S/PV.1042 Security Council

In accordance with the decision previously taken by the Council. 1 invite the representatives of Tunisia. Liberia. Portugal. Sierra Leone and Madagasclir to take places at the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Mongi Slim (Tunisia), Mr. Rudolph Grimes (Liberia), Mr. Alberto Franco N.ogueira (Portugal), Mr. John Karefa-Smart (Sierra Leone) and Mr. Victor Miadana (Madagascar) rook places at the Council table.

1 give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal. 3. Mr. FRANCO NOGUEIRA (Portugal): Iamgrateful to you. Mr. President. for having given me the floor. and 1 also wish to take this oppQrtunity to express my appreciation for the invitation which the Council has extended to my 'delegation to participate in this debate. 4. With your permission. Mr. President. 1 shaH reply to statements which were made here and which are of direct concern to my country. Before doing so. however. 1 feel it is essential that we attempt to draw a clear picture of the background of this meeting and of the procedure which led to the convening of th~ Security Council. In order to do so. 1 shaH refer to the two basic documents before us; the letter which was addressed to you on 11 July 1963 [S/5347] and the explanatory memorandum attached to it. If we compare the two documents. a few observations seem to 'he pertinent. The memorandum refers to "territories under Portuguese administration";'the letter refers to "territories under Portuguese domination"•.Do these expressions mean one and the same thing? If they do. why did the two documents not use the same wording? If they do not. then my delegation is entitled to be informed of the meaning of such a difference. 5. We have been familiar in the past with the words "territories under Portuguese administration". which. although not acceptable to my delegation. are inkeeping with the legal terminology of the Charter of the United Nations and have been t!sed inpast resolutions. Now. 1 wish to know the legal and juridicalbasis for the words "territories under Portuguese domination". On what provisions of the Charter. on what resolutions of the General Assembly, on what precedents andwhat practice have the authors of the letter based themselves in drafting the document as they did? This may seem to the Counci! a small and unimportant detail; but in my view it is not. because it is a further example of a dangerous trend in this Organization which seeks to twist the facts and todistort thé words 6. But 1 wish to turnto anotherpoint. The explanatory memorandum states that the refusal of Portugal to comply with some resolutions of the General Assembly creates "a continuing source of international conflict and tension which is a serious threatto international peace and security". Later on it states that "The gravity of the situation ••• has brought about a serious threat to international peace and security which continues to deteriorate". 7. Therefore. the explanatory memorandum states that there is a serious threat to peace which continues to deteriorate. Now. the letter says: "The state of war prevailing in some,••• territories foUowing the persistent refusaI of Portugal" to comply with sorne resolutions "constitutes a definite breach of peace and -security". and so on. The memorandum and the covering letter are of the same date. at least officiaUy; but the authors have jumped from a serious threat to peace, as stated in the first document, to a state of war, as asserted in the second document. No comments, except to deny and reject both drafts. 8. But then there are other pointswhich invitefurther observations. The letter speaks of a state of war following the refusaI of Portugal to comply withresolutions of the General Assembly. There is, therefore, , a ":irect link between the so-caUed refusaI to comply with resolutions and the so-caUed state of war. the implication being that there is a state of war because we have not complied with resolutions. or else that the non-compliance with resolutions has led to astate of war. 9. Now, the authors of the letter have drawn a very grave, a very far-reaching conclusion. We aU know that many resolutions of the,Gené,ral Assembly-in fact most of them-are not complied witll; we aU know that there are many countries Members of this Organization which have entirely ignored resalutions which were of direct conCérn to them; we aU know that some great Powers have repeatedly refused to comply with decisions of,the General Assembly and -of the Security Council. 1 am not going to single out any countries. but we aU know that what 1 am saying i8' the truth. However. 1 never heard it stated that the niere fact of non-compliance with a resolution or resolutions leads to a state of war. We.hâve it stated now, in clear terms, and since the authors of the letter 1 am referring to did not wish-I am sura-to discriminate against my country, the conclusion has to be that we have here a new prlnoipleof general application to aU United Nations Members. 1 hope we aIl realize its implications: if we accept them, then we should not speak of the United Nations as an organization for peace any more. 11. The two documents that 1 have been commenting on base themselves on sorne of the deliberations of the Conference of Addis Ababa of May last.!/This leads me t() refer briefly to that meeting, only in so far, of course, as my country is concerned. 1 shall make just a few remarks. 12~ Mention is made b paragraph 6 of the pertinent recommendation a.dopt~d at Addis Ababa of a "real war of genocide" whlch the Portuguese Government isaccused of conducting. 1 most emphatically and oategorically deny such a preposterous allegation. In paragraph 7 the recommendation reflects the urge for propaganda when it refers to the report of the Committe~ of Twenty-FourY on the situation in territories under Portuguese domination, whereas the report itself, we a11 know, deals with territories under Portuguese administration. In paragraphs 8 and 9 the recommendation, as weall know, asks for the breaking-off of diplomatie and consular relati.ons between the African States and Portugal, and for the boycott of Portuguese trade, ships and planes. 13. Now, thesé decisions, together with some other measures, do not seem to me to be in accordance with the Charter ()f the United Nations, nor do they seem to be very becoming to States that are always proclaiming their respect for the Charter and for peace. Indeed, these resolutions of the Addis Ababa Conference, in ourview, are in clear violation of the provisions of the Charter. My delegation would like to know how all the threats which have been uttered, how all the hostility which has beenencouraged and organized, how all these acts can be recohciled withthe clearly-stated principles and purposes of the Cha~ter•.However, at this. stag6 1 shall not deal with .other points connected with the Addis Ababa Conference. 1 sha11 refer to them âs they may come up in theéourse of my statement. 14. After these preliminary remarks, 1 shal1 now answer the accusations whiCh have been levelled at my country. 15. 1 listened with great attention to the statement madeto the SecurityCouncil by the Foreign Minister of Libéria [1040th meeting]. 1 studied it very carefully. Iénth'ely agree with him when he commends the "love and friendship fpr allpeoples and Govern- .ments. who believe in and respect the dignity and equality. of man". It sU~l'isedme, therefore, when 16. Now, the Foreign Minister of Liberiaisofcourse entitled to have such an opinion and to express it. 1 think my delegation is also entitled to have a different view. In fact, Chapter XI i3 placed under the heading "Declaration Regarding Non-self-Governing Territories", and therefore it leaves tél the discretion of Member Governments, in accordance with their respective legal systems, the terms ofthe declaration called for in Article 73. The international accountability resulting from Chapter XI has no similarity whatever to the principle of international account- àbility resulting from Chapter IX or Chapter XII of the Charter. 17. However, 1 do not wish to argue this point at length. 1 merely wish to say to the Foreign Minister of Liberia that the Portuguese Interpretation of Article 73 and of Chapter XI was not invented by the Portuguese Government, is not a product ofthePortuguese imagination and is in no way whatsoever original. It was the interpretation of the vast majority of the General Assembly when Portugal was admitted to the United Nations; it was therefore the interpretation we found to be widely accepted when we came into this Organization." Certainly some delegations have altered their views and they have today a different Interpretation of Article- 73. This is their right. But 1 fail to see why my delegation should be criticized because we hold the opinion which was the majority opinion not long ago. 18. The fact remains that the provisions of the Charter have not been amended, and so ft seems to us that their Interpretation bannot"suddenly be the opposite of what ft was. It is not a question that we are treating contemptuously any resolutions of the General Assembly, as the Foreign Minister of Liberia suggested; the point is that we think those resolutions to be illegal, as they were considered illegal in the pasto B~t aIl this is irrelevant. Even if the interpretation of Liberia is the right one, andeven ü we would accept it, the only result would be that we would be sending to the Secretary-General information on conditions in Portuguese territories. 19. Now, it was made clear by the African countries at the last General Assembly that information on 20. l shaU provide a few examples taken from ti8 speech. He mentions the fact that until the end of July 1961, foreign journalists and correspondents were not permitted into Angola. This, is trueo:nly in so far as it respects a short period after March 1961, as. we could not ensure thei!' safety against blind te:t'ioI'ist attacks. But the Foreign Ministerrails to add that since that date, more than 400 foreign journaliste and correspondents, of manynationalities, have been to portugueseoverséas territories, which are open toaU those of good faith. ,21. But this leads me to make aremark of a general character. The Foreign Minister of Liberia places his tI'ust in the reports of the Sub:-Committee.Y which sorne time ago dealt with the situation then said to prevail in a Portuguese territory. Now, at that time we said that we could not accept the findings of that Sub..,Committee for various reasons. l shaU mention only two reasons: first, the 8ub-Committee had relied mostly, ifnot ex.clusively, on anonymoustestimo- Ilials, on hearsay, on hostile and biased sources; and secondly, it disregarded the· information, the very complete information which my Government had supplied to it, or utilized such information in a wayas to minimizeor nullify it. We couldnot accept thati we could not accept that official information, supplied by a· Member Government should be treated in' that manner, and we said so at the time. l am sure that the Foreign Minister of Liberia is aware of those facts, and l should have hoped that. in bringiIlg evidenCe before thisCouncil. he would haverelied on other reports and other sources. l shaH just mention an instance. The Foreign Minister of Liberia said: This is what the Foreign Minister of Liberia said here the day before yesterday. 22. This is a very important.question, dealing as it does with' political rights. The Foreign Minister states in f2.ct that there are 1mwrittenlaws which, through sorne requirements, place the population in a status of inequality. 1 deny the accuracy of that statement. There are no unwritten laws; the requirements which the Foreign Minister has mentioned do exist as a matter of current legislation. What are they? Anyone is able to vote, provided he or she fulfils one of three conditipns. 1 do not say three conditions, 1 say one of three; and those conditions are: to be able to write and .read; or to be the head of a family; or to paya tax to the St:ate, roughlY$3.00 a year. The point is that these requirements or conditions apply to anyone inany Portuguese territory and the..'e is no inequali.ty of status whatever. 23. 1 could ]lick up other statements by thé Foreign Minister of Liberia which are.equally .inaccurate. He refers to "quickly legalized ruses and fictions". The fi9tion he has in mind dates to the seventeenth century. He says-••• that in the portuguese Constitution of 1822 no provision 'for the colonies was included." It is not so; article 132 of the Constitution referred to them.Then he states: "lt wm thus be clear that the major reâsons for whatever prosperity Portugal may enjoy and whatever progress it has made must be attributed to its colonies, the inhabitants of whiëh have, in return, received brutal and inhumane treatment." Apart from its strong wording, which 1 think deplorable, 1 challenge the validity of such astatement. Imerely wish to point out the following. The. overFJeas ter.titories have complete finanCial and economic autonomy; they vote and collect theirown ta.·~es and draw up theirown budgets; and by law it is not permissible .that the wealth produced by· one territory should be transferredco another. Likewise, l' could comment onotherpassages of the speech delivered by the Foreign Minister of Liberia•.But 1 do not wish unduly to prolong this exposé. 24. 1 havealso listened with great attélltion to the speech delivered by the Foreign Mi:rrlster of Tunisia [1040thrneeting].IshaU sayat once.that 1 deeply regI'etsome of the 'expressions he' use.d. He spoke of the "agonizing situation" in Portugueseterritories; of a "ridiculous fiction"; of "frivolous pretext", of the "pitiless repression";. of the "vicious circle of l'epression" etc. 1 regret. that such words have been useel, the more so as they do not bearany connexion with reality. 26. Once again. 1 say that the first Portuguese law using the words "overseas provinces" dates from 1612. 1 quote the relevant provision: "India and other lands beyond the seas areneither distinct nor separate from this Kingdom. nor do they belong to it by way of union. but are members , of the sarne Kingdom just like any other European Provinces; for they are ruled according to the sarne laws and by the sarne magistrates and enjoy the sarne privileges as those Provinces of the said Kingdom, and therefore a man who is bornand lives in Goa. or in Brazil, or in Angola. is a Portuguese as anyone who is born and lives in Lisbon." We find the same conception in a new law adopted on 12 March 1933. And then the same terminology was used in the political constitutions of 1822 (article 132), of 1832 (Title X). of 1842 (Title X) of 1911 (Title V). and of 1933 (article 135). I do hope that my friend the Foreign Minister of Tunisia now agrees with me that the "fiction" he spoke about is a very old one indeed. 27. But I turn to my second point. My colleague from Tunisia stated that "it cannot be seriously sustained that the.conflict has been instigated from outside" because "all subversion created from outside cannot but be ephemeral and bound to fail". In a moment or two I shaH deal with this point at greater length, but as from now I will say this: the conflict was indeed instigated and organized and suppliedfrom the outside. And then I agree with the Tunisian Foreign Minister: precisely because that was SOt precisely because the conflict had no support whatever inside the territory. precisely because the people who led or instructed the attacking groups in 1961 represented no one andnothing and did not have the confidence of the people-precisely because of all this. it hasbeen possible to restore law and order and normalcy. and say that the whole scheme utteriy failed. I would go further; precisely because it failed. there is some irritation and disappointment in some foreign quarters. and that explains a great deal of the political moves which try to cover up the failure of direct action. 28. Finally. the Foreign Minister of Tunisia elaborated at length. on the "bombings of a Senegalese village by ,Portuguesemilitary planes" and he added: "What the Security COUDoil considered in 1961 to be 'likely ta endanger the maintenance of international peace and security' has unfortunatelyculminated in 1963 in the bombardment of aSenegalesevillage •••". 30. Before ending this part of my statement, l wish to say to the Finance Minister of Madagascar that. as his Government knows very well. we do not rely on guns and bayonets and that we have not refused tha:t personalities appointed by the United Nations visit ,portuguese overseas territories. And l would like to say to the Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone that in my view a divergence of opinion should not be taken as provocation. As for the flights of fancy and the long list of revoltingfalsehoods which were displayed by the representative of the Khrushchev régime. l merely wish most categorically to dèny his statement regarding the Spanish soldiers and to say very simply. just for his information. that we are not members of the Common Market. 31. When commenting upon the speech of the Foreign Minister of Tunisia. l said that in fact the conflict in the north of Angola had been instigated and organized from outside. This is an i:-'.portant point. 8.oïd l hope that the Council will bear with me if Ideal with it in some detail. 32. When the terrorists crosseO. the border into northern Angola in the early mOl1ths of 1961. we then stated that they were foreigners or represented foreign interests. Apart from the facts which came to the knowledge of the Portuguese authorities at the time and the testimony of the populations of the affected area, there was plenty of evidence clearly pointing to a foreign hand in the terrorist attacks. The very fact that not the slightest precautionary measures had been taken on our side showed that no internaI trouble had. been expected or feared. Precisely because there were no security forces, the terrorists, for a period of a few weeks, murdered, slaughtered and cut people to pieces, no matter whether they were black. or white or mixed-and for all this the United Nations has not had a single word of disapproval. On the other hand. agitators living abroad and their foreign patrons had been threatening violence before it was actually launched. These obvious considerations, if not indeed the word of the Portuguese Government, should not have failed to command the attention of honest minds. Nevertheless, in certain significant spheres not only was the word of the Portuguese Government rejected at the time.' not only was the circumstantial evidence com.,. pletely ignored. but also strenuous efforts were made to convince the world that the foreign-m-ade terrorism affecting a very small part of Angola was a genuine nationalist movement involving the entire territory. And for many months this deliberate falsehoodwas repeated. so that by dint of repetition it could sway world opinion and create a propitious atmosphere for further unlawful foreign interference. However. as time passeo.. honest foreign inquirers visited 33. Today it is no longer possible ta deny that there is a vast network of foreign interests, ranging from governments, political parties and even business enterprises. endeavouring to disturb peace in Angola. This is not a gratuitaus statement made by us, nor have we to make use of our private sources of information. An enormous amount of evidence may be gathered fro~ the news organs of the world, including those which make no secret of their sympathy for anti-Portuguese movements. This evidence would fill several volumes. Time is short, however, and 1 shall mention only a few statements coming from unbiased sources. Only as recently as 7 July 1963, The New York Times wrote: "Tunisia began providing small· arms in May 1961, shortly after hostilities began in Angola and continues to give intermittent financial and arms support." 34. But let us go back to 1961. On 19 June 1961, Dakar-Matin reported: "Ghana has become an arsenal for Angola liberation fighters". The newspaper referred to the resolution of the Monrovia group.!! promising "moral and material aid" to those fighting Portugal in Angola and to the unloading of big quantities of Russian arms at the Ghanaian port of Takoradi under the very eyes of the Ghanaian armed police. Dakar-Matin added: "A certain quantity of these arms is introduced secretly inta the far interior of the territory on the coast of Angola". 35. In the first week of August 1961, various news organs of the world reported that two British pilots had discovered a va.st clandestine traffic of arms to Angola. The arms were carried by air in boxes labelled as ground nuts. The Daily Express of London stated that the contraband was organized from Gl~ana. The Journal du dimanche of Brussels reported on 6 August 1961, that the clandestine arms traffic had started in the spring of that year, which coincides with the first manifestations of terrorism in northern Angola. Again, according to '~he New YO:J;k Times of 17 December 1961. the training of foreigners to fight in Angola: was already well under way in Tunisia and arms from that country as well as from various other African countries were enteringnorthern Angola. On 13 March 1962, the Oslo newspaper MorgÈmbladet carried a dispatch of the Associated Press from Leopoldville, corroborating the above and stating that volunteers from various countries had arrived in order to fight in Angola. According to The Observer of 8 April 1962, foreign fighters trained in Tunisia were expected to arrive in the Congo shortly. Other reports on the subject were carried by such various news organs as the Glasgow Herald, the New York Herald Tribune. the Christian Science Monitor and the Washington Post of mid-April. 1962. 1/ Conference of Heads of African and Malagasy States. held at Monrovia, 8-12 May, 1961. 37. 1 need not dwell at length on the part played by the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) in aiding and encouraging violence against Angola. The facts are so glaring that it is not even necessary'to quote external evidence. The training base of Kinkuzu. the supply of rifles and sub-machine-guns, and the public statements made by members of the Congolese Government are so well known that further testimony, though available, may be considered superfluous. 38. 1 have mentioned only a few facts and a few public testimonies with regard to the part played by foreign parties which have had a direct hand in the violence perpetrated in northern Angola. 1 could adduce other facts and other public testimonies as well as demonstrate the part played by other pa~ties not only in respect of Angola out also oi 'the other 'Po,rtuguese territories in Africa. But 1 refrain from dofng so to avoid tiring your patience. Nol' is it necessary to quote more sources of evidence, for today there is not even â. pretence of concealing the truth. The fact of foreign interference in the affairs o~the ~ortuguese territories has been demonstrated beyond the possibility of denial. But let us suppose, for argument's sake, that there are genuine nationalist movements in Pbrtuguese territories. ls it lawful for Members of tbis Organization to prÇlvide military camps, to train foreign guerrillas. to send volunteers and to supply arms destined to be used against a fellow Member? Is it permissible, under the Charter of the United Nations. to fan the flames of. vioience in a foreign territory? 39. And this leads me to l'aise one serious problem. During the past few years, a new legality has been creatèd. a new con<"''eption of law has been brought to international affairs. a new legal structure has been ruling the life, or at least some aspects of the life of the international community. The interesting point is that such a new notion of international lawfulness works in one direction only.forone purpose only. and for the benefit of some onlr. 1 may be allowed to illustrate what 1 have in "minCI. When the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) officially establishes military training camps against· Angola. it is a lawful act; but if we did the same in some Portuguese territories it would he an unlawful action. When people say that they are going to send volunteers against Angola. it is a iawful intention. and 40. My conclusion on this point is that we have two sets of countries in the international community; sorne are allowed anything they please. with any justification which may occur to them. others are not. and theycannot even do what the first ones cano And it is not valid to argue the legitimacy of the acti9ns as a result of the legitimacy of the purposes. That would backfire hecause that would amount to saying that what is backed or supported by DÙght becomes right. In other words. the destruction of the rule of law. 41. It has been stated time and again that Portuguese poliey is wrong. that it is unacceptable. that it is anachronistic. that it is a poliey of oppression and repression. that it is not in keeping with modern times. that it is a denial of human rights and individual freedom. that it is a thr~at to peace and security; To aIl this we have listened many Urnes. But no attemptis ever made to ascertain whatPortuguese overseas policy really is, No effort ls ever made to see whethe,r the ideological foundation of Portuguese policy is in accordance with or against the highest ideals of mankind. No desire is ever shown to assess its methods and aims in order to see whether they are acceptable. None of this is everattempted. Criticism is made for the sake of criticism. And no one knows any more what it is that is being criticized, nor does. anyone appear to be interested in assessing the JIlerits of portuguese policy. It seems necessary. therefore, to outline a few basic points for those who are in good faith and who keep an open mind without preconceived ideas. 42. The first basic point. the very foundation of Portuguese policy. stems from our firm belief that no race in the world is superior or inferior toany other race. Therefore we are strongly opposed to any kind of racial supremacy. We are strongly opposed to any kind of race segregation. We believethat racial democracy is the soundest basis of any given hum~ society. We believe thatall races should livetogether and work harmoniously for the common welfare. It Is our centuries-old tradition that aIl races and aIl peoples can make useful contributions for the benefit of mankind. and that progress can be achieved only if such contributions are pooled together. 43. And this leads me to the second basic feature of our policy. which is an integrated multiracial society. drawing on the cultural and moral values of aIl races ànd aIl peoples. When 1 speak of a multi~ racial society, 1 do not have in mind the mere co- 44. And then we also believe that the healthy growth of a human society is better secured if aU are equal before the law and if the same opportunities for advancement in aU fields are granted and open to aU. irrespective of race. colour. special origin or religlon. This means the same rights and duties for aU. This also means. and such is our policy. the same political rights for aU. the same educational opportunities for aU. the same economic and social possibilities open to aU. 45. These fields embrace the whole life of any given human society. and its progress should be measured in terms of the full participation of the whole population in the political. educational. economic andsocial activities of that community. Accordingly. thefurtherance and expansion of such participation are. so far as we are concerned. the guidelint._ of Portuguese policy in aIl overseas territories. We do not claim perfection. But the reality is that. within our struoture. and in keeping with Articles 55 and 56 of the Charter of the United Nations. aH are equal. with the same political and civil rights. enjoying the sarne political representation. having access to the sarne opportunities for education and social advancement. and aIl this both in law and in practice. 46. Now. 1 would ask what valid criticism can he made of such a policy. 1 would ask what reproach can be made against the ideological and philosophical basis of portuguese policy. Indeed. apart from slogans. no criticism. no reproach is addressed to our policy. And 1 would go further. and saythat our policy is not an expediency which we have Just invented; it is not an opportunistic device to overcome difficulties; it is not a dîsguise for other policies. In facto we firmly believe that our policy is a permanent answer to permanent questions; it is in itself a solution for· problems which do exist in the continent of Africa. And 1 submit that the policy 1 have outlined is in keeping with the highest Ideals of mankind. be they philosophical or religious. political or sociological. Maybe such a policy is not in line with certain slogans. Maybe such a policy cuts across certain interests alien to Africa. Butthis is not a valid reason or one which we should take into cons~deration. 47. The verbal attacks which usuaUy are made on Portuguese policy overseas are all more or less of the same nature. and they turn aroundthe san: empty phrases and the same meaningless words. 1 have dealt with some of the accusations. But there are others. It is sometimes stated that portuguese policy is characterized by immobilism or that it is anachronistic. or that it is not in keeping with the developments of modern times. Now. aIl those of good faith. and aIl those who have cared to study Portu~ 50. From a11 the foregoing, we can draw only one conclusion, and that is that the participation of the overseas population in the management of its political and economic affairs is assured, at a territorial level, through the parish councils, the· municipalities, the economic and social councils and the legislative councils, and, at the nationallevel, through the Corporative Chamber, the National Assembly and the Overseas Gouncil. From September next, through the end of· 1963 and the beginning of 1964, the respective elections will commence to be held,. thus assuring the representative character of our political and administrative structure. From our point of view, what is important is that it should be insured that each 52. Such is our policy in a very brief sketch. We are perfectly aware that others may have other methods. But that is not the problem. For us, the problem is whether our methods are legitimate, whether our goals are honourable, whether we are acting in accordance with the best interests of the people and with their wishes. On aIl these points we have no doubt in our minds. Certainly, we are not acting in line with artificial slogans, with political expediency, with foreign interests which are alien to the continent of Africa. We believe sincerely that we are in harmony with the Charter of the United Nàtions, whose provisionswe are surely implementing. What is more, webelieve our policy to be in accordance with the highest Ideals of humanity, with the real interests of aIl the populations of the Portuguese territories, and with the requirements of the development and progress of human society. We fully believe that we are following the right course, and our seriousness and our honesty cannotbe questioned. 53. AlI those who know the continent of Africa, ail those who have watched developments there, aIl those w~o are unbiased and impartial, will certainly agree that 1 am speaking the truth. And those round this table, members and non-members of the Council, aiso know in their hearts that what 1 am saying is a fact, even though it may not fit political conveniences of the moment. They know that the criteria and the procedure definect. by the United Nations in recent times as the only possibility of expression of a valid and real self-determination are not justifieder realistic. Uniformity of methods and solutions çloes not fit in with the diversity and variety of problems and human societies. Furthermore, we aIl know thatthere . . 54. Ithas been said round this table that my Government J:l.as a!ways refused to co-operate with the United Nations and that, in facto it has not been forthcoming in its attitude. The ForeignMinister ofTunisia has stressed this aspect a great deal. Other speakers have alsoreferred ta 1t. 1 think. therefore. that it is in order for me to set the record straight. 55. Quite apart from the co-operation which we have always given to the specialized agencies of the United Nations. my Government has co-operated with the Sub-Committee of Five21 andsuppliedto its Chairman. eV'en though in a personal capacity, ail the pertinent information. The Foreign Minister of Liberia was kind enough to recognize this. 56. Then my Government whole-heartedly accepted the United States proposalli for theappointment of two United Nations Representatives with a view ta finding out the actual situl;ltion in portuguese overseas territaries. The African countries themselves turned down the proposa!. 1 amnotcriticizingthemfor having done so: 1. am merely setting forth th.e facts. My Govermnent•. in replying to the Special Committee of Twenty-Four.Y made the foilowing proposaIs: first. that meetings should be held between the Portuguese Government .and the Governments of countries or territories which are contiguous to the Portuguese overseas territories: secondly. that ~atters and proble~s of comrnon interest should be discussed; thirdly. that non-aggression agreements should be negotiated. with the necessary guarantees; andfinally. that co-operation in all fields of common interest should be initiated. 57. On 6 June 1963. my Government invited African Governments to send their qualified representatives or leaders whom they might name to see for themselves the conditions in the Portuguese overseas territories and to examine for themselves a powerful and dynamic reality which has nothing 1)1 common with what has been described here by some. 58. On .12 JUlY. 1963. that invitation was r~iterated and a frank and constructive dialogue with the in- 1 terested African countries was suggested in order 1to clarify certain issues and to discuss problems of mutual interest. / 59. We have made aU these proposaIs and suggestions in. good faith. We believe that a dialogue with the African countries, for the consideration of African problems. would be a construct~ve step in the right direction. We are criticized: alle.gations are made regarding the situation in Portuguese territories. In the face of all this. we suggested conversations. we issued invitations for visits. Wereceivednoresponse: 60. l am about to finish my remarks. Within the spirit which l have outlined above, and in accordance with and for the purposes of the suggestion and proposals to which l have referred, l hereby address a personal invitation to the Foreign Ministers of Tunisia, Liberia, Sierra Leone and the FJnance Minister of Madagascar to visit forthwith Angola anc;i Mozambique, each Minister at his convenience and as a guest of portugal, without ar'.j conditions attached except the good faith and impartiality which are to be expected as a matter of course.

In his very brilliant exposition of his country's course, the Foreign Minister of Portugal has made afewpoints which are bound to be answered in due course, but l think the Council will agree with me that, in his a:aalysis of what is happening in Angola and Mozambique, Cabinda and Guinea, he has made it very clear that there is a conflict going on and, in fact, he has cited a certain number of African countries as supplying arms to nationalists who are fighting in these territories. That is why it is important to note the plea of the Foreign Ministers before the Council that there is a threat to international peace and security. 62. The very fact that certain African countries-in! fact, aU African countries-are behindthe nationalistsl fighting for their independence means a threat to 'l' international .peace and security. As for. ra'cial de-.) mocracy, if it means a smaU minority ofwhite Portuguese dominating a large majority of Africans, then this democracy, to me and to other Africans, is a farce. 63. But allow me now to extend a warm welcome to the Foreign Mim.sters of Liberia, Tunisia and Sierra Leone and to the Minister of Finance of the Malagasy Republic, who, as envoys of the thirty-two Reads of African States and Governments, have been charged, to quote the Addis Ababa resolution, "to speak on behalf of all African States atameetingof the Security Council caUed to examine the report of the United Nations Committee of Twenty-Four on the situation in African territories under Portuguese domination". 64. By unanimously adopting the resolution on decolonization at the Addis Ababa summit conference in May of this year, the Reads of African States and Governments once more gave expression to their deep concern about the.iniquitous colonial systemin Africa, particularly the intolerable situation prevailing in the territories under Portuguèse domination. 65. Such concern had been formally expressed by Africa at the very first Conference of Independent l'eco~lInended... that "all.·llarticipating GOvernmeIlts shoulqgive aIl possible assistance t0ti\e dependent lleoplesin their struggle to achieveself-determination and indepe;tldence".· " 66. The .• Second CoIlférence of Illdependent·.AfricaIl States. heldat Addis Abâbain June 19()O.also.devoted riluchatteIltioJi to the problem of "theeradîcation of colon.ial ruJ,e. fl'omAfric.a". III the resolution adopted on1;hi.s subject.the CoIlference resolved "thatthe indepellQ.ent African states continue to exertconcerted 8,ction•. througll .aIl. possiblepeaceful means for the coïnplet~ eradicatioil of colonial rule in Africa". It is worth emphasiziiig that. the CoIlference decided ta .àêt ~througllallpOs$iblepeacefulmeans" tOeffect the" êl'adicatioll of"colonialismfrom Africa. . . 67•. TheCasablancaCoIlference()L3 January to 7·JaIlual'Y 1961proclaimedthe determination of the .heads .•..••..ofparticipatiIlg Airican State$"to ·liberate the AfricanterritoriesstillunderforeigIl domination. by-giviIlgtb,em,ài.dand assistance. to liquidate colonialismand·neo-colônialism-in all theirforms". 68," As furtherevid~nce of the preoccUpatio~ofthe independent Afl'ican Stateswith theincubus offol'eigIl domiIlation in Africa,may 1 .quote briefly from a résolution appl'o'Ved bythe lVlD;:i.t'ovia CoIlference of the HeadsofIIldependeIlt Afric.\1.nand Malagasy States in Mây.1961..0ne ofthe operabye paragl'aphs of that resolution '!calls on a11 African and. Malagasy states tapledge· their wholehearted material. and .mora~ sup}lQrt tothe Africans .in Angola in their struggle for autonomy andappeals tothe universâl conscience a~ainst the atl'ocitfes and the bloody repression ofthe A:pgolan pOpulation". 69.·When thecoloIÜal problem in Africa .assumed dangerous proportions with.thebrutalitiespe:rpetrâted bythe PôrtugueseGOvernment in Angola. the Conference of.Heads of African and MalagasyStates,held in .r.agos .f];'om 25 to'30 Jantiary 1962. passed a resolutlQIl QIl"Angola and such other territories". The partlcipatÎIlg· States in Lagos ..are on recordas.having Jjee;tl. "i>rofoundly distürbed by the explosive situation eXÎsting·inAngola. whereanentirely. defe~celess popuiati()n is atthe mercyof il. powerful foreigIlarmy whose .only '"law isforce"•. The .participants in the Lagos CoIlference went on to Pl'oclaim "their complete solidal'ity with the suppressed peoples ofthese territoriesandrequest aIl African and Malagasy. States toassistthem". They also appealed "solemnly to the PortuguesePeople aI).d. Government tm~ediately to cease>the use of force against nationalists in Angola and Guinea", and strongly Ul'ged .portugal "to ado:pt the only realistic a.ttitude possible in view ofthe situation as it exists by recognizing the natural right of theseterritories ta self-determination aIld independarice, and toensure thatthe pOpulations concerned 71. It is regrettable, however, that tlùs admirable record of decolonization in Africa has been stained by Portugal, wlùch still' hangs onto a baokward and ou.tmoded colonialpolicy. The' delegation of Ghanahas always been of the opinion that it was the Portuguese Colonial Act of 1951which accentuatedthe Portuguese colonial problem in Afric!:l, what bas been called the portuguese tragedy in Africa. 72. In tlùs context, 1 should like torefer to a statement 1 made before the Security Council 011 8 Jun~ 1961: " ••• ~t was the Portuguese Government wlùch unilaterally decided that Angola is an integral part of Portugal. Prior to 11 June 1951, there was no question whatsoever. unde:r t.hepolitical Constituticm of theportuguese Republic, that these areas were colonies governed by the portuguese Colonial Act. On that date, however, a law was enacted. amendiIig the Constitution and abolishiIig that Act, but nevertheless incorporating its provisions without major changes of sl1.bstance in the revised Constitution, under the title 'po.ultramaI:Portugues', and changiog the expression 'Ministry of Colonies' to .'Ministry of Overseas Portugal'. Thus, these areas, according to the Portuguese Government, became an Integral part of the Portuguese State and were 'united as between themselves andwithMetropolitan Portugal'." [953rd meeting, para. 8.] 73. The legality of tlùs far-reachiIig and significant act was seriously compromised by the failurê of the Portuguese Government to ascertain the wishes of the people whose destiny was beiIig tied to that of metro~. politan Portugal. Is tlùs racial democracy? The peoPl.e.s of the. p.or.t.ugu.ese t.e'rritor.1.'~S'iIi Africa we.r.e never given the opportunity of exercising their right of self-determination. Thug, by a curious swappin of labels, the portuguese colonies overnight became "provinces"; that is to say., a part of Africawasbeing extended into Europe by a legal fiction-and legal fictions are legal fictions whether they are centuries old or new. Tlùs bogus act of the Portuguese bas 74. Bolstered by this fraudulent legislation. portugal has. since its admissiontotheUnitedNations.resisted all efforts to get it to comply with Chapter XI of the Charter. In paragraph 25 of its report•.21 the Sub- Committee on Angola which met in 1960 concluded that ". •• prima facie there is an obligation to transmit information in respect of a territory which is ge~graphically separate and is distinct ethnically and/or culturally from the country administering it". 75. This significant declaration was confirmed in Principle IV of the annex to General Assembly resolution 1541 (XV), adopted on 15 December 1960. On the same day the General Assembly passedresolution 1542 (XV). operative paragraph 1 ofwhich specifically enumerates the territories under portuguese administration as Non-Self-GoverningTerritorieswithin the meaning of Chapter XI of the Charter. Operative paragraph 2 then goes on to declare that "••• an obligation exists on the part of the Government of Portugal to transmit information under Chapter XI of the Charter concerning these territories andthatit should be discharged without further delay". 76. But portugal has obstinately refused to move in the right direction. Even Spain and Belgium. whose example portugal was following in refusing to cooperate with the Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories. have recanted, and today we see Ambassador Pinies of Spain in the chair of that Committee-he is now the Chairman of the Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories-and Belgium has meanwhile relinquished "2. AU peoples have the right to self-determii!ation; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue thei~ economic, social and cultural development. " "5. Immediate steps shall he taken, in Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories or aU other territories which have notyetattainedindependence, to transfer aU powers to the peoples of those territories, without any conditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed wiU and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed or colour, in order to enable themto enjoy complete independence and freedom. " 78. As a follow-up to \.\lis, the General Assembly, by its resolution 1603 (XV) on the situation in Angola, called upon "the Government of Portugal to consider urgently the introduction of measures and reforms in Angola for the purpose of the implementation of General Assembly resol'.ltion 1514 (XV), with due respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations". 79. 1 have made extenflive references to resolutions c;>f the various Conferences of Mrican States as well as those of the General Assembly, toprove that Portugal has stubbornly and wilfully rejected all appeals and requests ta adopt a humane and progressive colonial policy which will have the ultimate objective of relinquishing its hold on the Mrican territories. 80. Portugal has systematically ignored every move by this world Organization to bring it to reason. It has contemptuously disregarded the Security Council resolution of 9 June 1961,!QI which reaffirms General Assembly resolution 1603 (XV) and calls upon Portugal to act in accordance with the terms of that resolution. The Council in the resolution of June 9, in paragraph 3, "Calls upon the Portuguese authorities to desist forthwith from repressiv'e measures •••" and, in paragraph 4, "Expresses the hope that a peaceful solution will be found to the problem of Angola in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations". 83. To make matters worse, Portugal always smugly boasts of its "civilizing mission" in Africa. AlI we know is that the Portuguese brand of civilization in Africa became notorious for its part in the barbaric and inhuman slave-trade. May 1 ask the Foreign Minister of Portugal, how did the Africans in Baia and in other parts of Brazil get there? What has Portugal to show for five centuries of its so-called civilizingmission in Africa? It is a record of regression, Qbscurantism and of man's inhumanity to man in those a;reas which have had the misfortune of being forced into the orbit of this malignant influence. We beg the Portuguese Government to stop bragging about the Portuguese "civilizing mission" in Africa. . 84. It is not the intention of my delegation to cite specific instances of Portuguese unfitness to administer its so-called overseas territories. The documents of 15 August 1962 and 19 July 1963!!1 have performed this task exhaustively and with admirable clarity. 85. Portugal, by its policy of brute force and repression, has spread the area of confiict in Africa. Today the fighting in so-called Portuguese Guinea is growing in intensity. Mozambique is no .exception. The Observer of 21 JuIy 1963 reports that: "Following Lisbon's admission that 15 per !Jent of the territory of Portuguese Guinea has nowbeen infiltrated by guerrilla rebels recruited from exiles in neighbouring countries,Dr. Salazar'sGovernment has invited a representative of the liberation movements of Portuguese Guinea for talks•••• There is some evidence that the Portuguese Army in Guinea was taken unawares by the rebel attack. Troopshave been largely concentrated in the south of Guinea, waiting for an attack from the 'militant rebels over the border, in the Republic of Guinea. Instead, the attacks came from Senegal, to the north." This, in our submission, is an indication of the threat ta peace in Africa to which reference has been, made by the Foreign Ministers from Africa. 87. But how can a pOOl' andvirtually under-developed country like Portugal afford the "luxury" of a colonial war? The President of Ghana, Dr. Kwame NkrUmah, in a statement to the Ghana N.ational Assembly on 21 June 1963, provided the answer. This is what he said: "The arms which the Portuguese colonialists use in Angola and Mozambique, the bombs which they drop in Senegal, were not manufactured in Portugal, nor were they paid for by Portugal. Portugal is the poorest State in Europe and the average Ghanaian, as our statistics show, is now wealthier than the average citizen of Portugal. Portugal by herself couId not for a year continue to maintain the vast military apparatus which she employs for the suppression of the people and the exploitation of the resources of large areas of the African continent ••• the truth is that NATO weapons and-NATO support alone enable Portugal to survive as a colonial Power in Africa even today. "1 am certain that the moral case against NATO support for Portugal while she remains an oppressor of the African people, is so .strong and overwhelming that the NATO Powers must have no alternative but to withdraw their support. Appeals from individual African States may be passedover, unheeded. But the voice of li united Africa cannot go unheeded." 88. The validity of this analysis by my President and the conclusions drawn from it have been borne out by Dr. Salazar himself in an article in the April 1963 issue of International Affairs on "Realities and Trends of Portuguese Policies". In the ccmcluding paragraph of this article, after describing the conflict in Angola as a "war being conducted by several States" against Portugal in one of Portugal's overseas territories", he made this revealing statement: "In the attack on Angola, it is not only that Portugal is being attacked but that it is sought to weaken the positions-and not only the strategiepositions-ofthe entire Western world." These are the words of Dr. Salazar of Portugal. 89. It is extremely difficult for the delegation of Ghana, and for that matter, for all African delegations, to understand how an alliance dedicated to the defence of the so-called free world can supply arms to an aIly who uses them to suppress the liberties of Africans whose only crime is to demand the right to rule themselves. Whenthe non-aligned countries intensified their campaign against colonialism, they were accused of practising double standards in the United Nations. "Intervenes expressly with the great Powers so that they cease without exception to lend direct or indirect support or assistance to all those colonialist Governments which might use such assistance to suppress African nationalliberation movements, particularly the Portuguese Government which is conducting a real war of genocide in Africa; informs the allies of colonial Powers that they must choose between their friendship for the African peoples and their support of Powers that oppress African peoples." The choice· must be made by all around this table: support for Portugal, which means support for repression and colonial wars of oppression, or support for Africa, which means support Îor justice, human dignity and independence for Angola, Mozambique, Guinea and Cabinda. 91. Mr. President, the President of Ghana, only two days ago, sent a message to you which I will read: "The Security Council is ~eeting at a crucial time to consider the question of the Portuguese colonies and the apartheid policies of the Government of South Africa. Humanity is awaiting anxiously the outcome of your deliberations which should lead to, the complete end of Portuguese repression and the total liquidation of the Portuguese Empire in Africa. Nothing short of the immediate independence of African territories under Portuguese domination will satisfy us. " 92. This, in the view of my delegation, epitomizes the hopes and aspirations of the thirty-two Heads of African states and Governments who met in Addis Ababa to adopt this important resolution, to which references have been made. Half-hearted and belated measures will not lull Africans into any false belief in Portuguese sincerity. The President of Portugal can boast of the "recent creation of municipal commissions, local councils and parish councils aimed at increasing self-administration of Portugal's African provinces", as The New York Times of 8 July 1963 reports-and as has been confirmed by the Foreign Minister of Portugal-but any reforms that are not based on the principle of self-determination ar~ an . illusion. Any reforms which do not ~im at the immediate independence of Portuguese territories in Africa are meaningless. 93. By lightly dismissing the nationalist struggles in the colonies as local unrests fomented for communist and foreign subversion, Portugal is burying its head in the sand. The friends and apologists of Portugal have a responsibility to save it from an impending catastrophe before it is too late. They will not save 95. The African States through the Foreign Ministers designated by the thirty-two Heads of States have told this Council in no uncertain terms that there exists in Africa a serious threat to international peace and security because of Portuguese atrocities in Angola, Guinea and elsewhere. The Security Council is now faced with a crucial decision based on Article 41 of the Charter, "what measures not involving the use of armed force are to be employed to give effect ta its decisions •••". 96. To refresh our memories l should like to refer to the final operative paragraph of General Assembly resolution 1807 (XVII) which: "Reguests the Security Council, in case the Portuguese Government should refuse to comply with the present resolution and previous General Assembly resolutions on this question, to take all appropriate measures to secure the compliance of Portugal with its obligations as a Member State." 97. Nobody can cite a single instance of Portugal's compliance with any of the Security Council and General Assembly resolutions. The delegation of Ghana, thereÏore, submits that the Security Council should have no other alternative than "to take aU appropriate measures"-under the Charter-"to secure the compliance of Portugal with its obligations as a Member State". 98. Portugal's record, as has been fuUy described here by the Foreign Ministers, is a lamentable catalogue of repression of African nationalists and of non-compliance with the principles of the Charter and the resolutions of our world Organization. How then can a Member State, which is consistently and persistently defying the Charter to which it has subscribed; be aUowed to continue its membership in the Organization? Surely, the maximum action that can be taken against Portugal will be to ostracize Portugal from the comity of nations until it acts in good faith to respect the decisions ofthe Organization, in particular, the decisions of the Security Council. To start with, however, we request the Security Coun";' cil to take the minimum action. The Council should decide that Portugal should take immediate steps ta enter into negotiations with African political parties to determine the modalities of the transfer of power to Africans. The Council should decide to laya total embargo on aU supplies of arms, munitions and strategie material destined for Portugal and to invite States to withhold aU support and aIl forms of military assistance and other assistance, direct or indirect, likely to be used by Portugal in pursuing its colonial policy. The Council should decide now to suspend Portugal, in accordance with Article 5 of the Charter, if by the openingofthe eighteenth session of the General Assembly, no positive steps have been 99. As 1 said in my statement before the Security Council on 14 March 1961: "The writing is on the wall and, unless portugal mends its ways in Africa and comes to terms with the Angolan freedom fighters, mark my words, it .will be thrown out of Africa by all means available. Africa does not seek vengeance, but continental pride alone will not permit Afric~s to harbour Portuguese injustice and atrocities any longer". [945th meeting, parl.l' 82].

The Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Tunisia andPortugal have asked for the fIoor to make very brief statements. 1 give the fIoor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Tunisia. 101. Mr. Mongi SLIM (Tunisia) (translated from French): For the moment, 1 shall not reply to the speech which the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal has just made. 1 shall simply corroborate for him the statement of the representative of Ghana that, on colonial problems, the African couQtries regard themselves as linked in a feeling of solidarity with all nationalist movements fighting for theirfreedom and dignity, because we believe that our own dignity and our own lndependence will remain empty while there is still one people, anywhere in the world or in our continent·of Africa, which does not enjoy its freedom and independence. 102. For the time being, 1 should merely like to ask twoor three questions, because it seemed to me that these questions were not clarified by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal in his reply. Yet they should be -very simple to answer. 103. First, does the Portuguese Government consider itself bound by Article 25 of the Charter? 104. Secondly, has the Portuguese Government put into effect the requests made to it in the resolution of 9 June 1961 of the Security Council?, namely: (!!> to put into effect resolution 1603 (XV) of the General Assembly; has it done this? (b) to desist forthwith from repressive measures; (~ toextendeveryfacility to the Sub-Committee on the Situation in Angola to enable it to perform its task expeditiouSly. 105. Thirdly, will the Portuguese Government, when the present discussion is over, consider itself bound by anyresolution which the Council may adopt at the end of this debate? Is it possible to have an answer to this question?

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