S/PV.1138 Security Council

In accordance with the decision previously taken by the Council, 1 invite the representatives of Cyprus, Turkey and Greece to take places at the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Spyros Kyprianou (Cyprus), Mr. Orhan Eralp (Turkey) and Mr. Dimitri S. Bitsios (Greece) took places at the council table. Sur l’invitation (Chypre), Bitsios 2. Le PRESIDENT: nant poursuivre a son ordre ma liste est le représentant la parole,

The Security Council Will now continue its discussion of the item on its agenda. The first speaker on my list is the representative of Brazil, to whom 1 give the floor. 3. M. CARVALHO glais]: Cate-d’ivoire, ma propre version distribue du nouveau texte [S/5776/Rev.Z-/] graphe additionnel r6digé comme suit:

On behalf of the delegations of Bolivia, the Ivory Coast, MOFOCCO, NorWay and my own delegation, 1 should like to submit to the Council a revised text of the draft resolution circulated in document S/5776/Rev.l. The new text [S/57’76/Rev.2]11 provides for the inclusion of a new operative paragraph which reads: 2 année, Supplément -k/ Sec Officia1 Records of the Securiry Council, Nineteenth Year,, SuPPlement for April, May and June 1964.

1 give the floor to the representative of the Soviet Union.

Mr. Chairman, thank you for giving me the floor. Before 1 explain our position, however, may 1 clarify a procedural question. At the end of this morning’s meeting, you stated that there were no further speakers on your list either for that meeting or for this afternoon’s meeting, My delegation thereupon reserved the right to speak at the afternoon meeting, today, 19 June. 7. We had reason to suppose, on the basis of your statement, that there were no other speakers ancl that we would be given the floor first. In accordance with the letter and the spirit of rules 27 and 14 of the provisional rules of procedure we should have beengiven the floor first, but we were not. May 1 ask by what considerations and provisions you were guided in this case, assuming your explanatioas at yesterday’s meeting regarding Security Counoil procedure to have been correct?

This morning I did indeed state that there were no more speakers on the list for this meeting, 1 also stated that the Council would nevertheless meet this afternoon and that, if none of its members wished to speak either on the substance of the problem or on the draft resolution, 1 would be obliged to put the draft resolution to the vote, The representative of the Soviet Union then made it known that he would speak this afternoon. 9. 1 did not think that the Soviet representative’s statement that he would speak this dternoon amounted to his forma1 enrolment on the list of speakers. Therefore 1 sent someone this afternoon to the Soviet delegation in order to confirm that the representative 0% the Soviet Union wished to speak; the answer I received confirmed this. By that time, the representative of Brazil was already on my list. 10. Ferhaps 1 did not quite unùerstand the Soviet representative’s request yesterday, and if so,I apologize. If I had thought that in making his request he was reserving the right to speak first this afternoon, then, in conformity with the decision taken under the provisional rules of procedure, 1 would have given the floor first of a11 to the Soviet Union. If I did net do SO, it was simply because 1 did not think that the Soviet representative was confirming that he was reserving priority to speak. It was simply a misunderstanding, and not a deliberate action on mypart.

Thank you, Mr. President, for your explanation, which, Iregretto say, does not seem to me very convincing. Yesterday, as you well remember, we went into the matter of our 12. It was suggested by way of justification that if it had been at the theatre or at a football match, the highest-ranking person would have politely been given priority. That is, of course, a great advantage, a sign of tact and courtesy, but it is apity that such courtesy does not extend beyond the seating at a football match. 13. As far as we are concerned, we understood that there were no other speakers, thus we naturally assumed that we would be given the floor first today. 1 want to emphasize that if you, Mr. President, or my esteemed colleague, Mr. Carvalho Silos, had approached my delegation, as is fitting amongcolleagues, there would of course have been no question and we would have been glad to yield the floor to any of our colleagues , and in particular to the representative of Brazil. Unfortunately, however , that was not done. 14. It is also a matter of elementary ethical standards. Please excuse me, Mr. President, for dwelling on these details, 1 think that for the sake of time it is unnecessary to interpret this part of our statement into the other languages. Permit me now to proceed direotly to a statement of our position. 15. Mr. President, this is the third time this year that the Security Council has considered the question of Cyprus. The events takingplace in and about Cyprus show very clearly that the enemies of the independence of the Young Republic of Cyprus do not intend to leave that country in peace. Everyone knows that the threat of armed aggression hanging over Cyprus has not yet been removed. Foreign interference in the interna1 affairs of that country is continuing, endangeringpeace in the eastern Mediterranean and security throughout the world. 16. It is quite understandable that the armed clashes in Cyprus, which are accompanied by bloodshed and the loss of human life, should arouse deep regret and disquiet. The causes of this tension, the roots of this highly abnormal situation, are well known, and my delegation has already spoken about them more than once in the Security Council. 17. The long and deliberately inflamed distord between the two communities in Cyprus is beingused as a pretext for unconcealed outside interference bycertain Powers. In the origins of the Cyprus problem the designs may be clearly seen of aggressive imperialist and reactionary forces which are fitting Cyprus into their special and far-reaohing plans. 18. This is not the first time, as we very well know, that the eastern Mediterranean has been the abject of the designs of imperialist Powers, which see it as a region protecting the approach to the petroleum-rich countries of the Near East, It is here, in Cyprus, that they are trying to maintain a military base from which Pressure cari be exerted on the young States in the Vicinity. 20. Replying early in May 1964 to a question by a Tass correspondent, the President of the Republic of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios, rightly pointed out that “because of its strategic importance, the island of Cyprus had long attracted the attention of aggressors, Even after its proclamation as an independent State, Cyprus did not gain sovereignty over the whole of its territory. A part of Cypriot soi1 is occupied by British bases”, 21. 1 need hardly recall the simple truththat,if there had been no fore@ interference in the interna1 affairs of Cyprus, if the acts of certain Powers had not created a threat to the freedom, territorial integrity and independence of Cyprus, if there hadnotbeenforces which stood to gain from the bloodshed between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the question now before the Security Council would of course not exist. 22. National distord in Cyprus was deliberately instigated in the post-war period by certain politicians in London, in an effort to extend to Cyprus the infamous colonialist principle of divide and rule. Yet, it is common knowledge that the Greek and Turkish oommunities have lived together for centuries in peace and friendship. 23. Another legacy of colonialism was the Zurich and London agreements of 1959 which restricted the sovereighty of the Republic of Cyprus and made it dependent on foreign Powers. Only by severing the ties between the Republic of Cyprus and the former colonizers, only by freeing themselves from the enforoed tutelage of NATO cari the Cypriots overcome their interna1 difficulties and stabilize the situation in their country. Like any other people, the Cypriots have the right to settle their own affairs ànd solve their own problems. And there oan be no doubt that the Greek and Turkish communities in Cyprus, if they are left alone and if dissension and hostility are not provoked from outside, are capable of agreeingamong themselves on their interna1 affairs, 24. The Soviet Union% great and fruitful experience in dealing with the nationality question offers convincing evidenoe that a11 disputes arising among nations and peoples cari be settled on the basis of friendship and brotherhood. Recourse to arms and the use of brute force never have been and never Will be justifiable means of settling the complex problems in the relations between different nationalities. 25. Permit me to recall in this connexion that in Ms. Khrushchev’s message 0% 7 February 1964 [S/5534Ja to the heads of State and Government of 2/=., Ninereenth Year, Supplement for January. February and Marcb 1964, 26. Unswerving respect for and observance of this condition is the realistic way to achieve an early solution of the Cyprus problem. However, this fact is constantly ignored by those forces which are persistently attempting to infringe the freedom of Cyprus and deprive the Cypriots of the gains achievedin their tenacious struggle against both old and new forms of colonialism. It is common knowledge that NATO circles are continuing, as in the past, to hatch plans aimed at undermining the sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, partitioning the country, and, in effect, liquidating the Cypriot State. 26. L’observation un moyen réel de résoudre chypriote. forces liberte Chypriotes tenace contre le colonialisme On sait que, comme par le passé, plans pour saper la souverainet Chypre, pour partager 1’Etat chypriote. 27. On 17 June 1964, the American newspaper m New York Times also expressed itself quite unequivocally on this subject. In a majority of European capitals, it said, the conviction is growingthat Vypsus as an independent nation cari no longer be maintained”. 27. Dans americain prim8 des capitales grandit d’Etat indépendant”. 28. These sinister plans and cynical calculations cannot but arouse profound indignation in those who are concerned with maintaining peace and ensuring a11 States-large or small, strong or weak-an opportunity to build theis national life in accordance with their own interests and aspirations. 23. niques ne peuvent qu’indigner profondément qui souhaitent garantir ou faibles, conform8ment propres. 29, The fact is that we are talking about an independent State. a Member of the United Nations. And if national sovereignty is more than an empty phrase, a mere formality mentioned in the United Nations Chartèr, if the right to freedom and independence is really a sacred right of a11 peoples, thenwe ask: what justification cari there be for the ceaseless attempts to prevent Cyprus from enjoying the fruits of sovereignty? 29. nisation des Nations Unies, Si la souveraineté n’est Charte X’indBpendance est vraiment peuples, constantes souverainete? 30. In our Century, a t,ime of great oonquests and achievements in the liberation of peoples from the chains of colonial slavery, a time when imperialism cari no longer crush freedom with impunity and act as an international policeman, we cannot tolerate views and aots based on the theory that only the strong are entitled to sovereignty, while small countries like Cyprus are condemned to bow before the power and weapons of others. Suoh an approach to international affairs must inevitably lead to the most serious and dangerous complications, fraught with dire consequenees for peace. 30. Dans notre siecle, époque de grands SUC&S dans la libbration l’esclavage ne peut plus otouffer le r6le de gendarme international, 18rer souveraine% petits pays comme Chypre sont condamnes % s’incliner devant la volont Si nous devions accepter cette conception des relations internationales, complications lourdes 31. In recent months, the clouds of a danger of imminent and direct war havv more than once gathered over Cyprus, and more than once has this small country, which follows a policy of neutrality, found itself on the very brink of war, menaced by invasion and intervention, 1s not that why the Government of Cyprus was forced to turn to the Security Council? 31. Ces guerre sieurs ce petit pays, qui m8ne une politique s’est nace de l’invasion d’ailleurs de Chypre sBcurit87 32. Il est bien regrettable l’heure Chypre, géres aerien d’autres affaires 32. It is regrettable that Cyprus is now once again threatened with military invasion, that once again we note concentrations of foreign armed forces around Cyprus, violations of that country’s air space and of its territorial waters, and other acts of interference in its interna1 affairs. The distinguished Minister for Poreign Affairs of Cyprus, Mr. Kyprianou, gave a 34. The Soviet Govcrnment shares the concern of the Government of Cyprus at current developments around Cyprus, which are the result of gross attempts to violate the lawful rights, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. This con- Cern is entirely natural. It is prompted by a sense of responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security. The Soviet Union, for its part, cannot ignore the danger that a new focus of war is being created not far from the southern borders of the Soviet State. 35. The constant pressure on Cyprus is clearly leading to further aggravation of the situation in and around Cyprus. And it is this which is creating artificial obstacles to the implementation of the Security Council’s decisions on the Cyprus questions. 36. As the members of this body are aware, the Soviet Union has urged that the Security Council should take the necessary steps to protect the sovereign Republic of Cyprus from aggression and prevent any further foreign interference in the vffairs of that Member State. 37. The Soviet Government has firmly and oonsistently denounced, and continues to denounce, a11 outside attempts to prescribe the manner in which the Cypriots are to solve their domestic problems; it has called for the earliest possible end to the bloodshed on the Island of Cyprus, SO that the Greek and Turkish communities may live together in harmony 0 38. It has been and remains the duty of the Security Council, as the principle UnitedNations organresponsible for the maintenance of peace and international security, to safeguard the national independenoe and the territorial inviolability and integrity of Cyprus and to ensure respect for the latter’s sovereignty in accordance with the purposes of the United Nations Charter. 39. During the previous debate on the question of Cyprus in the Security Counoil [1085th and 1094th to 1103rd meetings], my delegation repeatedly stated that the Soviet Union was opposed in principle to the sending of any foreign troops to Cyprus, including United. Nations forces. Nevertheless, my delegation was willing to refrain from blockina the adoption bv the Councfi of a resolution providing, inter &a, foi the dispatch of United Nations forces to Cyprus, and on 4 March lQG4 it votedfor the resolution in question, 40. In this connexion, it should be pointed out that the resolution contained a clear-cut appeal to a11 States Members of the United Nations, in conformity with their obligations under the United Nations Charter, to refrain from any action or threat of action likely to worsen the situation in the sovereign Repuhlic of Cyprus or to endanger international peace. 41. We .feel that, given goodwill on the part of the interested parties, the Security Council resolutions of 4 Marc11 and 13 March1964[S/5575 andS/5603]3/ have created the basis for a just settlement of the conflict in Cyprus, taking account of the interests of the people of Cyprus-both Greeks and Turks-and of the need to consolidate peace in the eastern Mediterranean. It should also be borne in mind that a11 the members of the Security Council, including the United States, the United Kingdom and Prance, voted for these resolutions. 42, In supporting the resolution of 4 March, the Soviet Government took into account, inter alia, the fact that it provided for the dispatch of United Nations forces to Cyprus for three months, that is, for a strictly limited period, and did not impose anyfinancial obligations on Member States which did not provide contingents. 43. In bis statement to the Security Council on 18 June, Mr. Kyprianou, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cyprus , indic ated that his Government would like the United Nations forces to remain in Cyprus for a further three months. A recommendation to that effect is contained in paragraph 122 of the Secretary-General’s report to the Security Council on the United Nations operation in Cyprus for the period 26 April to 8 June 1964 [S/5764].4/ 44. Therefore, since the Government of Cyprus considers it essential in order to ensure that country’s security and territorial integrity, the Soviet Union cloes not intend to oppose a three-month extension of the United Nations forces’ stay in Cyprus. Of course, the arrangement for financing these forces must be the same as the one provided for in the Security Council resolution of 4 March 1964. 45. At the same time, my delegation wishes torecall that it has consistently opposed any expansion of the functions of the TJnited Nations Peace-keeping Porte in Cyprus, including the use of force to restore order, since that would inevitably lead to direct intervention in the interna1 affairs of the Republic of Cyprus, a fully equal and sovereign Member of our Organization. 46. It Will be recalled that the question of Cyprus was raised in the Security Council because of the threat of foreign invasion and aggression against that Member State. That is why the Security Council adopted hSe pertinent resolutions, inoluding the one calling 4/ Ibid., Nineteenth Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1964. 48. HOWeVer, we should like to point out that the pximary function of the Force, undex the Council’s xesolution Of 4 Mnrch 1964, is to ensuxe the maintenance of international pesoe and to pxotect CyPxus against a threat from outside, 49. In that connexion, it must be noted with satisfaction that the Minister fox Foreign Affairs of Cyprus , has expxessed his gratitude to the Secretary-General 1tfox bis untixing and sincere effort to implement, in the name of the Unit;ed Nations, the xesolution of the Security Council of 4 March 1964, in the interests of presexving international peace” [1136th meeting, para. 1221. 50. In his stateinent to the Security Council, Mr. Kypxianou emphasized, inter alia, the following: “We want peaoe ancl a return to normal conditions in Cyprus and we are ready to co-operate fully with the United Nations in a common effort to achieve this goal. We axe not, on the othex hand, prepared to accept cuxtailment of any of the sovereign rights of the legal Govexnment in Cyprus. We shall not tolcxate any effort, whether fxom within ox without, aime8 at destroying the unity and the territorial integrity of the sovereign and independent State of Cypru~.~ [Ibid., Para. 233.1 51. My delegation considers that the question of Cyprus must be settled by strengthening the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, xecognixing the unity of the Cypxiot State, xeleasing Cyprus from the unequal treaties imposed on it by the colonialists, reaffixming the right of the people of Cyprus to salve theix own interna1 pxohlems, and guaranteeing the rights of n?inoxities. Vhe true friends of the Republic of CypXUStt, Nikita Khrushchev bas stated, “earnestly fiope that the CyPxiots-Gr ecks and Turks alike-will join efforts in defence of their countxy’s national independence and wlll decisively thwart the attempts Of the reactionaxy and imperialist forces to eXPlOit the national hatred which they themselves fomented fox their own purposes. The fxiends of Cyprus axe cextain that the repxesentatives of the Turkish and Gxeek communities Will find ways of CO-operating in the State organs of the Republio and, instead of submitting to foreign Pressure, Will ma.ke evexy effort to strengthen theix united sovereign State.” 52. The Secuxity Council is bound to ta.ke a11 necessaxy steps to prote& Cyprus against oppxession. 53, MY delegation expresses the hope that a11 the parties concerned Will take action to implement the 55. It cannot have escaped the notice of the Council that Mr. Kyprianou’s speech was in the nature of a pronouncement by the representative of a government which is in full command of its constitutional powers and is about to hold sway over the whole of its territory. He merely asks the United Nations Force to help him in establishing authority over the whole of the territory of Cyprus, in other words, to enslave the Turkish population of Cyprus-or, as he put it, to quel1 the rebellion. This cari be described only as flouting the Will of the United Nations. Inother words, the whole attempt at mediation to arrive at a peaceful solution and at agreedsettlements has been thrownout. They, the Greek Cypriots, are the legal government of Cyprus, and the United Nations Force is there to help them. The Mediator is no longer necessary. Whatever they do is an act of government; whatever the Turks do in Cyprus is fostering rebellion. This is indeed a bitter pi11 to expeot the United Nations to swallow, and 1 have no doubt that it Will receive the reaotion that it deserves. 56. Mr. Kyprianou rightly observed that the troubles in Cyprus are but symptoms of the malady. But his diagnosis was somewhat lopsided. Obviously the disease itself is none other than the megalomania of the Greek Cypriot usurpers of the Government, who take it as a foregone conclusion that the United Nations Will back them in their subversive efforts. A glance at the existing resolutions Will show that that is not at all the understanding or the intentions of the Security Council. My Government, as well as many other Governments including those of countries contributing troops to the United Nations Force are anxious to strengthen the hand of the Secretary- General SO that the Force cari deal more effectively with the excesses of the Greek Cypriots, not SO that it cari become an appendage to the criminal National Guard of Archbishop Makarios. 57. Having set the record straight on that score, may 1 deal briefly with some of the flagrantly offensive allegations made by the Minister for Fore@ Affairs of Cyprus. 58. He said that whenever there was animprovement in the situation my Government indulges in tbreats. 1 have already dealt with tbis allusion to threats in my main speech, but let me stress onoe again that the determination to exercise a right when it should be exercised cannot be considered a tbreat. As for the recent improvement which he mentioned, perhaps Mr. Kyprianou believes that the illegal measures taken by bis unlawful Government, suoh as the purchase of heavy weapons and the establishment of 59. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cyprus asserted that the cause of a11 trouble in Cyprus lies with the partitionist policy of Turkey. TO prove this, he has referred to certain statements made by Turkish leaders, Even a cursory look at these statements Will suffice to show that Turkey has never threatened the integrity or the independence of Cyprus; on the contrary, it has, in acoordance with its treaty obligations and duties, repeatedly issued warnings to the Greek Cypriot leaders, whose sole aim has been to disintegrate the independent State of Cyprus and unite it with Greece by resorting to violence. Turkey has faithfully respected and observed theindependence of the Republic of Cyprus and has repeatedly called upon the Greek leaders to respect the Constitution. This Constitution, which the Turkishcommunity, as well as Turkey, have made repeated demands to preserve, prohibits partition as well as l’enosisll. Would Turkey and the Turks of Cyprus consistently demand that the Greeks observe the Constitution if they had partition in mind? - 60. On the question of hostages, the Minister for Fore@ Affairs of Cyprus has made a great effort to lighten the burden of responsibility which he knows hangs SO heavily on Greek Cypriot shoulders. He tried to dodge major responsibility by taking issue on the question of the missing persons who were subseqently found. For that purpose he quoted the statement of Archbishop Makarios made on 29 May in which it was alleged that the Turklsh authorities continued to show thirty-two Turks on the l’missing persons list”, whereas those persons were not in fact missing. Mr Kyprianou has tried to make capital out of the fact by deliberately concealing the reply of the Vice-President, Mr. Küçük, to Makarios on this very issue. 61. In his reply, dated 29 May, Mr. Küçlik gave the dates of the newspapers in which the names of these missing persons had alreadybeenpublished, informing the public that they had been traced by the Red Cross. These publications were a11 prior to the statement of Archbishop Makarios. In his reply Mr. Küçiik said: “It Will be observed that Makarios himself deliberately confused the issue with the motive of deceiving world public opinion by insisting that there was no foundation for the olaim made by Turkish leadership that hundreds of Turks, and especially a11 those who were abducted alter the Famagusta incidents, axe still missing.” 62. Mr. Küçük went on to say that the Turkish Bureau of Missing Persons is open to inspection for any impartial observer, I regret that Mr. Kyprianou, though having access to a11 the facts, has chosen to mislead this Council SO light-heartedly. Mr. Kyprianou should know better than anyone else the state of siege under which the Turlw are living and the difficulty of communicating with one another due to the fact that telephone, telegraph and other means of communication are denied to the Turks by the Greek authorities. Because of this, the Turkish Cypriot authorities are 63. The Turks of Cyprus are relieved about the fate of those Turks who are first reported missing and later, by the graoe Of God, found safe and sound, unharmed by Greek terrorists. Their anxiety is for those Turks who have been taken as hostages and have never reappeared. Their numbers are not in the tens but in the hundreds. as indicated in paragraph 64 of the Secretary-General’s report [S/5764]. And, as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cyprus knows quite well, scores of these unfortunate personswomen and children included-have been found in crudely made graves, a11 shot in the baok. If he cari look at them, 1 have photographs of these atrocious deeds. The cold-blooded shooting of Turks taken as hostages has been reported in the world Press. 63. Les que des Turcs ont été, gr%ce à Dieu, retrouv& avoir sont anxieux du sort des otages chiffre l’indique genbral étrangeres beaucoup de ces malheureux, et des enfants, tués d’un coup de feu dans le dos, J’ai des photographies de ces atrocites rage de les regarder, La presse mondiale a relaté que des Turcs pris comme otages ont Bt8 tu& de propos d&ibéré. 64. Quant aux Turcs en plein jour, apr&s l’incident de, F,amagouste, sur leur lieu de travail, témoins oculaires grecs, et qui n’ont jamais reparu, l’archevéque Makarios a essaye de rejeter le blâme sur des &&ments grecs irresponsables, Je me permettrai de renvoyer M. Kyprianou et les membres du Conseil au New York Times, édition internationale, du 14 mai, uui. dans une d&&che de Nicosia avant trait aux men’aies de vengeance faites a la suite de l’incident de Famagouste, déclare ce qui suit: 64. As for the Turks who were taken as hostages in broad daylight, after the Famagusta incident, from their places of employment in the presence of hundreds of Greek eye-witnesses, and who have never reappeared, Archbishop Makarios has hastily tried to throw the blame on irresponsible Greek elements. 1 should like to refer Mr. Kyprianou and the Council to The New York Tirnez, International Edition, of 14 May. reporting from Nicosia with reference to the venge&ce being Sworn for the events at Famagusta. The newspaper writes: “The person who swears vengeance is not an irresponsible Greek element. He is the Minister of the Interior, Mr. Polycarpos Yorgadjis, who, instead of exerting his energies to find out those Greeks who had kidnapped ten Turks, since the Famagusta inoident, has chosen to do justice through vengeance-as a result of which twenty-two more Turks were kidnapped and have disappeared.” It is for these persons in authority thatMr. Kyprianou asks the Council to lend him the unqualified aid of the United Nations Peaoe-keeping Force to oomplete the circle of vengeance and oppression on the Turks. 1 am sure that this Council Will not heed this call. C’est pour de tels dirigeants que M. Kyprianou demande au Conseil de lui apporter l’aide sans restriction de la Force des Nations Unies chargée du maintien de la paix afin que les Turcs ne puissent Echapper h la vengeance et a. l’oppression. Je suis certain que le Conseil n’entendra pas cet appel. 65. Le Ministre des affaires (ttrnngères de Chypre a cite les noms de nombreux Turcs qui se seraient plaints des dirigeants turcs & la police grecque. Comme ces all8gations reposent uniquement sur ce qu’affirment les tristement c&&bres forces de &curité chypriotes grecques et qu’il n’est pas possible d’en vérifier le bien-fonclé, je ne prendrai pas le temps du Conseil en en parlant longuement, mais je dois mentionner en passant l’all8gation de M. Kyprianou selon laquelle certains Turcs disparus auraient tués par d’autres Turcs, Il a dit avoir ce soupçon. Sachant que 1’EOKA [Organisation nationale des combattants chypriotes] a tué en quatre ans plus de Chypriotes grecs que les Britanniques et les Turcs r&mis, afin de terroriser grecque, je ne suis pas surpris d’entendre exprimer cette iclee, mais il suffira de dire que la communwte turque ne mene pas aujourd’hui une campagne de terreur, massive des Chypriotes grecs. 65. The Minister for Fore& Affairs of Cyprus has mentioned the names of a large number of Turks who are alleged to have complained about the Turkish leaders to the Greek police. As these allegations are based purely on the findings of the notorious Greek Cypriot security forces, and cannot be verified,I shall not take the Councills time over this, but1 m.lst mention in passing the allegation by Mr. Kyprianou that some of the missing Turks may have been killed by other Turks. He said that he entertained that suspicion, Knowing that the EOKA [National Organization of Cypriot Fighters] in four years killed more Greek Cypriots than the British and the Turks put together, in order to terrorize and intimidate the Greek commuiiity, 1 am not surprised at this remark,but suffice it to say that the Turkish community today is not waging a campaign of terror but is merely defending itsell’ against the Greek Cypriot onslaught. 6’7. The Minister for Fore@ Affairsof Cypruswould also have the Counoil attach some importance to the statements of a certain Mr. Ihsan Ali. It is a wellknown fact that there are quislings in every strife. This misguided gentleman has always been known to be antagonistic to the Zurich and London Agreements. He has a ohip on his shoulder against the Turkish leadership in Cyprus because hewas,rightly, kept out of responsible office alter independence. He is in no way qualified to speak for any portion of the Turkish community which, at various meetings of protest, has declared itself in full disagreement with him. 68. Now 1 should like to refer to a question whioh has been SO emphatioally,put to me byMr. Kyprianou, who says that he insists on having an answer. 1 must say that 1 am inno mood to answer questions. Furthermore, 1 strongly question the right of the delegation of the Greek Cypriot Government, who are here to answer grave charges themselves, to put questions to me, On the point he has raised, he Will findample explanation in my speech, and if there are any questions to be asked 1 shall ask them. 1 ask theMinister for Foreign Affairs of Cyprus: First, Will his Government stop taking unlawful measures such as the purchase of heavy weapons and conscription? Secondly, Will his Government sec to it that the taking of hostages is stopped and the present culprits are apprehended and brought to justice? Thirdly, will the massacre of the Turkish Cypriots be brought to an end? Fourthly, will the Greek Cypriot Government co-operate in the restoration of the constitutional rule of law in Cyprus? These are the questions which must be answered before peace cari return to the island. 69. 1 intend to be very brief in referring to the alarming statement made in the last meeting by my worthy colleague, the representative of Greece. On the whole, his remarks were obviausly intended to support and to strengthen the unfounded allegations of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cyprus, which have already been dealt with in my main statement. I heard with much regret his referenoes to the relations between our two countries. 1 have said before, 70, It is still not too late to prevent the sparks that fly from Cyprus to burn down the edifice of friendship which we have taken forty years to build between Greece and ourselves. Al1 we have asked and a11 we ask of our ally , the Gseek Government , is that it should firmly and squarely face its international engagements and responsibilities where Cyprus is oonoerned, that it should abandon this forlorn cause of expansionism, that it should join us and the other guaranteeing Power in exerting at least moral pressure, if nothing else is now practicable, in ordes to restore the Constitution in Cyprus as we both are bound to do under our solemn engagements. 71. I shall not dwell at a11 on the false allegations regarding a mistreatment of the Greek minority in Turkey. That is amyth. The Greek minority in Istanbul is one of the happiest and most prosperous minorities anywhere in the world. In that sense they certainly compare favourably with the Turkish minority in Western Thrace, As for the Greek oitizens living in Turkey, they are no worse off. If recently we have withdrawn certain privileges from them which were based on a convention which has been legally denounced, it was because those privileges were based on the assumption that Turkey and Greece would live as friends for ever. The behaviour of the Greek Government in the Cyprus question has unfortunately shaken those foundations, If people have been expelled from Turkey, it was because they have broken the law and indulged in subversive activities. 72. As for the holy institution of the Orthodox Patriarchate in Istanbul, the allegations of my colleague are truly regrettable. It is a well-knownfact that for centuries the Patriarchate has been greatly revered in Turkey and Will always continue to be revered. If certain individuals within the Patriarchate have committed crimes against the country whose nationality they have adopted, and if they have been denied the privileges of Turkish hospitality because of such crimes, that is neither areflectionon the Patriarchate nor on the Government of Turkey. 73. The statement of the representative of Greece did, however, contain one item which affords ample testimony to what 1 have been trying toprove a11 along and to which, therefore, I would like to refer. It concerns a letter of the former Ambassador of Turkey to Cyprus, Mr. Emin Dirvana, published in the newspaper Millyet. The letter apparently makes it clear that its author did not always see eye to eye with certain Turkish leaders in Cyprus, particularly with IVIr, Denktas. But it also states categorically that the representative of Turkey in Cyprus was working in close co-operation and sincexe goodwill with the Archbishop and his associates. I thank my distinguished oolleague from Greece for having adduoed evidence which proves that Turkey has a11 along cherished the bsst of intentions for the independence, sovereignty ‘74. Before 1 conclude,I wouldlike to extendthe thanks of my delegation and Government to the representative of Brazil and the four other representatives who have co-sponsored the draft resolution we have before us, My Government, maintaining its faith in the United Nations, believes that the prolongation of the mandate of the Wnited Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus would serve the interests of peace in the island provided the Greek Cypriot Government does not again attempt to interpret it in the sense of its warped ambitions.

Before proceeding to the substance of my remarks, may 1 fisst express the appreciation of my Government to the Secretary-General for his statesmanlike efforts in behalf of peace in the eastern Mediterranean during these past few months. The recruitment ancl deployment in Cyprus of a peace-keeping force of between 6,000 and 7,000 men, with a11 of the attendant problems of negotiations, logis tics, headquarters, sttifing, command arrangements andforcedirectives, is an operation of considerable magnitude and difficulty. The United Nations has met this test in a manner worthy of its best traditions, 76. In mounting this peaoe-keeping operation and in the selection of personnel to direct the operation in the field, the Secretary-General has once again demonstrated his instinct for finding the right man for the job. General P, S. Gyani, Commander of the United Nations Force, and General IX. M. P. Carver, bis deputy, have been both skilful and patient in dealing with the complex and frustrating problems which the United Nations Force has encountered. We are hopeful that General K. S. Thimayya, a distinguished compatriot of General Gyani, for whom we have the highest regard, Will find it possible to respond favourably to the Secretary-General% request that he replace General Gyani, who we understand finds it necessary to leave Cyprus. 7’7. T he Secretary-General’s Special Representative, Mr. Gala Plaza, has laboured with extraordinary energy, dedication and a quick grasp of the situation to resolve some of its most difficult aspects, 78. Also in response to the resolution thatwe adopted on 4 March[S/5575], the Secretary-General designated a distinguished Finnish diplomat, Ambassador Sakari S. Tuomioja, who continues his patient efforts to find a peaoeful solution and an agreed settlement of the political problem confronting Cyprus. For his suocess, as we have SO often repeated, restoration of tranquil conditions on the island is imperative. 79. For this reason, in particular, we a11 owe a debt of gratitude to those States-Australia, Austria, 80. But the United Nations Force has made progress sinoe it became operational about three months ago. There have been encouraging forwtid steps-elimininating fortifications, arrangements for harvesting the crôps, ‘and SO forthh, in the im$ementation of the programme outlined in the report of the Secretasy- General of 29 April 1964 [S/56’71]? Nevertheless, it is clear, as the Secretary-General has stated in his report to us of 15 June, that the withdrawal of the Force at this time would lead to an early resumption of fighting whioh might well develop into a still more serious confliot. 81. With a mandate to restore normal conditions uncompleted, my Government believes that tle first order of business in this Council is to assure an extension of the United Nations Force in the island. 82, For this reason, we heartily support the draft resolution [S/5776/Rev.2] placed before the Counoil by the distinguished representative of Braeil. 1 think it is clear that whatever shortcomings may exist in the mandate of the Force, it is unlikely that we could agree at this time on any changes in the balanced resolution SO laboriously oonstructed in February. The mandate of the Force permits it to take firm action where necessary, and it is heartening to note that with increased firmness, the fighting has subsided. For example, with respect to the situation in the Kyrenia Pass area, the Secretary-General’s report Qtates: “Although better armed with heavy weapons and favoured by a greater numerioal strength, there are no signs of the Greek Cypriots resuming their attacks in the St. Hilarion area, and the location of permanent UNFICYP posts with the forward troops of both sides has clearly acted as adeterrent to any positive offensive action. “In the light of recent incidents which have endangered the lives of the personnel of the Force, it has been made clear to both sides that a repetition of such incidents Will result in the removal of any post used as a base for fire against UNFICYP troops, using force if necessary, after due warning has been given.” [S/5764, paras. 30 and 31.1 We applaud such resolute purpose and we believe that eontinued vigorous implementation of the mandate Will contribute more and more to law and orter i$-and 1 e mphasize the word “if “-the parties Will avoid further acts and utteranoes that aggravate the fears and tensions. 83. In this connexion we find the increased importation of arms most serious. The greater the quantity of arms wielded by the two sides, the more difficult “One of the major obstacles in the way of the United Nations Force is the irresponsible and senseless oonduct of armedmen of both communities who do not appear to have any discipline or to be responsible to any established authority but have been acting on their own reokless initiative, regardless of the unfortunate and serious consequences of their acts. Too many unauthorized people in Cyprus are carrying too many weapons. In the hands of these thoughtless and irresponsible elements these weapons become a major factor in the delay in a return to normal life. It is absolutely essential that these elements of the population, both Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot, should be restrained and disciplined and their weapons removed from them, Until such action is taken, violence and a sense of insecurity Will necessarily pervade the country and the tasks of the United Nations Will correspondingly be made more difficult and its chances of success limited.” 84. 1 welcome the statement made this afternoon by the representative of the Soviet Union that weapons do not help in the solution of conflicts. We believe that the competitive inflow of arms into Cyprus aggravates the tension between the two oommunities in the island, a tension which is reflected at the very centre of government decision-making, 85. The two elements of the Government, whose cooperation is the very basis of the nation% Constitution, are not acting together and are presenting the United Nations and its Members not only with dangerous military possibilities, but with btifling legal and political problems. As to whether particular actions by public offioials or governmental bodies relating to conscription or to arms importation are constitutional, we think that it is not for us or for any organ of the United Nations to decide; but it is a11 too clear that whatever may be the constitutional situation, the importation of arms into an island alseady stuffed wi’ch armaments and the raising of armed forces by anyone beyond the original intention or current reyuirements are clearly oontrary to the letter and the intent of the Security Council resolution of 4 March. The Secretary-General himself raises the question about these actions, and in our view they are more than questionable; whether from the standpoint of interna1 security in Cyprus or United Nations responsibility there, those actions are certainly of dubious legality, unhelpful and unwise. 86. The United Nations Force, in order to succeed in implementing its mandate, must have the full cooperation of the two communities in Cyprus, and in this connexion we are deeply shocked over the practice of taking hostages, and particularly over the incident involving the apparent abduction anddisappearance of members of the United Nations Force, Valls upon a11 Member States, in conformitywith their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations, to refrain from any action or threat of action likely to worsen the situation in the sovereign Republic of Cyprus, or to endanger international peaoe. n 88. This responsibility applies, we believe, particularly to the Parties to the international agreements with respect to Cyprus. For this reason, a favourable atmosphere for the work of the United Nations, both of its Force on Cyprus and its Mediator, requires that a11 States, and these States in particular, refrain from any type of military action, support or supply which adds to the tension on the island. 89. We have heard the charges by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cyprus that the threat of military intervention by Turkey is the basic cause of tension and violence in the island. We have heard, on the other hand, the charges by the representative of Turkey that continued armed attaoks by Greek Cypriots on Turkish Cypriots and unconstitutional action by President Makarios and his Government in conscripting new forces and seeking heavy armaments abroad are what threaten peace andprovokepossible intervention. 90. It is not our purpose, nor is it feasible for the Security Council at this time to sift a11 these charges and to discover the truth. There is doubtless truth on both sides, but what is inescapably clear, however , is that the actions of each pasty cited by the other are in fact creating mistrust and fear, undermining rather than building confidence between the two communities, and making infinitely more difficult a just and final solution, and indeed tbreatening not only to raise to appalling proportions the oonflict in Cyprus, but even to destroypeace in the eastern Mediterranean. 91, These dire eventualities must not occur. This is the obligation of the Council. This is the obligation of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force, and most particularly, this is the responsibility of the parties directly concerned. We appeal to them that, rather then levelling bitter charges against each other, they consider prayerfully what each cari himself do to lower tension and to restore confidence. It is never tO0 late for magnanimity, and ultimately it is only by magnanimity and mutual concession that these grievous problems Will be resolved. 92, lt is not for my Government to say what that solution should be. We do believe, however, that the parties should take steps without delay to set the stage for a negotiated solution acceptable to a11 concerned. We do not expect that a solution cari be 93. The process of achieving such a solution must begin, and without delay. The first and most urgent step, it seems to us, is the adoptionof the draft resolution before us, 94. Before concluding, 1 should like to cal1 to the Council’s attention paragraphs 126 and 127 of the Secretary-General’s report of 15 June, in which notes that financial pledges have been received suffitient to caver the oosts of the first three months of the operation of the United Nations Force, but that more than $7 million in additional pledges Will be required to oover the oost of a furthes three months. Only a relatively small number of countries-some twenty to date-have carried the financial burden of supporting the United Nations operation in Cyprus. My Government , in response to the Secretary- General’s appeal for voluntary contributions, pledged $2 million towards the cost of the first three months’ operation, and it also transported most of the United Nations contingents to Cyprus at no cost to this Organization. 95. The maintenance of international peace and seourity is set forth in Astiole 1 of the Charter of the United Nations as its first purpose. When peace is threatened anywhere it should certainly be the concern of a11 Members of this Organization. 1 would therefore appeal urgently to a11 Members to respond to the request of the Secretary-General SO that the success this operation in Cyprus may not in any way be prejudiced by lack of financial support, 96. Finally, in view of the critical situation, we hope that the Council Will proceed to vote as quickly possible on the joint draft resolution now beforeus as to give the Secretary-General adequate time to make the necessary administrative, financial and othes arrangements for the extension of the United Nations Force in Cyprus.

My delegation has listened with the closest attention to the statements made here by the representatives of the countries which are at present confronted with the difficulties and probiems raised by the situation in Cyprus. 98, The gravity of these problems bas likewise been brought out very clearly by the Secretary-General in bis very full report on the UnitedNations operation. 99 I The French Government continues tobe seriously concerned by a situation which brings Eriendly oountries into conflict and whioh, if it continues, may jeopardize peace in an area where peace and security are extremely important. Nor cari we remain different to the suffering and tribulations of thepeople of Cyprus. In this connexion, we would ask the oompetent authorities and the Secretary-General to do everything in their power to ensure that aid to the refugees, which is important to both communities although to a different degree, is not affected by the continuation of this conflict between the majority 101. There are still grounds for hoping that, in accordance with our resolution of 4 March 1964, the United Nations Force Will help to make possible the re-establishment of peaceful conditions on the basis of whioh a solution of the underlying problem may be forthcoming. It is obvious, as the Secretary-General’s report makes clear, that certain actions cari only put off the moment when tempers Will begin to cool on each side. When 1 say this, 1 am thinking primarily of the abominable practice of taking hostages and executing them, which we cari only condemn. 1 am also thinking of the importation of and trsffic in arms-a deplorable practice that runs counter to the measures taken by the Security Council. 102. It is not my intention today to consider a11 the aspects of the Cyprus crisis. My delegation is convinced that our rule at this stage must be to say nothing which might make the task undertaken by the Mediator more difficult. This cal1 for restraint should be taken as an expression of our hope that despite a11 obstacles he Will in the end be able to achieve positive results.

1 would have very much liked to respond favourably to the appeal made by the representative of the United States that there should not be any delay in voting on the resolution, but in view of what has been said today, 1 am afraid I have to reserve my right to reply to various points raised. However, 1 shall try to answer some of the points tonight. 104. The distinguished representative of Turkey-and as I stated on another occasion, may continue calling him that-said he was in no mood to reply to questions. I wonder, Mr. President, whether we are here around this table, at yoÜr invitation, to act in accordance with ous moods of the moment. However, since he lias asked Certain questions himself, 1 shall answer them with great pleasure, because 1 feel it is the duty of someone around this table, when he is askedquestions, to reply to them, especially when these questions are relevant to the issue under discussion, The questions whioh the representative of Turkey put to me tonight are relevant. He has not replied, however, to the most relevant one. 106. This morning in the course of my shost intervention [1137th meeting], 1 mentioned another case of three other Turkish Cypriots who were found safe in their homes by the Red Cross. 1 share the happiness of the Turkish representative that these people were found alive. But my point was, and stillis, was not the fact that thesepersons were aliveknown by the Turkish leaders? Personally, I hesitate to believe it. 107. In the course of my speech yesterday I tried to make another point: 1 said that Greeks have been taken as hostages. A certain number of Greek hostages is referred to by the Secretary-General in hisreport. These Greeks who have been taken as hostages were probably killed, for when the Turkish leaders were questioned about them, they said, “We simply do not have themfl. 1 said yesterday that we bave never heard the Turkish Government or the Turkishleaders in Cyprus express a word of regret for the Greeks who had been taken as hostages and probably murdered. And having touched for the second time upon this issue, the Turkish representative tonight had again not expressed any regret. 1 shouldliketo repeat emphatically once more that we disapprove of the pr.actice of taking hostages; and my Government is determined to do its besttoput an end to this practice, not only as far as Greeks are concerned, but also as fax as Turks are ooncerned. Only today we were informed fsom Cyprus that twenty-one Greeks have been taken as hostages by Turkish terrorïsts and are detained in the village of Louroujina, according to information received from a Rritish offices. The Turkish representative has done his best to prove that what 1 have been saying-that there is terrorism and intirnidation on the part of the Turks at the expense of the Turkish community-is not truc. EIe said that he could not, on the other hand, take much of the time of the Council in ordes to reply to the allegations that 1 have made, 108. 1 Will take the Councills time only to mention another incident which occurred today. A Turkish Cypriot who was forcibly removedfrom his own village earlier-his village was Yerovassa-tried to return to his fields despite warnings by the terrorists that he 110. The next question which 1 have been asked to reply to tonight is whether we are prepared to see the restoration of constitutional law. It is indeed surprising that now, after some months of fighting, the Turkish Government has suddenly remembered constitutional law and constitutional rule. 1 wish to comment upon this in connexion with another statement made by the representative of Tuxkey in the course of his speech yesterday [1136th meeting] when he tried to make the point that the Greek element of the Government, as he expressed it, hadousted the Turkish element in the Government. l’ordre Gouvernement repr&entant Conseil il l’a dit, avait expulsé l’blément turc du m6me gouvernement. 111. It is the Turkish element in the Government which has decided to withdraw from the Government, and withhold co-operation from the Government for the simple reason that the policy was to try and oreate a separate state. Mr. Ktiçtik himself, in a statement which he made on 30 December 1963, as soon as the incidents started, said: “I no longer consider myself the Vice-President of Cyprus”. It is the ex-Minister of Defence, a Turkish Cypriot who, in January, signed tables as Osman Oreck, General Secretary of the Movement “Cyprus is TurkishN. It is the Turkish element in the Government which has withdrawn, in pursuance of the polioy of partition and the plan of separation, in collusion with the TurkishGovernment; for the author of this plan is the Turkish Government. 111. decid6 de s’en retirer pour la simple raison qu’on voulait essayer de constituer un Etat s8pare. déclaration apres d&re plus comme le vice-président l’ex-ministre en janvier, Osman “Chypre nement qui s’est de partage, collusion ce plan, c’est le Gouvernement 112. We are now told that the Government of Cyprus should not take action simply because Mr. Küçtfkdoes net agree, and that according to the Constitution this agreernent is necessary. TO say the least, it is ridi- 112. chypriote ment parce que M. Kttçtik n’est pas d’accord selon la Constitution, qu’on puisse dire, c’est qu’il est ridicule de supposer qu’un l’existence rait Chypre llext&ieur, c’est-a-dire CUkus to expect agreement from a leader who started a movement against the existence of the Cyprus State, to expect his consent or to agree to the strengthening of the defence of Cyprus, in the light of the threat of aggression from outside which is being pursued in the same direction-in other words, partition. 113. accepter qui ont quitté ce gouvernement afin de saper 1’Etat et de briser mement absurde. les pour servir. 113. TO say that the Cyprus Government should wel- Corne back members of the Government who have gone out of the Government in order to wreck it and in order to undermine the State, and in order to disrupt the unity of the State in pursuance of a policy is, to say the least, ridiculous. Constitutions do not exist in order to be sesved; constitutions exist and are created in order to serve, That is my answer to this question, 115. The Republio of Cyprus is a Member of the United Nations. We have been told that it was Turkey and Greece together that took Cyprus’ hand andintroduced it to the United Nations. Now Cyprus is in the United Nations and does not require any further introduction. Cyprus is an equal Member of the United Nations. It enjoys the same rights and the same obligations as does Turkey, and if there is any confliot of law or any conflictwith regard to any treaty between Member States of the United Nations, then it is the Charter which prevails. 116. In the course of my speeches before the Security Council in March, 1 bave tried to prove this point and 1 believe that 1 have done SO. Treaties which are concluded between independent countries are subject to the Charter of the United Nations, even more SO in the case of treaties which were imposedupon a people before that people became independent and before that people became a Member of the UnitedNations. Therefore, if the contention of Turkey is that under a treaty it enjoys the right of military intervention in Cyprus, 1 believe this thought is not only in contravention of the resolutions of the Security Council of 4 and 13 Ivlarch 1964-and in this respect 1 welcome the addition in the proposed resolution that Member States should respect the resolutions-but it is also in conflict with the Charter of the UnitedNations. If the United Nations Charter means something to the Members of this Organization, they have to abide by it and not only pay lip-service to the United Nations and to its organs. 117. 1 shall not reply to the various points which the representative of Turkey made with regard to the role of the United Nations in Cyprus, especially bis criticisms and his inferenoes and, if I may say so, his insu&, in some respects, to the United Nations and to the United Nations organs. But forgive me if I feel that 1 must take some more ofyour time in order to put the record straight in my turn. 118. In the course of his speechyesterdaythe Turkish representative mentioned three cases, as examples of attacks by the Greeks against the Turks. He mentioned the St. Hilarion operation, he mentioned the incident at Paphos and then he mentioned another incident at Ghaziveran. May 1 oonsides each one of these cases. 119. The Ktima operation has been presented by the Turkish representative as an unprovoked attack by the Government security forces against the Turks. It seems he has forgotten that prior to the operation 120. The second incident which he referred to was the one of Ghaziveran. At Ghaziveran there were Turkish posts on the roads which prohibited freedom of movement through the main roads. There had been repeated warnings and appeals, both by the Cyprus Government as well as by the United Nations Peace-keeping Force, but there was no response. An operation was therefore undertaken with the sole purpose and objective of removing the posts in order to secure freedom of movement on that main trunkroad. In fact, the President of Cyprus had sent the President of the House of Representatives, Mr. Clerides, together with Mr. Spinelli of the United Nations, to the spot in order to secure a cesse-fire, which they did. 121. Another example which he mentioned, the last one, was the operation in connexion with the St. Hilarion area. Well, that was a clearly military operation undertaken by the security forces. No villages or villagers were involved in the fight and no non-military people were killed or tiounded. Naturally, the representative of Turkey would have complained about this operation, because the Turkish rebels were holding certain areas in the Kyrenia mountain range in the hope, and in accordance with their plan, to be able to facilitate a Turkish invasion by protecting it from within. And it was in this connexion also that 1 spoke yesterday about the Turkish contingent’s present position. The sole purpose of the operation was to free that area. 122. These are the three cases which the representative of Turkey has referred to. Whether it is unlawful to undertake such operations, 1 would remind him of paragraph 2 of the resolution of 4 March 1964, according to which the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, which has the main responsibilityfor restoring law and order, should take additional measures to that effect. These operations were within the framework of that resolution. 123. The Turkish representative spoke of the ex- Ambassador of Turkey in Cyprus, Mr. Emin Dirvana. He said that the fact that Mr. Dirvana said there was full co-operation with the Government acthorities proved a point; it proved that Turkey’s intentions towards Cyprus were good and that Turkey’s intentions were to establish conditions of co-operation. It is true that at the time when Mr. Dirvana was the Turkish Ambassador there was co-operation with the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia, but that was not true When the Embassy at Nicosia was taken over by another person. I do not know whether or not it was a coincidence that the lack of co-operation between CYpruS and the Turkish Government started at the point when there was a change of Ambassadors, but in my estimation it was not a coincidence. The new Ambassador of Turkey in Cyprus behaves as if he is 124. 1 believe that 1 have said a lot about the role of Turkey. It is one thing to say, as clid the Turkish representative, that Turkey is full of good intentions, but of course it is another thing to ascertain and realize and comprehend the facts of the situation. It is exactly the same story when Turkey tries to prove that its polioy is always in support of the United Nations and its purposes. But Turkey’s actions have proved and do continuously prove exaotly the opposite. Even from the very first few days whenGenexa1 Gyani took over command from the British command in Cyprus, he was oritioized. At a certain meeting in Strasbourg a Turkish representative said that: “It is a shame that we should allow suoh a mission in Cyprus to be undertaken by an Indian and not by a European”. It was in Strasbourg again, at a certain meeting, that a Turkish repxesentative said: “We should not leave the Cypxus question in the hands of the United Nations. The Cyprus question belongs to another oxganization”. 125. And yet the Turkish representative, Mr. Eralp, said that Turkey pins its hopes on the United Nations, and the Turkish repxesentative who participated in the meeting of the Security Council in Maxch, Mi?. Menemencioglu, said that the goals of the United Nations constituted the cornerstone of Turkish foreign policy. 126. It was only a few months later that General Gyani was stoned in Nioosia by Turkish terroxists. And there have been various banners, “Indian go home”, and shoutings of nWe do not want the United Nations ne And it was only today that the Turkish Prime Minister, in Ankara, spoke of the failure of the United Nations peace-keeping efforts in Cyprus. It was a few weeks earlier that the Turkish Foreign Minister spoke of the failure of the Mediator in Cypxus. 127. I have been in the mood, SO 1 have replied to the questions put to me by theTurkishrepresentative. Should 1 hope that 1 am going to get an answer to my question? 1 doubt it. After all, 1 do not want to disturb him in his present mood. We know the question; we know the answer, The answer has been given by the defiance of Tuxkey of the various UnitedNations sesor8solution ment: la Turquie Je crois La personne ilensemble Secretaire des menaces d’invasion Quant 2 la question de savoir le droit d’intervenir, débattu longuement Conseil cussion, je me permettrai Secrbtaire Vuch actions are oertainly not consistent withthe appeal made to a11 Member States by the Security Council in paragraph 1 of its resolutionof 4 March.” [S/5764, para. 119.1 As far as my Government is concerned, a more authoritative interpretation of the resolution of 4 March 1964 is not neoessary. Pour besoin d’une interprétation lution du 4 mars 1964. 128. Turquie ce droit d’aprés jouit pas de ce droit d’apres seil de S%urit& vant Turquie avaient un effet de dissuasion. il a cherche du Conseil sont n&essaires, dissuasion. ne croit pas les membres accepter 128. We thus have to work on the basis that Turkey does not enjoy such a right. It does not enjoy such a right under the Charter of the United Nations. It does not enjoy such a right under the resolutions of the Security Council. And pet the threat is even being repeated in the Sdcurity Council itself. Yesterday the Turkish representative said that, after all, these threats are a deterrent. In other words, he is, indirectly, trying to gain the approval of the Seourity Council for the fact that these threats are, to say the least, necessary in his view. They are a deterrent. I hope that the Turkish representative does not take members of the Security Council to be SO naive as to accept that theory. 129. Most of the points which the representative of Tufkey made in his speech yesterday were contained in the letters whioh he circulated to the members of the Security Council, and to those letters he reoeived satisfactory replies, Therefore, 1 shall not take them up one by one, but 1 should like to confine myself to certain general remarks. 129. sentant raient membres des repenses pas un par un, mais je me bornerai !l quelques observations d’ordre 130. Cyprus is a Member of the United Nations, Cyprus is an equal Member of the United Nations, in the same way as Turkey or any other country. Cyprus Will never acoept any curtailment of its sovereignty, whether it is through treaties or whether it is through any other action by other parties, Cypruswants peace. The Cyprus Government wants peace, because the Cyprus Government believes in coexistence and amicable co-operation between Greeks and Turks in Cyprus, It is not we, the Cyprus Government, who want partition and would, therefore, want to prove that Greeks and Turks cannot live together. It is the other side which has that abject in mind. The partition policy of the Turkish Government is not a new thing. In the course of the debate in March before the Security Council 1 gave facts and evidence proving that the policy of the Turkish Government for thepartition of Cyprus has been well thought out, has been well prepared, has been set down in aplan-andit is on the 130. tions Unies., Chypre est un Membre égal aux autres, même titre n’acceptera que ce soit par des trait& conques Gouvernement Gouvernement la coop&ration Chypre, veut le partage et qui chercherait les Grecs et les Turcs C’est de partage pas chose nouvelle, au Conseil de sécurite, preuves Chypre longuement 131. As 1 said yestexday, no useful purpose whatsoevex Will be served if the realities of the situation are ignoxed, because if they axe ignored then the United Nations Will fail. If the realities of the situation are not ignoxed but faced, the United Nations Will suoceed. We want the United Nations to succeed. We want the United Nations to suoceed in Cyprus not only in the military field, but also in the political fielci. 132. And 1 repeat what 1 said yesterday: WC want a democratic solution in accordanoe with the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. What is this solution? 1 think thexe is only one, with guarantees for the minorities-not just one minority, but a11 the minorities-with the rule of Government and the power to decide on the political administration of the country in the hards of the majority, as is the case in every other country of the world. We do not see the reason why, in ouy small island, the same principles which have been applied in every case since the war should not apply in the case of Cyprus. We do net see any reason why in Cypxus we should be subject t0 threats, subject to intexferences and subject to interventions by anyone. 133. We demand the rights whioh have been granted to all, while having i< minci and to our credit, believe, an additional reason. We demand them because the Cypxiots wexe among those who sacrificed themselves in the course of the last wax SO that the Charter of the United Nations might corne into being. 1 do not wish to remind you of the role of Turkey in the course of the last war. We demand that these xights, for which people have died a11 ovex the world, be implemented in the case of Cypxus. The minorities have nothing to fear. We shall give them guarantees. But the majority must rule and the majority must decide upon the future of the country, 134. It is thxough this solution that lasting peacewill corne to Cyprus, and it is thxough the policy of Turkey, that is, partition, that there Will be no peace and there Will be wax. ThatI cari guarantee to you, Mr. Pxesident.

1 am afxaid that the tone and the words of my distinguished colleague, the representative of Turkey,when he spoke earlier in this meeting of the relations be- 137, Mr. Eralp expressed respect for the Oecumenical Orthodox Patriarchate, yet we know that two Metropolitans, members of the Holy Synod, deported without due form or process, have found refuge in this very country. No specific charge was made when this action was taken. It has been said that these prelates had engaged in subversive activities, but they did not have the benefit of any form of appeal. They were not officially notified of the charges against them. They were not able to put forward their own arguments, In a Word, they were not given the benefit of the procedure which is supposed to be followed in every country by the accuser with regard to the accused. 137. a l%gard du Patriarcat qu’on sait que deux m&ropolites, Synode, expulsés trouvé aucune accusation On a dit que ces prélats S’&aient livres 8 des activites subversives. Ils n’ont pas puentendre officiellement formulées bilit6 d’exposer pas eu le benefice de la procedure les pays par l’accusateur 138, Mr. Eralp has accused me of giving my support to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cyprus. He, who SO eloquently presented the case of his Turkish compatriots in Cyprus, who justified what was completely unjustifiable and who could nut find enough 138. au Ministre a si éloquemment presenté & Chypre, trouve est fait accusé en même temps mon gouvernement d’accorder un M. Eralp l’a dit - est prbte afaire beaucoup plus que d’accorder 1Yle de Chypre. etrangeres pays comme “Donnez-nous envahir”, meur a words of condemnation for what was done by one side only in the dispute, he it is who has accused me and at the same time my Government of giving moral support to Cyprus. Turkey , however, as Mr. Eralp has said, is ready to do a great deal more than give its moral support; it is ready to invade the island of Cyprus. And when the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cyprus-the representative, when a11 is said and done, of a tiny country compared with a Power like Turkey, asked him the following question: “Give us the assurance that Turkey would not invade Cyprus”, Mr. Eralp replieb: “1 am in no mood to answer questions “, 139, The question however , w as also put to the representative of Turkey by another representative, by a permanent member of the Security Council, Mr. Fedorenko, who told him: “We cannot tolerate such a state of affairs SO close to the Soviet frontier”. 139. de la Turquie membre M. Fedorenko, cet Btat de choses des frontibres 140, My Government was and is in a moodto answer, 140. and it has summed up its policy in a very simple pondre et il a formulé sentence: “Our policytt, the Prime Minister of Greeoe tr&s has declared, “is one of peace and, if we are attacked, Ministre one of defence”, 1 hope with a11 my heart that Mr. Eralp d6fense.n Will remember those words when he leaves this room. en memoire 141, autre accusation. des Vis&es expansionnistes, ment & ce qu’il a mentionne depuis 1’autodBtermination. je l’avoue. en Gr&ce, il y a 30 si&cles; un peu partout; tr&s constitue 141, It seems to me that 1 must also answer another charge, for Mr. Eralp has accused my country of having expansionist ambitions, He was probably referring to what he said yesterday: namely, since 1955 the Greek Government has supported self-determinatiOn, I must say 1 find it hard to feel ashamed of this, for self-determination was first conceived in Greece tltirty centuries ago and has since been adopted almost everywhere. Today, it is one of the noblest prinoiples of the United Nations Charter and represents a peaceful means of determining the Will of the vast

1 shall not be long. Much has been made ‘of the expression 1 used when 1 said I was not in the mood to answer questions. 1 do not believe that anyone here is in the mood to have the same questions sepeated and the same answers given. The answers to the questions that have beenput to me have been very explicitly stated in the speech 1 made yesterday and in the statement 1 ‘made today. I believe that these trumped-up charges and unsubstantiated recriminations could go on forever, and the hour is late. 1 could speak for two hours in rebuttal of a11 the things that have been said and the charges that have been levelled against me, but 1 think acareful perusal of the statements 1 have made up to now will reveal the answers. 144. 1 would like to dwell only on one word whioh will illustrate the whole mentality of the Greek Cypriot Government. The Minister for Foreign Affairs Cyprus said constitutions are made not to be served, but to serve, In other words, they are useful as long as they serve their purpose, then you oan discard them. 1 believe, by the same token, that the United Nations Charter is being treated in the same way. SO long as it serves the purpose of the Gseek Cypriot Gbvernment, it is a11 right; if not, then you must see to it that it does serve your purpose. 145. 1 do not believe there is any purpose in going on with this. 1 think that. the members of the Security Council, by reading carefully the statements made by one side or the other, cari arrive at the right conclusion. 146, The PRESIDENT (translated from French): There are no more speakers on my list. 1 suggest that the Security Council meet tomorrow at 10.30 a.m. when a decision must be taken on draft resolution S/5776/Rev.2. If was SO deoided. The meefing rose at 7.5 p.m. I HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED United Nations publications distributors throughout the Write to: United Nations, COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS Les publications des Nations Unies agences dépositaires du monde entier. ou adressez-vous à: Nations Unies, COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES Las publicaciones de la5 Naciones casas distribuidoras en todas dirijase a: Naciones Unidas, Section ; Litho in U.N. Price: $U.S. 0.35 (or equivalent