S/PV.1047 Security Council

In accordance with the decision previously taken by the Security Council, 1 shall now invite the representatives of Tunisia, Liberia, Portugal, Sierra Leone and Madagascar to take places at the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Mongi Slfm (Tunisia), Mr. Rudolp1i Grimes (Liberia), Mr. Alberto Franco Nogueira (Portugal), Mr. John Karefa-Smart (Sierra Leone) and Mr. Louis Rakotomalala (Madagascar) took places at the Council table. 2•. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): The Council will now resume consideration of item two on its agenda and of the draft resolution submitted by Ghana, Morocco, and the Philippines [S/5372]. 3. Mr, FEDORENKO (Union ofSovietSocialistRepublics) (t:t'anslated from Russian): The Security Council's deliberations have now entE!red· the decisive stage where members of the Council must sum up the debate and, aware of the responsibility placed upon them for the future' of peace and fi'eedom in Africa, adopt a decision which will be worthy of the Council's high standing. 4. The Council has before it a draft resolution submitted by the delegations of Ghana, Morocco and the Philippines. In his formaI introduction of this document [1044th meeting], Mr. Quaison-Sackey, the Ambassador of Ghana, emphasized that the draft resolution was very mild, as it constituted only the minimum of what the African countries unanimously demanded. The draft resolution which has been presented to the Council by these three countries of Africa and Asia is indeed extremely mild and can hardly be said to reflect fully the truly grave and dangerous situation which exists inPortugal'sAfrican colonies or the legitimate demands which have been voiced here by the members of the Council and by the duly accredited representatives of the African States. fi~ It is entirely obvious that Portugal's policy in Africa, a policy characterized by acts of genocide, by growing provocation of a general armed conflictin the continent and by obdurate andunprecedenteddisregard of all the decisions adopted by various organs of our Organization, should receive the sterner judgement it desirves· and thllt the Council should propose more moredrastic action by the United Nations than is recommended in the present draft resolution. Only then would the Council be fulfilling its role as the supreme organ of the United Nations whose l'~sponsi­ bility it is to defend and guarantee peace and security throughout t~e world. 7. As the experience of past years has shawn, appeasement in such matters as the fight against colonialism an.d genocide produces no results whatsoever. The Soviet delegation has carefully examined the draft resolution and notes that the African countries, which have a greater stake than any others in the settlement of this issue, are again manifesting their readiness and desire to settle this problem by peacefuI means. The draft resolution they have submitted attests to the enormous patience with which the independent States of Africa are trying to solve the question before us. Without a doubt, they are displaying a co-operative and constructive spirit. The draft resolution does not, as a matter of fact, set out any new conclusions or recommendations. It actually gives only a summary of what the United Nations General Assembly has already agreed upon and laid down at various times in the pasto 8. Despite this, Portugal's NATO allies reject the draft resolution and propose instead that we should address yet another routine appeal-how many have there been already?-to the Portuguese colonialists, ignoring all the resolutions which our Organization has adopted in recent years. It is impossible to accept this, for it would not only be unfair to the peoples of Africa, but also extremely dangerous. We submit that any, even the slightest, amendment tending to weaken the draft resolution would be tantamount to a retreat from even that position-a position clearly inadequate in the present circumstances-which the Organization reached on this issue in its previous decisions. 9. We often heal' a great deal about recognition of the right of all nations and peoples to self-determination and to the domestic system of their choice. Here in the Security Council, too, all representatives, including those of the Western countries, have expressedagreement that the Portuguese colonial régime in Africa shouldbe abolished and that the peoples of the Portuguese colonies should be given their freedom and independence. 10. AlI this, 1 venture to say, sounded impressive and convincing enough. The proper thing to do now, it would seem, is to give these utterances material expression by adopting a corresponding resolution. It is high time to realize that speeches, however pointed and vivid, have no effect at all on the Portuguese colonialists, who have thrown down the gauntlet to all Africa and to aIl peace-loving nations. The best illustration of this is the stand taken here in the Security Council by the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs. He has left not the slightest doubt that Lisbon has no intention of heeding the legitimate demands of the African peoples and the United Nations regarding the granting of national freedom and independence to the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Portugal's other colonies. Clearly, the Foreign Minister has held firmly here to the political course outlined by Salazar in an article of his whichappeared in the United Kingdom review International Affairs of i\pril 1963. 14~ How can one go on about equality and democracy when the indigenous people of the Portuguese colonies are denied their sacred right ta independence, their right to decide their destiny as they see fit? What sort of "humanitarian racial society" can there be when whole peoples are subjected to mass extermination, when a war of genocide is taking place in the Portuguese colonies? ls there anyone who does not know thàt the colonialist Lisbon rêgime in Africa maintains itself purely through brute force, slavery and armed repression of the Africanpeople's liberation movement? Do not the declarations of the Portuguese diplomats about "racial har~ony" and the "civilizing mission" of Lisbon's colonialism in the "overseas provinces" sound like mockery, in view of· the actual situation in Portugal's colonies as it was so cogently revealed in the statements of the ministers of four African countries at recent meetings ofthe Security COlmcil, and also in today's statement by Mr. Karefa- Smart, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sierra Leone, in which he described the vicious bombings of African villages? These new facts mercilessly uncover the inhuman essence ofPortugueFle colonialism. And does not the very term "overseas provinces", given currency by Lisbon, represent a legal fiction calculated to dupe and to deceive? Everyone knows that it is a falsüication, and above all, this is perfectly 15. The Security Council must now define its attitude to the draft resolution submitted by the African-Asian countries. Our voting is bound. in a sense. to be a clarification of the position-to show who is for the right of African peoples to independence. who is for the strengthening of peace in Africa and for friendship with the African peoples. in deeds and not only in words. and who. on the other hand. sides with colonialism. who is for the violent suppression of the liberation struggle of the Africans in Portugal's colonial empire and for the unleashing of a genocidal ,war in Africa. It will be from the results of the voting. and not from the speeches madebyprofessional orators. that all of Africa and all the peace-loving countries will judge who are the genuine friends of the peoples' of Africa and who are falsely pretending to be their friends while actually remaining the allies of colonialism. that suppressor and executioner ofthe African peoples. 16. As far as the Soviet delegation is concerned; it will vote in favour of the draft resolution submitted by the delegations of Ghana. Morocco and the Philippines. [S/5372]. 17. Although this text sets out only a minimum. we believe that it reflects the interests of the African countries and we hope that it will contribute to the speedy realization of the aspirations of the peoples of Africa still languishing under Portuguese colonial domination. 18. l should like to conclude my statement by quoting from a message sent by Mr. Nikita Khrushchev. the Head of the Soviet Government. to the Heads of African states following the Conference at Addis Ababa:l/ "The peoples of Africa can also. of course. rely on the support of the Soviet people and their Government for the Conference's present decisions aimed at the speedy eradication of colonialism and the provision of practical assistance to the fighters for national independence". 19. l venture to express the hope that good sense and a realistic attitude to the question before us will prevail over selfish and narrow interests and that the Council will a.dopt the draft resolution submitted by the representativesof Ghana. Morocco andthePhilîppines. 20. Allow me. lastly. to express rny satisfaction and gratitude at the statement made at the last meeting by Ambassador Benhima.,the representative of Morocco. in connexion with the initialling in Moscow of the agreement te ban nuclear tests.

The representative of the Soviet Union hasbeen kind enough to inform me that he will waive the consecutive English and French interpretation of his speech. l therefore calI upon the next speaker, the representative of Ghana. li Summit Conference of Independent African States, held at Addis Ababa, May 22-25, 1963. 23. May 1 now turn to specifics. 24. The Foreign Ministers designated by the African Heads of States came here to put a case before' the Council. a case involving a threat to peace and security not only in Africa but also in the world. 1 am intervening now tu emphasize this factor. because at least two representatives on our Council. namely the representâtives of the United Kingdom and the United States. have sought to play down the point which the Foreign Ministers have made. that there is a threat to international peace and security. 1 wish to refer briefly to the statements made in this connexion by at least the three Foreign Ministers and two members of the Council bearing out the point that there is indeed a threat to international peace and security. The Secretary of Statefor Liberia said: ". • • The situation is dangerous and threatens international peace. Recent reports lend support to this assessment of the situation prevailing in the Portuguese Territories in Africa. and it has been revealed that five shiploads of Portuguese troops have recently been dispatched to Africa in connexion with the situation which has developed in Portuguese Guinea." [1040th meeting, para. 85.] ~5. This is what the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Tunisia said in connexion with the threat to peace: "This situation-already dangerous enough in'itself-has rapidly deteriorated to the point of becoming explosive andthreateninginternationalpeace and security." [Ibid.• para. 110.] 26. This is what the Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone said in connexion with the threat: "It must be emphasized that it is already more than two years since. on 9 June 1961. the Security Council itself. by resolution. reaffirmed its conviction' that an actual and potential threat to peace and security existed in Angola. Since then the situation hast if anything, become worse and the Government of Portugal has continued to turn a deafear to the requests of the Security Council and of the General Assembly to co-operate with the United Nations in order to remove tllis threat to peace and Security." [1041st meeting. para. 26.] 28. May l now refer to the moderate statementwhich was made by the representative of Brazil. He said: "The mounting hostility of the African States to the inflexible stand taken by Portugal. contrary to the provisions of the Charter and the pertinent resolutions of the General Assembly. is effectively contributing to the formation of a state of tension capable of endangering the maintenance of international peace and security. " [1043rd meeting. para. 10.] 29. And what does the representative of the Philippines say? He said: "About two years ago-on 9 June 1961. to be exact-the Council adopted' aresolution regarding an aspect of the same problem: the situation in Angola. In that resolution. it was declared that the situation in that Portuguese territory lis an actual and potential cause of international friction and is likely ta endanger the maintenance of international peace'. and the resolution consequently called upon Portuguese authorities' 'to desist forthwith from repressive measures' and expressed hope that 'a peaceful solution will be found to the problem of Angola in accordanœ with the Charter of the United nations'." [Ibid•• para. 18.] 30. l have permitted myself to make references to these speeches because it is very important for the Council to understand that, after aIl, the General Assembly has debated fully the situation in Portuguese territories. and the fact that the Foreign Ministers came here was due to the fact that there is a threat to peace and security. It is not because the African States want to create a situation which can be considered a threat: itisbecause the threat already exists. If we were to have acted before coming here, there would have been a breach of the peace. But we are saying that there is a threat to peace and security, and this is amatterwhichwewantthe Security Council ta consider very seriously. Otherwise. our series of meetiJ;lgs on this matter would have been meaningless. If there is no threat to peace and security. we would not have come here. The Foreign Ministers would have safely remained in·Monrovia. in Tunis. in Madagascar and in Freetown. and l am sure that aIl of us would have said our pieces. But it was because there was and there is a threat to peace that the Heads of State of the African countries designated these four Minister5 to come here. 31. l am not going to tire the' Council' wi.th what is actuallyhappening because since we began consideration ofthis item. telegrams, upon telegrams'have been pou~iilg in. 'At the last meeting. the Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone was at pains to explain to tl1e Council 32. It is against the background of this threat that Ghàna, Morocco an; ~he Philippines have prepared this draft resolutiœ. ',ihich is now before the Council. My delegation and, 1 am sure, the delegations from Africa are not opposed in principle to any dialogues. We think that it is a good idea if the countries involved in a dispute should settle down and talk about the issues at stake. But the issue at stake here is the issue of self-determination and, if 1 may have the permission of the Foreign Ministers of Africa, they do not have to go to Angola, to Mozambique or to Guinea to find out whether there is self-determination. AlI that we require is a brief statement from the Foreign Minister of Portugal. today or tomorrow. that he and his Government accept the principle of selfdetermination. If this statement is made. we are prepared to withdraw this draft resolution which is before the Council. It is because there is not an acceptance of the principle of self-determinationthat Portugal has flouted the General Assembly's resolutions and the Security Council's resolutions on this matter. that we are now here debating the issue. Therefore, my delegation finds it difficult to understand the argumentation of tl\e two representatives 1 havealready referred to. 33. 1 think that we should approach this matter realistically. The draft resolution which we have preparedis a very moderate one, and this has been put forward in spite of the strong feelings which have been expressed by a large number of African delegations. In fact, the Foreign Ministers. if 1 may say so. have not completely carried out the instructions of the Heads of State who in Addis Ababa were talking in terms of sanctions and so on. For them to have agreed to this draft resolution is an indication of the modest stand which Africa wants to take in this matter. They have come here, they have studied the situation and they have taken a realistic view of the situation. that for the meantime what is required 1s this kind of draft resolution which can help the Counoil to help Portugal to come to terms, come to grips, with the situation. 34. We are not here to score debating points oi' to discuss the language used by representatives. There is a fundamental issue at stake, the issue of selfdetermination. If 1 may. 1 should like to refer to an issue of the same kind which for a long time bedevilled our proceedings; l am referring to Algeria. When President de Gaulle. in his wisdom, made his pronouncement in September 1959. admitting selfdetermination for Algeria. 1 am sure you understand that aIl delegations in the United Nations had ta approach the whole issue of Algeria from a new light: the fact that the principle of self-determination was accepted by General de Gaulle for Aigeria was enough to convince a large number of delegations that France meant weIl. This is the kind of pronouncement which we expect from Portugal. So long as they refuse to do so, so long shall we continue to press the Council to take appropriate action. 37. My delegation has gone over the draft resolution again and again over the weekend and we are afraid that we cannot accept the contention that we have used the language of Chapter VII in this draft resolution. If one looks at Chapter VIT of the Charter, one will find that there are specifie measures and points raised in Articles 39, 40 and 41. Perhaps not aIl of us have the Charter before us and therefore l will read these articles to impress upon the Council that in fact the draft resolution is a complete departure from Chapter VII of the Charter. [The speaker read out Articles 39, 40 and 41 of the Charter of the United Nations.] 38. If one looks at our draft resolution, one can see that the measures outlined in Article 41 are not included in it, that there is no mention of economic sanctions, that there is no mention of the breaking of diplomatie relations, and that there is no mention of disturbing rail, telegraphic and radio communications. AlI that we are doing in the draft resolutionand this is very important; there are two main things in the draft-the first, is to ask for the recognition of self-determination, and secondly, to askthe Council to decide thatall States should refrain fo:eithwith from offering the Portuguese Government any assIstance which would enable it to continue its repression of the peoples of the territories under its administration, and to take aIl measures to preventthe sale and supply of arms and military eqUipment for this purpose to the Portuguese Government. 39. l have been at pains to deIve a bit into this beCJaUlSe we feel unhappy that our intentions have been

1 caU upon the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal.

Mr. President. 1 shaH try to be very brief. 1 have asked for the floor merely to clarify a few points which have emerged in the course of the debate. and 1 do so with sorne hesitation. 1 very much doubtwhether my comments or my cla~ificationsare of any use at all. 42. Looking back to the discussion we have had in this Council during the past week and this morning. 1 wonder whether we have not been watching and listening to a dialogue of deaf people. This. of course. does not apply to all delegations present here. 1 have particularly in mind those delegations or the representatives of those delegations which have requested this meeting. 43. The fact is that criticism was addressed to Portugal; accusations were presented against us; allegations were made in respect of my Governmentis policy, On our part we have listened with great care and we have answered. We have stated the facts. We have clarified doubts and misgivings. We have made proposaIs. But it would seem that for those delegations everything we say is wrong; everything we state is false; everything we suggest is of no interest and everything wepropose is unacceptable. We areutterly wrong in every detail. They are absolutely right. 44. But ~ referred to a dialogue of deaf persons. 1 shall give a few examples of what 1 have in mind. Speaking before this Council on 24 July. 1 stated: "We believe that racial democracy is the soundest basis of any human .society". that the progress of any society. ". • • sho~d be measured in te:rms of the full participation of the whole population in the political. educational. economic and social activities of that community" [1042nd meeting. paras. 42 and 45]. and that aIl should be equal before the law with the same rights and duties for aIl. In commenting on these very points. the representative of Ghana said: "As for racial dèmocracy. if it means a small minority of white Portuguese dominating a large majority of Africans. then this democracy. to me and to other Africans. is a farce." [Ibid•• para. 62.] Perhaps l am simple-minded and unable to grasp subtleties. but how the. representativeof Ghana can draw the conclusionhedid from what 1 have stated is something which escapes me. 45. But, apart from the remarks 1 made a few days ago, 1 will take another example from the Therefore, because a man cannot be changed into a woman by the British Parliament or by any other Parliament, it is also impossible for Africans to be portuguese. 1 myself would ask the Council to ponder this. 46. 1 will give just another example. The representative of Ghana, speaking of troop movements, stated: "These Portuguese troops and mercenaries are not going to Africa on a picnic." [Ibid., para. 86.II wish the representative of Ghana would be kind enough to tell this Council here and now what is a mercenary and who are the mercenaries who are going with the Portuguese troops. This is a seriouf5 charge, and 1 think it should be either withdrawn or substantiated. 47. Then 1 would turn to the statement made by the Foreign Minister of Liberia [1044th meeting]. He said that 1 had added nothing new. and that is quite possible in so far as l was replying to accusations and allegations which he had made. since these accusations and allegations are as old as they could be. Then the Foreign Minister of Liberia went on to use rather strong language. He spoke of Portuguese "arrogance and defiance" and of our "wanton and deliberate acts of trying to decimate the peoples of Angola". He also spoke of "agreements so respectable" and so on. My delegation has come to this Council in a spirit of moderation. with coolness and constructive objectivity in the belief that hard language, harsh words and offensive statements lead nowhere. This, however. should not be misunderstood and taken as a sign of weakness. Nothing would be easier for us than ta answer that andpoint outthe failures and the contradictions of our critics. 1 àm sure the Liberian Foreign Minister wishes to avoid this, and from his statement of 26 July 1 will take up only two points. 48. First of aIl, he again reverted to the old question of Article 73 of the Charter of the United Nations and said that the basic cause ofthe situation stemmed from Portugal's denial of the application of that Article. This is a matter of opinion, but it bears no relation ta what 1 myself said. 1 merely stated that oui' interpretation of Article 73 is different from that of Liberia and that that interpretation was the one which the majority of the General Assembly held when my country was admitted to the United Nations. This is what 1 meant to say. and it cannot be denied because it is a facto 49. The second point is that the Foreign Minister of Liberia referred, as did some other representatives, ta five shiploads of Portuguese troops which had sailed very recently. The representative of Ghana referred to this fact only a few moments ago. This is possible. and 1 do not deny n. But if one shiploads of troops which are sent out, 50. 1 think it might be useful to provide the COUDcil with the explanation for this. Most of the security forces sent overseas departed between May and Oc'-ber 1961. The normal tour of duty is two years. so \-oat now is precisely the period in which they have to be replaced. That is why one maynotice an UDusual movement of forces in both directions. but in this COUDcil one only hears of troops sailing overseas. Reference to those returnîng is conveniently omitted. In regard to this last point. 1 wish to inform the COUDcil that in Aprillast three contingents of troops returned to Lisbon. Threefurther contingents returned on 2 May. six others on 23 May and seven on 14 July. 51. 1 now turn to the speech delivered by the representative of the Philippines. and 1 would just stress a few points. He stated: "It would seem that Portugal has takenfor granted that Portuguese culture is superior to African cultureand has. taken it upon itself to civilize Africans by imposing its own culture upon them." [1043rd meeting. para. 30.] Where did 1 say that? On 24 July. 1 stated before this COUDcil: "It is our centuries-oid tradition that all races and all peoples can make useful contribution for the benefit of mankind. and that .progress can be achieved only il such contributions are pooled together. "And this leads me to the second basic feature of Qur policy.whichis an.integratedmultiracial society. dl'awing on the cultural and moral values of aU :races and of all peoples." [1042nd meeting. paras. 42.43.] , That, is exactly what 1 said. so how can the representa.tiveof the Plûlippines draw the conclusions he , did draw? .1 suggest that if one wishes to make serious charges. one should not make them lightly. 52. But the Philippine representative made another grave acëusation. so Ùnportant that in fact "it is the, cl.'\lX:0f tbe wholé problem. He said: "The classifj.cation . Qf inhabitants .into citizens and nationals. intoassiIliîlated ,and non-assimilatécl persons. into '~ivilb;ed'.and'non-civilized' individuals ••." [1043rd 1l1eetigg.para.,,30]. 1 would ask the Philippine represèntative}o teUme where. in wbattext ofla,w.in what pl'actice. be f<?und .l;luch a.classhlcation. 1 deny l1lsclàl;l~ifiCatiOIl. Ano. again 1 recall what 1bave said. toat III .o~ structure aU are eq\làl before the law. with the sarne ligots alld duties. 5~.J •• agaig· .subtpit thllt•. w}lén ..niaking. such grave êta~meI).tê.d~legationsêhouldgo j.pdepelldellt.re- êea,;l'9h aM 'Ilot. ;l'elY ·on irresponsiblé hearsay or on pa.tp:"·C}etscirculated forpropagan<;Ia. pUl'poses. 55. 1 have listened with great attention to the statement made here this morning by the ForeignMinister of Sierra Leone. He started off by reading out to the Council a despatch from the France··Presse news agency. reporting the air bombing for five hours of a village. twenty-one persons having been killed. Now. this piece of news has its sources in Conakry; its authors are the very persons who have been trying to infiltrate Portuguese territory. This same group. and in the same way. not longagomade public another communiquê-I do not know why the Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone did not mention it-in which it was stated that nearly 200 Portuguese soldiers had been killed and three Portuguese warships had been sunk. This was a lie. In the whole of two years. for various reasons. twelve soldiers have been killed in Guinea; no warship has been sunk. The communiqué referred to by the Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone stems from the same spirit and has the same intentions. My delegation has been aware of itaexistenceforthe past few days. but 1 would make two remarks. 56. It doea seem strange that after five hours of bombings of a defenceless village only twenty-one people were killed-unless that was the entirepopulation. in which case one could not understand why the bombings lasted for five hours. This same source has been issuing communiqués for a very long time. and if one relied on aIl of them one would come to the conclusion that more people and more soldiers had been killed than ever existed. 57. My second remark is this: Even the text of the France-Presse despatchitself.whichI have befo~e me• does not say that twenty-one people \Vere killed. but only that it is alleged or assumed that twenty-one people might have been. killed. 1 am sure that the Council would ag:r.ee with me that this is a rather poor type of evidence on which to base serious charges. 58. As for the other facts. 1 wish that the Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone could tell us the source and the official texts. so as to enable us ta assess the value of the information he has supplied the Council. Sofar as we are concerned. aIl the information at our disposaI does not substantiate the alleged facts. 59. 1 would. however. through you. Mr. President. say one. more thing ta the Foxeign Minister of Sierra Leone. It çioes not seem ta me ta be fitting and it does not become the Security Counc~l'to suggest that a nOl'lllal practice,of Portuguese policy is to killwomen and children. 1 aIll sure tha! on reflection the Foreign Minister would be willing ta withdraw such a statement. . 63. Let us go back to Article 73 as an example. It was understood. quite correctly. that Article 73 implied a mere declaration that the General Assembly was not competent to dictate the terms ofthe declaration. that the Article did not require political information, that self-government and independence were alternative goals to be attained. bath being legitimate. But then. in due course. it was approved that the General Assembly was competent to dictate the terms of the declaration. that political information was required. that colonial territories were those which the General Assembly selected as such. that the Charter when referring to self-government did not have self-government in mind at aIl. and so on. 1 could mention many other examples. 64. 1 bring up all this merely to make this important point: Through simple majerity votes. the Charter has been amendedj a new legality has been createdj and that legality is used-exclusively used-against Portugal ina way which prevents Portugal from availing itself of the samé legality in its self-defence. 1 shall draw the attention of the Council to a few facts. 65. The establishment of military camps for the training of foreigners against us is legal and in accordance with the Charter. If we allowed the same thing to be done by the foreign refugees who have taken shelter in' our territories from political persecution by tb,eir governments. that would be illegal and branded as aggression. Mercenaries of many 66. However. 1 would still put two questions to the Council. Firstly. it has been suggested that the principles of a multi-racial society are against the Charter. Where does the Charter say so? My second question is this: Since all the acts of aggression 1 have listed seem to be considered legitimate. 1 wish ta know whether measures of self-defence are still legitimate or not. 67. 1 think that the African delegations. inpresenting their case against my country. have unwillingly placed themselves within a full circle of contradictions. First. some resolutions are adopted in contravention of the Charter. Then. based on those resolutions. accusations are levelled against us because we do not implement the resolutions. Then the non-implementation of the resolutions is held to be a threat to peace and security. 68. 1 might recall to the Security Council the statement made by Mr. Khrushchev to the effect that the Soviet Union would not accept and impIement any resolution of the United Nations. even if adopted unanimously. if such a resolution affected the interests of the Soviet Union. How. then. does the immaculate representative .of the Soviet empire dare to criticize others. and why should he single out Portugal? 69. It is stated that the threat to peace is proved by the conditions allegedly prevailing in the territories. When we say that aIl those conditions are open to inspection and invite qualified personalities to come and see for themselves. we are told that the existing conditions are no longer of any interest. 70. When we say that no threat to internationalpeace and security exists. we are told that. if that is so. then a threat will indeed have to be created. The representative of Ghana was'very clear on that point at least. In facto notice has been served upon this Council to the effect that violence and aggression are to be used. 71. Now. what is left of the provisions of the Charter? 1 should like to address myself to the Security Council. to the Governments represented here. to world public 0l?inion. and ask: What has aIl the foregoing to do wlth the provisions of the Charter orwithinternational law? It is sometimes argued, that the Charter is no longer in keeping with modern times. That may very weIl be. and.I do not dispute such a view. But then

1 have no more speakers on my list for this afternoon's meeting. 1 have learned that members of the Council would like to hold further consultations. Our next meeting will take place tomorrow at 10.30 a.m• . The meeting rose at 5.25 p.m. CAMEROON/CAMEROUN: LlBRAIRIE'bu PEUPLE AFRICAIN La Gérante, B. P. 1197. Yaoundé. DIFFUSION INTERNATIONALE CAMEROUNAISE OU LIVRE ET DE LA PRESSE. Sangmelima. CONGO (Léopoldvllle): INSTITUT POLITIQUE CONGOLAIS. B. P. 2307. Léopoldville. ETHIOPIA/ÉTHIOPIE: INTERNATIONAL PRESS AGENCY. P. O. Box 120, Addis Ababa. GHANA: UNIVERSITY BOOKSHOP University College of Ghana. Legon. Accra. KENYA: THE E.S.A. BOOKSHOP, Box 30167, Nairobi. CZECHDSLOVAKIA/TCHÉCOSLOVAQUIE: ARTIA lTD•• 30 ve Smeekach, DENMARK/DANEMARK: Ndrregade 6, K'benhavn. FINLAND/FINLANDE: AKATEEMINEN 2 Keskuskatu, Helsinki. FRANCE: ÊDITIONS A. PÊDONE 13. rue Soufflot. Paris CV!'). GERMANY (FEDERAL REPUBLIC ALLEMAGNE (RtpUBLIQUE R. EISENSCHMIDT Schwanthaler Str. 59, Frankfurt!Main. ELWERT UND MEURER Hauptstrasse lOI, Berlin·Schëneberg. ALEXANDER HORN Spiegelgasse 9, Wiesbaden. W. E. SAARBACH Gertrudenstrasse 30. Kain L1BYA/LIBYE: SUDKI EL JERBI (BOOKSELLERS) P. O. Box 78, Istiklal Street, Benghazi. MOROCCO/MAROC: AUX BELLES IMAGES 281 Avenue Mohammed V, Rabat. NIGERIA/NIGÉRIA: UNIVERSITY BOOKSHOP (NIGERIA) LTD University College. Ibadan. NORTHERN RHODESIA/RHODÊSIE DU NORD: J. BELDING, P. O. Box 750, Mufulira. NYASALANO/NYASSALAND: BOOKERS (NYASALAND) LTD. Lontyre House, P. O. Box 34. Blantyre. SOUTH AFRICA/AFRIQUE DU SUD: VAN SCHAIK'S BOOK STORE (PTY.) LTD. Church Street, Box 724. Pretoria. TECHNICAL BOOKS (PTY.) LTD•• Faraday House P. O. Box 2866, 40 St. George's Street. Cape Town. SOUTHERN RHODESIA/RHODÊSIE DU SUD: THE BOOK CENTRE, Flrst Street. Salisbury. TANGANYIKA: DAR ES SALAAM BOOKSHOP P. O. Box 9030. Dar es Salaam. GREECE/GRÊCE: KAUFFMANN 28 Stadion Street. Athens. HUNGARY/HONGRIE: KULTURA P. O. Box 149, Budapest 62. ICELAND/ISLANDE: BÔKAVERZLUN EYMU NDSSONAR H. F. Austurstraeti 18. Reykjavik. IRELAND/IRLANDE: STATIONERY OFFICE. Dublin. ITALY/ITALlE: L1BRERIA COMMISSIDNARIA Via Gino Capponi 2.6. Firenze. & Via Paolo Mercuri 19/B. AGENZIA E.I.O.U •• Via Meravisli LUXEMBOURG: L1BRAIRJE J. TRAUSCHSCHUMMER Place du Thêàtre. Luxembourg. NETHERLANDS/PAYS·BAS: N. V. MARTINUS NJJHOFF lanRe Voorhout 9. ·s·Gravenh3ge. NORWAY/NORVÈGE: JOHAN Karl Johansgate, 41, Oslo. POLAND/PO' OGNE: PAN. Warszawa. PORTUGAL: L1VRARIA RODRIGUES 186 Rua Aurea. Lisboa. ROMANIA/ROUMANIE: CARTlMEX Str. Aristide Brland 14·1S. P. O. Box 134~135. Bucure~ti. UGANDA/OUGANDA: UGANDA BOOKSHOP. P. O. Box 145. Karr.pala. UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC/RÊPUBLIQUE ARABE UNIE: LlBR,!.IRIE "LA RENAISSANCE D'ÉGYPTE" 9 Sh. Adly Pasha. Cairo. AL NAHDA EL ARABJA BOOKSHOP 3:?: Abd·er·Khalek Sarwart St., Cairo. ASIA/ASIE BURMA/BIRMANIE: CURATOR, GOVT. BOOK. DEPOT. Rangoon. CAMBODIA/CAMBODGE: ENTREPRISE KHMÈRE DE LIBRAIRIE Imprimerie & PapetE'rle. S. à R. L.. Phnom·Penh. CEYLON/CEYLAN: LAKE HOUSE BOOKSHOP Assac. Newspapers of Ce)lon, P. O. Box 2.44. Colombo. CHINA/CHINE: THE WORLD BOOK COMPANY. LTO. 99 Chung King Road. 1st Section, Talpeh, Taiwan. THE COMMERCIAL PRESS. LTD. 211 Honan Raad. Shanghai. HONG KONG/HONG.KONG: THE SWINDON BOOK COMPANY 25 Nathan Ra~d, Kowloon. INDIAlINDE: ORIENT LONGMANS Bombay, CalCutta, Hyderabad, Madras & New DelhI. OXFORD BOOK & STATIONERY COMPANY Calcutta & New Delhi. INDONESIA/INDONÉSIE: PEMBANGUNAN, LTD. Gunung Sahari S4. DJakarta. JAPANjJAPON: MARUZEN COMPANY, LTD. 6 Tori.Nichome, Nihonbashi, Tokyo. SPAIN/ESPAGNE: lIBRERIA BOSCH. Ronda L1BRERIA MUNDI·PRENSA. AGUILAR S. A. DE EDICIONES. SWEDEN/SUËDE: C. E. FRITZE'S KUNGL. HOVBOKHANDEL Fredsgatan 2, Stockholm. SWITZERLAND/SUISSE: LIBRAIRIE PAYOT. S. A., Lausanne. HANS RAUNHARDT. Klrchsasse17. TURKEY/TURQUIE: LIBRAIRIE 469 Istlklal Caddesi. Beyoglu. UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST UNION DES RÉPUBLIQUES SOVIÉTIQUES: MEZHDUNARODNAYA KNYIGA. Smolenskaya Ploshchad. UNITED KINGDOM/ROYAUME·UNI: H. M. STATIONERY OFFICE P. O. Box 569, London. S.E. (and HMSO branches in Belfast. Bristol. Cardiff. Edlnburgh. YUGOSLAVIA/YOUGOSLAVIE: CANKARJEVA ZALO~BA Ljubljana. Siovenia. DR!AVNO PREDUZEéE Jugoslovenska KnJîga. TerazlJe PROSVJETA 5. Trg Bratstva 1 Jedlnstva. PROSVETA PUBLISHING HOUSE Import·Export DIVISion. P. Terazile 16/1. Beograd. KOREA (REP. OF)/CORÉE (RÊP. DE): EUL·YOO PUBLISHING CO.. LTD. 5. 2·KA. Chongno, Seoul. PAKISTAN: THE PAKISTAN CO·OPERATIVE BOOK SOCIETY Dacca. East Pakistan. PUBLISHERS UNITED, LTD., Lahore. THOMAS & THOMAS, KarachI. PHILIPPINES: PHILIPPINE EDUCATION COMPANY. INC. 1104 Castilleios, P. O. Box 620, Quiapo. Manila. POPULAR EiOOKSTORE. 1573 Doroteo Jose. Manlla. LATIN AMERICA/ AMÉRIQUE LATINE ARGENTINA/ARGENTINE: SUDAMERICANA, S. A.. Alsina BOLIVIA/BOLIVIE: lIBRERIA Casilla 972. La Paz. LOS AMIGOS DEL L1BRO Calle Perû esq. Espaiia. Casilla BRAZIL/BRÉSIL: L1VRARIA Rua MéXICO 98·6, Caixa Postal RIO de Janeiro. L1VRARIA FREITAS BASTOS. Caixa Postal 899, RIO de Janeiro. L1VRARIA KOSMOS EDITORA Rua Rosario 135/137, Rio SINGAPORE/SINGAPOUR: ïHE CITY BOOK STORE. LTD•• ColI}'er Quay. THAILAND/THAïLANDE: PRAMUAN MIT. LTD. 55 Chakrawat Raad, Wat Tuk, Bangkok. NIBONDH & CO" LTD. New Road, Sikak Ph}a Sri, Bangkok. SUKSAPAN PANIT Mansion 9. RaJadamnern Avenue, Bangkok. ~:~~~~~E.~:~ÉT~~{t~~t:~H(~ÊP.DU): 185, rue Tu.do, 8. P. 283, Saison. EUROPE ~~!~~k~~~L~EL PAciFICO Ahumada 57, Santiago. L1BRERIA IVENS. Casltla 205. AUSTRIA/AUTRICHE: GEROLD & COMPANY, Graben 31, Wien. 1. GEORG FROMME & CO•• SpengerRasSe 39. Wlen. V. BELGIUM/BELGIQUE: AGENCE ET MESSAGERIES DE LA PRESSE, S. A. 14·22. rue du PerSil. Bruxelles. BULGARIA/BULGARIE: RAZNOizNOS 1. Tzar Assen. Sofia. COLOMBIA/COLOMBIE: L1BRERJA AMERICA. Calle L1BRERIA BUCHHOLZ Av. Jiménez de Quesada 8·40, COSTA RICA: IMPRENTA Apartado 1313, San Jo~é. Orders and ,"quines from counlries where sales agencles have not yet been estabhshed Sales Section. UOIted Nations. Palais Les commandes et demandes de renseignements érpanant de paiS oû il n'existe ONU. New York (E.·U.). ou à la Section des ventes,