop, there is ground for hope. First, Russia’s war of aggression is not progressing according to the aggressor’s plans. What was initially portrayed as a three-day operation has now lasted more than four years. Russia has lost a staggering amount of both personnel and military materiel. At the same time, the Ukrainian resilience has remained remarkable. The invading Russian troops have been stalled and even pushed back on some parts of the front line. It is obvious that Russia is failing to meet its objectives on the battleground. Secondly, there have been several serious initiatives to promote peace. These discussions need to continue and gain momentum. The Nordic countries appreciate all the good efforts made by the United States and others in this regard. Regrettably, we are yet to see the Russian Federation engage in a genuine and meaningful manner. Thirdly, significant progress has been made to establish a robust accountability framework. International courts and tribunals are playing a substantial role, with International Criminal Court investigations and International Court of Justice proceedings moving forward. The Nordic countries are committed to the ongoing work of the Register of Damage Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. We also stand firmly behind the establishment of a claims commission and of the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine. Fourthly, spring is coming. Ukrainians have made it through another gruesome winter, battling the bitter, freezing cold that is caused by Russia’s attacks against energy infrastructure. Intentional attacks against civilian infrastructure, including energy facilities, amount to war crimes. A clear objective behind Russia’s unlawful means and methods of warfare is to overcome Ukraine’s civilian resilience. Yet again, Ukraine has prevailed. Furthermore, Ukraine’s international partners are there to support it in preparing for the next winter as well. As one of the five permanent members of the Council, Russia has a particular responsibility to uphold the Charter of the United Nations and its core principles of territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence. Instead, Russia continues to blatantly violate the United Nations Charter and its core principles. In closing, the Nordic countries reiterate their unwavering support for Ukraine and for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace, in line with international law, including the United Nations Charter.

I now give the floor to the representative of Poland.

At the outset, I thank the United States of America and you personally, Mr. President, for convening this meeting, and I thank the briefers, Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo and Under-Secretary-General Tom Fletcher, for their informative interventions. The brave Ukrainian society endured a very harsh winter, as Russia fiercely attacked civilians and critical infrastructure. However, the humanitarian situation remains critical, as we heard. When temperatures were at freezing lows, the Polish authorities and non-governmental organizations sent hundreds of power generators to Kyiv and other cities to alleviate this huge humanitarian crisis. This is the concrete effort that is being asked for, along with hosting more than 1 million Ukrainian refugees in Poland to bring peace amid this war, because there will be no peace unless Ukraine and Ukrainians survive and remain safe from this aggression, for there is only one aggressor and one victim. While global attention has partially shifted, owing to the crisis in the Middle East, the intensity of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has not diminished. We are aware that Russia is attempting to exploit this situation to advance its own agenda. The drones currently striking the Gulf countries are exactly the same drones that were supplied by Iran to Russia for use in Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, and vice versa. The States of both regions should clearly see that Russia and Iran share a strategy characterized by an aggressive stance and unprovoked, indiscriminate attacks against their neighbours, including strikes targeting residential areas and civilian infrastructure. Their conduct deserves the condemnation of the international community. In Ukraine, with improving weather conditions, further escalation along the front line can be expected. Drones and missiles continue to target civilian infrastructure as part of Russia’s war of attrition. And Moscow does not stop there. Poland has observed a campaign organized by Russia to recruit individuals from Africa, who are subsequently deployed to the front lines against Ukraine. In many cases, these individuals are unaware that they will be participating directly in the hostilities. Russia is exploiting vulnerable populations from different regions around the world, often taking advantage of their difficult economic conditions by offering deceptive employment opportunities. These people and their families are becoming victims of Moscow’s policy, which is an example of the worst neocolonial practices. Recalling the historic meeting of the Council presided over by the First Lady of the United States and devoted to the crisis facing children in war zones (see S/PV.10113), we wish to condemn the grave violations of children’s rights caused by Russia’s aggression. Hundreds of children have been killed, thousands injured, and many forcibly displaced, often separated from their families. Repeated disruptions to education are having long-term consequences for an entire generation. Particularly alarming are the unlawful transfer and deportation of Ukrainian children, which we firmly condemn and call for the immediate reversal of. Poland supports peace efforts. However, it must be noted that, while Ukraine has demonstrated readiness to pursue diplomatic solutions, Russia has shown no credible willingness to engage in meaningful negotiations and continues to escalate hostilities. Therefore, we must remain united in providing comprehensive support to Ukraine, including military and financial assistance, while increasing pressure on Russia. We call for further means of targeting Russia’s war economy and for additional measures to restrict the shadow fleet, which provides critical revenue to the Russian budget. In conclusion, to break the Russian pattern of aggression, we need to ensure full accountability for all violations of international law committed in Ukraine. Those responsible must be brought to justice, and impunity cannot be allowed to prevail. We need unity within the international community, including within the Council, in upholding the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Any path to peace must be based on full respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Poland reaffirms its unwavering support for Ukraine and its people. We call for sustained international support and safe, unimpeded humanitarian access to all those in need. We will stand in solidarity with Ukraine, for, as all those present know, solidarity means a lot to Poles.