S/PV.1146 Security Council

The representatives of Greece and Turkey have requested the Councilts permission to participate, without vote, in accordance with existing procedures, in the discussion of the two questions listed in the agenda we have just adopted. If there is no objection by members of the Council, 1 shall invite the representatives of Greece and Turkey to take places at the Security Council table. 1. Le-PRESIDENT de l’examen des deux points qui figurent & l’ordre du jour que nous venons d’adopter, les representants de la Gréce et de la Turquie ont demande au Conseil de les autoriser la discussion des questions dont nous nous occupons, conform8ment B la pro&dure pas d’objection de la part des membres du Conseil, j’inviterai Turquie & prendre place h la table du Conseil. Sur l’invitation (Grèce) et M. Orhan Eralp (Turquie) prennent place à la table du Conseil. At the invitation of the Presldent, Mr. Dimitri S, Bitsios (Greece) and Mr. Orhan Eralp (Turkey) took places at the Council table. 3, The PRESIDENT (translated from Russian): The Security Council Will now take up the next item on its agenda, which relates to the matters raised in the letters dated 5 and 8 September from the Perma- 2. Le PRESIDENT de sf%ourite va maintenant aborder le point suivant de son ordre du jour, c’est-a-dire levées dans les lettres du representant permanent 5. As if the threatening crisis which the Turkish Government has deliberately aggravated in another part of the Mediterranean were not enough, for the last six months it has been pursuing an aggressive bilateral policy towards Greece itself, certain manifestations of which have already been brought to the attention of the Security Council in my letters published as documents S/5665,2/ S/5702,2/S/5909,~and S/5933,3 and in my statements to the Council. 6. There have been repeated violations of Greek airspace by Turkish military aircraft; there have been statements by the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs, who, with his eyes fixed on Greek national territory, spoke of the balance of power, forgetting that that notion belongs to another Century; there has been the denunciation by Turkey of awhole series of Greco-Turkish agreements although when this suits its convenience it takes advantage of certain other agreements in order to bomb civilians in what it calls “preventive” action. There has been the extension, while the crisis was at ‘its height, of the Turkish territorial waters, a unilateral measure aimed exclusively at damaging Greekinterests. There have been the many violent attacks on the buildings of our Embassy at Ankara, and our Consulate at Smyrna and our Press office at Istanbul, where the lives of Greek diplomats were endangered, for they flout even that most venerable of traditions, respect for foreign missions. 7. The enumeration which the Council has just heard clearly shows that every kind of provocation has been used. But the culminating point of this policy was the application of a plan to exterminate the Greek element in Istanbul, 8. What is happening at Istanbul? It is an old story: first of all, the lists published in the papers, the anxious waiting and then the knock on the door, being marched off to the police station for fingerprinting, and photographing in profile, three-quarters and full-face; then the police escort the Greek back ta his home and announce that a11 his property, furniture, clothing and persona1 effects is subject to confiscation, and then the seals are affixed to the house. The Greek then joins the ranks of the other candidates for expulsion waiting at the Greek Consulate. There he Will receive a ticket for Athens and will be expelled from Turkey within twenty-four or forty-eight hours without hope of return. 9. That is what is happening at Istanbul. This description is not mine. I found it in one of the many letters from Istanbul which are published in the international y See Officia1 Records of the Security Council, Nineteenth Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1964. ” 1 2 Ibid., Supplement for April, May and June 1964. 2 ibid., Supplement for July, August and September 1964. 11. There was also the statement made on 13 August by Mr. Ismael Soysal, the spokesman of the Turkish Government, who said: “The total number of Greek nationals in Istanbul, about 12,500 persons, could be expelled ‘en masse’ .ll 1 repeat: “en massett. And the worthy officia1 added: “We are not bluffing.” 11. par M. Ismaël turc, s%levant @tre expulsés Et ce digne fonctionnaire pas, n 12. Before considering the reasons which 1edAnkara to apply this extermination plan, 1 Will try to sketch in broadly some of the collateral measures which the Turkish Government put into effect at the same Urne. 12. inspire de brosser sures accompagn& 13. There was first of a11 the prohibition to exercise a number of trades and professions by means of arbitrary intespretations which were contrary to the spirit and the letter of the relevant legislation. Then it was the turn of the Turkish banks which, on the instructions of the Government, refused any credit or discount to undertakings belonging wholly or even partly to Greek nationals and blocked their accounts. Contracts for changes in the ownership of real property belonging to Greek nationals are not entered in the cadastral register, SO that these people cannot sel1 their property. Lastly, there is the redoubtable weapon of taxation. Enormous sums, out of a11 proportion to the income of the person concerned and several times what he would have paid in taxes in the past, are suddenly required of him. When these persons are absolutely unable to pay because, as I have said, their bank accounts are frozen and the sale of their real property has been made impossible, the Turkish administration seizes their persona1 estate, goods, furniture and even theis persona1 effects. 13. vari&8 ment dXnterpr&ations lettre c’est le tour des banques turques du gouvernement, aux entreprises partie Les & des cadastre; leurs l’appareil toute plusieurs appel6 51 verser mandees. dans comme sont bloq&s est rendue c&de 2 la saisie dises, 14. The aim of the operatioi is obvious. It aims at crushing Greek nationals economically before they are expelled. 14. l’écrasement que 15. The result has been described in a letter from Mr. Jay Walz published in The New York Times of 9 August 1964: 15. Le r8sultat nous est d6crit dans une lettre de M. Jay Walz publige dans le New York Times du 9 aoat 1964: magasins appartenant Bdes Grecs sont sous cadenas, Ils ont Bté ferm& ou bien parce que leurs propri&aires mairement expul&s, Leurs Apouses et les membres de leurs familles sont dans la mis?!re. vant la porte coohére du consulat grec pour demander conseil et assistance. Quelques-uns acceptent un petit secours en argent; d’autres sont bien mis. Certains sont fr&les et vieux. Dans leur angoisse, ils parlent trop haut et discutent avec agitation. Quelques-uns pleurent.. . “In the business districts of Istanbul, many Greek-owned shops may he seen under padlock, They were closed on Government order or because the owners were summarily ordered from the country. Wives and other dependents are in many cases left destitute. “Every morning large numbers of Greeks crowd into the arcaded foyer of the Greek Consulate to ask help and advice. Some accept an emergency dole provided by the Consulate; others are well dressed. Some are old and frail. In thcir anxiety they talk too loud and argue overheatedly. Some weep , . . . 16. A few weeks ago 1 saw these expelled persans in Athens. The thousands of foreign visitors who flock to Athens at this time of the year also saw them linlng up saclly at the doors of the Ministry of Poreign Affairs waiting for a humble dole. 17. The authorities at Istanbul carefully arrange thnt these unfortunates do not leave on days when the Greek airline has flights. As one Turkish officia1 said: “It is only fair that the Turkish airline should benefit by this opportunity.” 18. The Turkish Government has stated that it does not intend to extend the measures that 1 have just enumerated to the Greek minority in Istanbul. The Greeks in Istanbul are composed of two elements: the Greek nationals about whom I have been talking and the Greeks of Turkish nationality, of whom there are about 70,000, 19. But these two elements compose a single ethnie group. The Greek nationals are not less indigenotis than the others. They are technically Greek nationals because their ancestors came from the provinces of the Ottoman Empire that were incorporated in the Kingdom of Greece either at its foundation in 1830 or later. Although they have different passports, the family links which bind them to the members of the minority are SO close that in practice the elimination of the Greek nationals means the elimination of almost as many members of the Greek minority. 20, Moreover, the Turks themselves made no distinction in the past when they were carrying out persecutiens l At the time of the anti-Greek pogrom of 6 September 19 55-which was instigated by the Turkish Governrnent of that time, as was established at the tria1 of its principal members after the Turkish revolution of May 1960~the populace acting under the approving eyes of the authorities attacked everything Greek in Istanbul. There were a few deaths, but seventy Greek churches were looted and burnt, twenty-six schools ‘were sacked, two cemeteries were destroyed; the tombs were profaned and broken open without distinction as to the nationality of their occupants. Acoording to the statistics established by the Turkish authorities, more than 4,000 shops and workshops, 1,000 houses, eleven nursing homes, twenty-seven pharmacies and Iaboratories, 110 restaurants, twelve hotels and boarding houses, deemed to be Greek-owned, were destroyed by the mob regardless of whether they belonged to the Greek community or to the Greek minority of Istanbul. 21. 1 have been compellecl to refer to these events because they show how little difference the Turks make between the two elements and therefore with what reservation and apprehension we listen to their declarations about the minority, 23. Les observateurs impartiaux de ce qui se passe actuellement B Istanbul savent combien est implacable la guerre des nerfs que subissent depuis des mois les Grecs de la minorite. “La peur xégne dans leurs cœurs”, car, en plus des mesures gouvernementales, il y a la guerre psychologique. Une atmosphére de veritable hystgrie est cultiv6e par des menaces et des invectives de toutes sortes propagees par la presse, la radio et, arme psychologique par excellence, par la campagne de rumeurs* 23. Impartial observers of what is now happening at Istanbul know how impracticable is the war of nerves to which the Greek minority has been subjected for months. “Their hearts axe full of fear”, a foreign correspondent tells us, for, besides the Government measures they are the target ofpsychological warfare. A real atmosphere of hysteria is maintained by means of threats and abuse of every kind which are spread hy the Press, the radio, and thatpsychological weapon “par excellencett , a whispering campa@. 24, The “Young Turks Il, in their frequent andfrenzied demonstrations, cal1 for a boycott of everything Greek and spread hatred and therefore fear. The fear cari be felt even in the schools, where the Turkish teachers given Greek pupils essays to Write on subjects like “Greek atrocitiesn and force themactually order them-to contribute to collections fox “our Turkish brothers in Cyprus”. 24. Des “jeunes Turcsn, aussi frénetiques boycottage de tout ce qui est grec, sèment la haine et, par constlquent, la peur. Cette peur, on la ressent jusque dans les Ecoles oh les professeurs turcs donnent aux Bleves grecs des sujets de composition tels que: aatrocit& véritables faveur “de nos freres turcs de Chypre”. 25. Even more, there has been the harassing of the Qcumenical Patriarchate, the spiritual sanctuary of the Greeks of Istanbul and the mother church of the Orthodox faith, an ancient and venerable institution with a spiritual influence that extends to the ends of the earth. The Turkish Government has declared that it Will respect theperson of His Roliness the Patriarch Athenagoras; but at the same time, they harass him with vexatious measuros and chicanery of a11 kinds. 25. Il y a plus: il y a le harcèlement du Patriarcat œcumgnique, sanctuaire spirituel des Grecs d’Istanbul et Eglise mere de l’orthodoxie, institution mill&aire v&n&able portee mondiale. Le Gouvernement turc a bien professe le respect de la personne de Sa Sainteté le patriarche Athenagoras; de mesures vexatoires sortes, 26. Two members of the Holy Synod were deprived of Turkish nationality and summarily deported. The same measures have been applied to other prelates. Seals were affixed to the Patriarchate’s press office, Its orphanage was closed and evacuated on a ridiculous pretext. When the Patriarch was due to go on a pilgrimage to the Holy Places and to meet His Holiness, the Pope, he did not receive his passport until the very last minute, after a long period of vexatious uncertainty. The showing of the film of this meeting was termed detrimental to the orthodox clergy and punitive measures were taken on this account. 26. Deux membres du saint-synode ont ét6 d8pouilles de leur nationalité turque, pour ??tre sommairement d8port&s. D’autres P&lats les ont suivis. L’imprimerie du Patriarcat orphelinat futile. pelerinage aux Lieux saints et rencontrer Sa Saintete le Pape, il n’est parvenu 2 obtenir son passeport qu’au dernier moment, apres une longue et vexatoire incertitude. a Bté considerée comme un méfait, et des mesures punitives ont t5té psises a l%gard des membres du olerge orthodoxe, 27. As a result of the indignation felt in religious circles throughout the world this harassment of the Bcumenical Patriarch was finally stopped. But it is obvious that when it is desired to spread terror among the Greeks in Turkey, then the victim of the attack Will be perhaps one person only or perhaps the whole Greek community, according to the particular case and as opportunity presents itself. 27. Un mouvement d’arr& face à l’indignation que ce harcèlement du Patriarcat œoumenique a soulevee de par le monde dans les cercles religieux les plus divers. Mais il est clair que, quand il s’agit de semer la d&solation dans lW8ment grec de la Turquie, on frappe selon le cas et l’opportunité ou le corps vif tout entier. 38. 1 shall now endeavour to analyse as objectively as possible the reasons given by the Turkish Government for its actions. 28. Je m’efforcerai tivement Gouvernement turc pour ces agissements. 29. Les expulsions furent d’abord appelées “mesures individuelles” pourtant honorablement connus, n’ayant jusquI& la veille, mais devenus subitement “dangereux pour la sfirete intérieure et extérieure de la Turquie”. Le 20 janvier 1964, lors d’une demarche du consul géngral de Grece, 39. The expulsions were at first described as “individual measuresn taken against a few individuals who had until then, enjoyed an honourable reputation and had never fallen fou1 of the law; then a11 of a sudden they became Ila danger to the domestic and foreign aecurity of Turkey”. On 20 January 1964, on being approached by the Greek Consul General, the Chief 30. Despite these assurances, the expulsions seen appeared in their true light, that is to say as measures of collective expulsion having no connexion with the behaviour of the persons affected. The ever increasing number of expulsions and the position and quality of those expelled left no doubt as to the lack of seriousness of the stereotyped reason given for each name on the list: “Dangerous to the security of the Sta.te.” This, by the way, was a somewhat naive precaution to try and give the expulsion the appearance of legality. 31. From April onward, the pretext of “subversive activities fI and “individua cases 1 could no longer be upheld, and first unofficial and later officia1 explanations were given, as if that were necessary, of the true motive for the expulsions. SO on 27 April 1964, barely a month after the aforementioned forma1 assurances, the same Director at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Ankara stated to the Counsellor of the Greek Embassy that the measures taken against the Greeks in Istanbul: n . . . were the natural consequence of the fact that the Turkish Government, unlike the Greek Government, considered that the question of Cyprus and that of the relations between the two countries constituted one and the same question and it could not, therefore, continue to grant privileges to Greek nationals while Greece observed a hostile attitude towards Turkey as shown by its support of Archbishop Makarios’s ideas”. The representative of the Turkish Government added: Il 0.. in these circumstances, there cari be no question of opening negotiations for the conclusion of a new Convention of Settlement until the Cyprus question has been settled~~. 32. Even more recently, on 31 July 1964, Mr.Soysal, a spokesman for the Turkish Government, in referring to the latest protest by the Greek Government against the expulsions, declared that: “as a result of the unfriendly policy of the Greek Government with regard to Turkey, the Turkish Government was going to end the privileged treatment granted unilaterally in the past to Greek national&‘. He did not hesitate to add that these measures of expulsion were in accordance with the Convention of Settlement of 1930. 33. Finally, on 13 August 1964, the same spokesman made the statement 1 have already quoted: YJnless the Greek Government changes its attitude on the Cyprus question, the total Greek number of nationals in Istanbul, about 12,500 persons, could be expelled en masse.” 35, Much could be said about the respective attitudes of Greece and Turkey in the Cyprus affair. 1 do not think it advisable, however, to burden this first statement of the Greek delegation by dwelling on faots which the Council already knows in every detail and bas already judged. Let me say just one thing: It is thanks to the attitude of Greece, and of Greece alone, that the Cyprus crisis has not degenerated into a conflict which might have set the eastern Mediterranean ablaze. If it had depended on Turkey alone, we would have had that conflict a long time ago, Speaking of attitudes, it is easy to imagine the position that Turkey would have adopted if it had had at its disposa1 an 80 per cent majority in Cyprus instead of an 18 per cent minority. 35. On aurait beaucoup a dire sur ce qu’ont 6th les attitudes respectives de la GrBce et de la Turquie dans l’affaire opportun d’alourdir cette premiére intervention de la d818gation hell&ique que le Conseil connaft dans tous leurs détails et sur lesquels il a d’ailleurs passe jugement, @‘il me suffise de dire une chose: c’est grl2ce ZI l’attitude de la Grece, et Li elle exclusivement, que la crise chypriote n’a pas dég8n8r8 en un conflit qui pourrait enflammer la MBditerranBe orientale. Si1 ne tenait gu& la Turquie, ce conflit, nous l’aurions eu depuis bien longtemps, En parlant d’attitude, on peut bien s’imaginer au lieu d’une minorité de 18 p. 100, elle disposait & Chypre d’une majorite de 80 p. 100. 36. Mais ce n’est pas de Chypre que le Conseil est appel8 aujourd’hui a discuter. C’est des agissements de Ia Turque contre les Grecs d’Istanbul, agissements que condamnent la morale et le droit. 36. But we have not been called here today to talk about the Cyprus question. We are here to discuss Turkey’s actions against the Greek population of Istanbul, which are both morally and legally to be condemned. 37. Morally, because morality does not allow a Government to unleash its fury on the innocent. For the Greeks of Istanbul have nothing whatsver to do with the Cyprus crisis. International morality also condemns a11 collective punitive measures. It also condemns the premeditated and systematic plundering of foreign nationals with the sole aim of appropriating their goods. 37. La morale, parce qu’elle ne permet pas qu’un gouvernement declenche sa furie contre des personnes innocentes, et les Grecs d’Istanbul n’ont rien $ faire et rien a voir internationale de caractère le dépouillement prémédite et systematique des ressortissants Etrangers effectue dans le seul but de s’approprier leurs biens, 38. Legally, because although the law recognizes that it is possible for States to expel persons, it requires that each case should be examined individually and prohibits any abuse of these extreme and, by their very nature, repulsive measures. On the other hand, the law prescribes the right of every person to bave recourse to the competent judicial Bondy and to plead his cause, before any administrative measure as serious as expulsion cari be carried out, Above a11 the law condemns so-called reprisa1 measures. For 1 do not see what else one cari cal1 the measures just denounced by Greece, since even Turkey admits that they are due to our attitude on t’?e Cyprus question. 38. Le droit, enfin, parce que, tout en reconnaissant en principe des expulsions, examine individuellement, cette mesure extr&me, rhpulsive par sa nature même. Il consacre, d’autre part, le droit qu’a toute personne de recourir faire entendre sa cause, avant qu’une mesure administrative mise a exécution. Le droit condamne aussi et surtout les mesures dites de représailles. Car je ne vois pas quelle autre appellation on pourrait donner aux mesures que la Gréce vient vous denoncer puisque, de l’aveu même de la Turquie, elles sont dues !i notre attitude sur la question de Chypre. 39. Five centuries of history-Turkish history-look down with astonishment on the spectacle of the Government of Ankara scheming in peace-time to destroy institutions that, even in the days cf the most aaaguinary battles fifteen generations of Turks have respected. It was immediately after the capture of Constantinople that Mohammed the Conqueror recogaized the lawful presence of the Cecumenical Patriarchate in his capital, Did we have to wait for this, our era of tolerance and international co-operation, for this second half of the twentieth Century, whose aymbol is CO-existence, for Turkey to destroy today what even the Ottoman Empire had known how to preserve, 39. Cinq si&cles d’histoire - d’histoire turque - regardent avec etonnement le gouvernement d’Ankara ourdir en temps de paix l~an&ntissement d%&tutions que, sanglants, 15 g&-&rations de Turcs ont su respecter. C’est au lendemain de la prise de Constantinople que Mohamed le ConquBrant a reconnu la de la presence du Patriarcat sa capitale. de toli3ranoe et de coopération internationale, & Cette seconde moiti8 du XXème si&ole qui vogue Sous le signe de la coexistence, pour voir la Turquie d’aujourdthui d&uire conserver? 40. La rt5gion oh ces &&nements se deroulent a des responsabilit& car elle a &t! le berceau de plusieurs civilisations; elle a BtB un carrefour 09 l’esprit humain, dans ses 46. The region where these events are taking place haa a very heavy responsibility to mankind to uphold, for it was the cradle of many civilizations. It hasbeen a crossroads where the human spirit in its tic eastern Mediterranean which enjoyed emancipation long before them. 41. 1 must beg the representative of Turkey meditate upon the image created in the eyes of other Continents by the measures already taken by his Government, and by the programmes it is planning. 42. By the privileged treatment accosded to the Muslim minority living it its territory, and by the protection it abords them even in the face of provocation, Greece is conscious of having fulfilled its duty towards the psinciples of humanity which constitute the spiritual heritage of the Mediterranean civilization, 43. The Prime Minister of Turkey, Mr. Inonü declared recently that Greece is stepping blindly into a war with Turkey. President Inonii is mistaken. Greece has not shut its eyes to Turkey’s actions. On the contrary, we have watched with soxrow aux Turkish nelghbours embarking step by step on a wild course where logic has been overcome by passion. We have noted every one of theis actions. We have patiently and systematically drawn the attention the Turkish Government to these matters and have asked it to put an end to them. We have sought the good offices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. And only now when a11 these efforts have failed do we corne today to place the facts before the Security Council and ask it to take measures put an end to the persecution of the Greek population of Istanbul and thus prevent the outbreak of a new eoaflict in an area which is already highly explosive. 44. As 1 have just told you, there is a time-limit. The oritical moment is 16 September 1964, a date set by Turkey itself, when it clenounced thesettlement Treaty and announced its intention of carrying out mass expulsions after that date, 45. This was the dangerous point reached by Turkey in its relations with Greece when on 4 September 1964, Mr. Inonil attempted to add the final touch by threatening Greece, direcl;ly this time, with a war which he uow considers inevitable. 1 am referring to my letter of 8 September [S/5941]. This is what the Prime Minister of Turkey said: “The situation as it is at present not Only calls for military intervention in Cyprus at any moment and with a11 possible available means but it Will also lead to the outbreak of war between us and Greece the moment the cOIlfliCtS starts.” Mr. InoniI aclded the following: IfGreece’s noisy high-sounding military preparatiens are proof of this. Greece is marching with her eyes shut towards an armed conflict between us. If su& a war were to break out between Greece ancl Turkey the Cyprus question would become a matter of secondary importance.” 47. But before taking up this accusation, 1 should like to draw the attention of the members of the Security Council to a flagrant contradiction in the statements made by Mr. Inonü. He begins by stating that Turkish military action against Cyprus might be necessary at any moment, even if it brings about a conflict with Greece, and yet he ends by asserting that, should such a conflict arise, the question of Cyprus would be of a secondary nature. Greece, and with Greece, 1 believe, a11 peace-loving countries, Will agree with Mr. Inonü when he says that, in the face of the danger of a war between Greece and Turkey, the reasons that might lead Turkey to take military action against Cyprus are of a secondary nature. Why then does the Turkish Prime Minister advocate such intervention and describe it as liable ta accus at any moment? And what does he make of the series of Security Council resolutions enjoining him to abstain from any unilateral act or threat of such an act? 47. attirer contradiction tions rer peut entrahze un conflit de Turquie tel conflit, d’ordre tous d’accord le danger induiraient taire Mais cette l’autre? du Conseil de toute action oude toute menace d’action unilatérale? 48. And 1 put this question to the Cotincil. 1s it possible, is it conceivable, to cast upon the shoulders of others, as the Turkish Prime Minister is doing, the responsibilities that he himself is creating when he says that at any moment he is ready to violate the resolutions of the Security Council? 48. est-il de la Turquie, responsabilités qu’il lutions 49. 1 now turn to the accusations levelled against Greece. Lt might be possible or conceivable that the actions or the statements of the Greek Government have to a certain extent provided some justification for the behaviour of the Turkish Government. But it seems to me that 1 am confining myself to the strict truth when 1 say that one of the conclusions reached by the members of the Council and by world opinion after long months of crisis in Cyprus is that the attitude of Greece has been irreproachable in its restraint in face of systematic provocation and in its unlimited co-operation with the efforts of the United Nations to act as mediator and restore peace. 49. contre être actions taine justification turc. vérité les blique que dure la Grèce les provocations la Nations de mkliation. 50. But this self-control is not limitedtothequestion of Cyprus. When 1 described to you just now the measures taken by Turkey in bilateral relations, 1 omitted one thing. It is now the right moment to tel1 you that, in the face of thoseprovocations, Greece clid not retaliate, either in the political or in the military sphere. Here is what the head of the Greek Government said with respect to the Turkish minority: 50. de l’heure domaine des relations Le moment la Grèce pas plus dans le domaine politique que dans le domaine militaire. grec “Whatevex acts of violence might be perpetrated by Turkey, Greece Will never take reprisals against the Turks living in Greece, because a peaceful civilization like ours does not allow the innocent to be punished.” 51. du Gouvernement clamé moyens 19 64, dans son di.scours M. &rang&re, 51. With regard to the question of Cyprus, the head of the Greek Government has always proclaimed that it must be settled exclusively by peaceful means. Thus, in his inaugural speech in Parliament on 80 March 1964, Mr. Papandreou, referring to foreign policy, said: “Our policy is one of peace.” Then, speaking of Greco-Turkish relations, he continued: 52. On 27 April 1964, speaking once again before Parlinment, the Prime Minister deolared: “Our pOlicy iS net one of provocation. Turkey iS guilty of arbitsary acts that we deplore, but Turkey cannot claim that its actions are justified by similar acts on the part of Greeoe. We bave stated, to the point of being monotonous, and we shall continue to state, that the polioy of Greeoe is one of peace and that, in the case of attack, it Will be one of defence.” 53. Once again, speaking before the Chamber of Deputies on 12 May, Mr. Papandreou declared: “We reject military methods. We do not propose to pursue OU~ national aims by means ofaggresslon. We shall have recousse to the international peaceful means set up in the post-war world. That is our fundamental policy. ” 54. At a Press conference in New York on 26 June, the Prime Minister stated: “We are only seeking the restoration of good relations with Turkey. Priendly and cordial relations between the two countries are in the interests of them both. There is no example of any provocative act against Turkey on the part of Greeoe. We bave not even responded to the Turkish provocations.11 55. On 8 August, Mr. Papandreou, in reply to a communiqué from the Council of Ministers of Turkey, made the following statement: “Greeoe proclaims once again that it is seeking a solution to the Cyprus question bypeaceful means. This question cari and must be solved peacefully and in accordanoe with the principles of thecharter of the United Nations, In the case of a Turkish attaok, Greece Will defend itself. That is its right and its duty.” 56. On 12 August, in reply to a message from Mr. In&& Mr. Papandseou wrote: “Greece is attached to the cause of peace. There bas been no attack or provocation on our part. Unfortunately, this is not true of Turkey. Only very recently, the unjust persecutions of the Greeks in Istanbul and the cruel bombing of the Greek oivilian population in Cyprus have net only damaged the political relations between our two peoples but also the ties of friendship. However, leaving the past on one side, 1 am ready to concern myself with the future to which your message refers.” 57. That is the statement of the head of the Greek Government on the policy and intentions of Greece. The oontrast with statements made in Ankara is Striking, for it is not just a question of Mr. Inon% the prime Minister, of Tuskey whose remarkS I bave mentioned. Just after the bombing of CYPriotoivilianS 58. Here are some of the most characteristic remarks. General Irfan Tursel, head of the Turkish air force, stated: “The Turkish pilots who participated in the operation against Cyprus did SO with a light heart and apparently a11 our aviators had asked to take part in the operation.” For his part, Admira1 Ouran stated that the Turkish fleet had conducted operations against Cyprus for the last nine months and said: *We were greatly distressed that the order to open fire was not also given to the navy, for if it had been we would have shown the Greeks what our intervention meant.” 59. Let us now examine these actions, The Turkish army and naval forces to this day are still carrying out large-scale manœuvres along the Turkish territory across from Cyprus and in the region of Eastern Thrace, bordering on Greece. Turkishnavalunits have on many occasions violated the territorial waters of Cyprus. Turkish aircraft have also violated the airspace of Cyprus and Greece. 1 cari put at the disposal of the Council a detailed list of these violations of Greek airspace. 60. But nothing betrays the intentions of the Turkish Government better than its attitude regarding the military contingent it maintains in Cyprus. Since the month of December, in violation of the Treaty of Alliance of 1960 by virtue of which it is on the island, this contingent left its barracks without the authorization of the Tripartite Command and occupied a strategic position, cutting the vital main route between the capital Nicosia and the port which is closest to the Greek toast. The efforts made by the Secretary- General to have the Turkish contingent return to its barracks were of no avail. Turkey has also refused to place its contingent under the orders of the Commander of the United Nations Force, whereas Greece is ready to do SO at any time. The question has already been debated here and, with referenceto the suggestion made by the Secretary-General that the presence Des le mois de d&embre, lYle, ce contingent a quitte ses casernes sans l’autoposition stratbgique coupant l’artére routiére essentielle proche SecrBtaire gAni3sal pour que le contingent turc réint8gre ses casernes resterent sans a aussi refuse de placer son contingent sous les ordres du Commandant de la Force des Nations Unies, alors que la Grt?!ce est prête a le faire a tout moment. La question a dej& étb debattue ici et, me r6férant a la suggestion du Secretaire g&&al des forces turques et grecques a Chypre ne contribue en rien à stabiliser la situation, j’avais alors d6claré que nous etions pr8ts & retirer la Turquie en faisait autant. Cette proposition aussi est restee sans r6ponse de la part de la Turquie. Le contingent turc plication du programme de pacification btabli par les Nations Unies et crBe un probléme majeur aux r0peroussions presque quotidiennes. of Greek and Turkish forces in Cyprus was in no way helping to stabilize the situation, 1 then stated to the Council that we were ready to withdraw our contingent if Turkey would be likewise. This proposa1 too was nOt answered by Turkey. The Turkish contingent is blocking the application of the peace-keeping programme set up by the United Nations and is creating a majorproblem which has almost daily repercussions. 61. But that is not all: during the demonstrations which took place on 1 September 1964 at Ankara, the head of the Turkish army, General Djamal Tural, accompanied by ten senior officers, placed himself at the head of the crowd which was shouting Q’end the army to Cyprus”. I am referring to the demonstration which took place in Ankara with anti-Greek and anti-Cypsiot slogans, and also with anti-Soviet, anti- American and anti-Arab slogans-in a Word, “antieverybody n. le g6nBral Djamal Tural, accompagn6 de 10 officiers superieurs, s’est mis, durant les manifestations du ler Ankara, criait: aux manifestations des slogans antigrecs et antichypriotes, antisovietiques, mot “anti-tout le monde”. 4/&g. 63. As far as Greece is concerned, there has been but one principle, which has been stated on many occasions: that of defence in case of attack. Defence, as we a11 know, is not only a right but a duty. 1 do not imagine that Turkey, which has assumed the right to intervene in Cyprus in favour of a minority of 18 per cent of the population, is in a position to criticize Greece for having stated that it Will corne to the defence of 80 per cent of the Cypriote. 65. For us Greeks, the situation is clear. TO the provocations of Turkey, our answer is that the whole history of Hellenism is there to prove that our people have never faltered and never hesitated in face of its duty. Fear of the sacrifice entailed has never prevented it from defending the principles which the Greek spirit gave to humanity. Consequently, nothing practical or constructive cari, in the last analysis, corne from the many and various pressures which are being exerted by Turkey. 64. But there is an even more striking contrast: while Greece is willing to co-operate unreservedly with the United Nations in its efforts to act as mediator and restore peace and proclaims that it Will seek a solution of the Cyprus issue in accordance with the United Nations and its Charter, Turkey, from the very beginning of the crisis, has spolren, thought and acted only in terms of military intervention. 1s it not characteristic that the Turkish Government has never had recourse to peaceful means? Or, perhaps 1 should say, with but one exception: at the beginning of August, having already bombed Cyprus, Turkey came to the Security Council to speak of a “prophylactic measure “. What is the reason for this aversion to peaceful means, which in our time have replaced the notion of war? The members of the Security Council Will be able to draw their own conclus ions. 66. We renew our promise to the United Nations to co-operate as closely as possible in seeking an equitable solution that is compatible with justice and in accordance with the principles of the Charter. But we are likewise obliged to renew our warning, and this time in the most solemn manner that our efforts Will be of no avail if the overwhelming threat of war Turkey persists in imposing is not forever removed. 67. The Council has granted me the privilege of participating in its debates on Cyprus since the beginning of the crisis. And from the beginning 1 have continually xepeated: let LIS remove the threat of a11 military action and the way to a peaceful solution of the problem Will lie wide open. At the meeting on 19 June of the Security Council, 1 stated: “If we axe to achieve a settlement bssed on these principles, which are generally recognized . . ., we need courageous initiatives , , . “Those who take such initiatives Will, in the final analysis, have worked for the cause of D e 0 peace.” [1137th meeting, para, 48.1 68. During the tragic events of 8 and 9 August 1964, the head of the Greek Government himself had the 69. Voil& un exemple de courage vous vous franchisse solution des relations venir ne vous demande, que ce qu’elle moins.

B@%ore going into the heart of this very tragic matter which we have before us, 1 should like to say just a few words in order to pay tribute to the memory of the United Nations mediator on Cyprus, Mr. SakariTuomioja, whopassed away in the middle of his invaluable efforts for peace and understanding. He Will always be remembered in my country as a great international public servant of undisputed ability and integrity. 70. M. ERALP de parler saisis, mage & la memoire M. Sakari si utiles pays, d’un grand fonctionnaire tente et l’intégrité 71. The Council has just heard from the representative of Greece the unfounded charges which are supposed to form the basis of his unwarranted appeal to the Security Council. 1 shall returnto these charges presently and deal with them separately. But, first of all, 1 should like to expose the very serious charges which I have outlined in my letter of 6 September 1964 [S/5935]3 addressed to you, Mr. President, charges which should be a matter of grave concern to this Council. 1 shall enumerate them briefly here. 71. Le de la Gr&ce formuler fondement injustifie dans un instant l’une exposer l’essentiel au PrBsident sations pr8occupation brièvement. 72. Le termes à la GrBce, devront a reçu Grece troupes du traite violation. 72. The Italian Peace Treaty of 1947, under which the Dodecanese Islands were ceded to Greece, stipulates in its article 14 that these islands shall remain demilitarized. The Turkish Government has receivecl definite information that Greece has recently concentrated troops and military equipment on these islands, and the signatories of the treaty in question have been duly notified of this violation. 73. Greeee has stepped up warlike preparations against Turkey on a11 fronts. Troop concentrations, tanks and heavy artillery have been moved into Western Thrace on the Turkish border. The people of Komotini in that area cheered the military convoys with shouts of %o Istanbul, to Istanbul”. These were the Greek convoys which were going to defencl the frontiers of Greece. 73. La GrBce contre trations lerie frontiére Komotini “A Istanbul, grecs 74. On 28 July 1963, Mr. Garoufalias, the Greek Minister of Defence, said that he had givenorders for troops to be moved to the Turkish frontier and for the fleet to patrol the Aegean. Greek villages near the Turkish frontier have been evacuated. During a11 this, Greek leaders are making impassioned and inflammatory speeches against Turkey. 74. Le 28 juillet M. Garoufalias, pour que des troupes turque villages évaou&. nonçaient contre 75. Interrogee troupes à Ankara pour la Gr&ce 75. When asked about these troop concentrations on the Turkish border, the Greek Embassy in Ankara blandly replied that they were carrying out their NATO commitments, which they had apparently neg- 77. Secondly, the Greek Government has taken the course of associating itself with the Makarios segime in Cyprus in setting aside the Treaties of Guarantee of 1960 and other treaties to which they are a party and under which they are one of the guarantors. They have lent encouragement to the Makarios Government in trampling upon the Constitution of the island which they themselves were to guarantee. And even today they continue to condone the illegal and inhuman acts of the Greek Cypriots, The most inhuman and barbarie of these unlawful acts of the insurgent régime of Cyprus condoned by the Greek Government undoubtedly is the so-called economic blockade which is in effect the policy of starvation which is now being applied in Cyprus. In a letter which 1 have requested to be circulated to members of this Council [S/5958],-/ 1 have given an account of the latest situation as regards this inhuman measure. 1 shall, of course, refer to it in greater detail at the Council meeting which Will be devoted to Cyprus. 78. For the moment, 1 wouldlike to draw the attention of the Council to the faot that this measure of subjugation through starvation oonstitutes a most dangerous and most explosive issue in Cyprus and the Government of Greece, a guarantor of the Constitution of Cyprus, is associating itself with these inhuman a&, thus creating an incalculable danger to peace in that area. 79. Thirdly, and as a corollary to the above, the Greek Government has spurned and brought to ni1 the mediation efforts undertaken by the late mediator, ancl in SO doing it has associated itself with the course taken by the Greek-Cypriot Government, which rules out the possibility of any agreed settlement being reached. In becoming a party to the Makarios policy of imposing a solution by force, it has disregarded and disdained the recommendations of the Security Council. 80. There cari be no doubt that the line of action taken by Greece in the Cyprus question is directly @Ibid. 81. This defiant attitude is accompanied by a campaign of vilification against Turkey which is unprecedented in relations between neighbours and members of the same community of nations. The “hate Turkey” campaign is carried on in a11 corners of the world with insidious designs and great expense. The Greek Ambassador accredited to the capital of a mutual friend wxites letters to the press about Turkey in language often withheld from an enemy. Even a philanthropie organization devoted to noble causes in a third country is exploited in order to spread hatred against Turkey. And, on top of a11 this, Turkey is to be blamed for the deterioration in relations. 81, pagne de diffamation precedent de la même de turcophobie monde L’ambassadeur d’un des lettres que l’on organisation causes propagation et pour la d&t&rioration 82. We do not have to look very far for the cause underlying this dangerous worsening of relations between two neighbours. It is the brazen resurgence of Greek territorial expansionism. It is the rebirth of a cherished Greek dream which seems to have been dormant, but not dead, the dreamof megalomania, the dream of reviving the,great Byzantine empire in an age when empires are crumbling. It was that dream that brought the Greek armies into the heart of the Turkish mainland at the instigation of imperialism some forty years ago. This is the same Greece which the representative of Gxeece described as having peace as the cornerstone of its policy. We had hoped that the hatchet had been buried for ever, but evidently the temptation of seizing another island has proved too great. 82. profonde relations parition grec, qui a paru dessein: une époque oti les empires qui, armées l’instigation Gr&ce que celle qui est dgpeinte par son reprbsentant comme politique. &ait tion 83. tance. de pays d’adopter du r&gime une mauvaise 83. Greece has chosen the line of least resistance. Instead of facing its responsibilities as a neighbour, as a friend and as an ally, it has elected to follow the insidious and dubious course of the Makarios régime. It has allowed itself to be led into trouble. 84. ment abandonné toute retenue tement pour l’annexion d’une M. Nice langue grecque a fait la déclaration 84. The head of the Greek-Cypriot Government has finally discarded a11 restraint and has corne out openly for the annexation of the island by Greece. In an interview he gave on 21 August 1964 to Nice Samson, editor of the Greek language daily newspaper published in Nicosia, Mahi, he said: “My ambition is to accomplish the union of Cyprus with Greece. 1 want the annexation of the whole island by Greece, not of only a part of it. 1 Will not abandon this policy, even if 1 have to face selfsacrifice and death. 1 Will unite Cyprus integrally with Greece, and then the borders of Greece Will be extended to the shores of North Africa.” “My ambition is to go down in history as the man who brought about the annekationof Cyprus to Gseece. Thus the frontiers of Greece shall extend to the shores of North Africa.” Again the recurring and mysterious theme of North Africa. 86. Only last week, the Foreign Minister of the Greek-Cypriot Government, who is now in the audience, declared to the world Press: “There is only one Greece. There is a common cause, a common ideal, and acommonline of action. It is a question of co-ordinating efforts on the joint action which must be followed.” This is an unqualified admission of collusion between the Greek Government and the Greek Cypriot regime for the purpose of bringing to an endthe independence of the Republic of Cyprus and bringing about annexation by Greece. 87. It was not SO long ago that in this vesy Council room 1 appealed to my colleague from Greece, sayibg that it was not too late for our two countries to face their responsibilities together and to put an end to this tragic problem. It now seems almost as though it might be too late. If this Council is being called upon to preside at the funeral of the Republic Cyprus, which is being slowly but relentlessly pushed into annexation by Greece, my Government refuses to be a party tio the sham. As a last resort, upon instructions, 1 am calling upon the Council to send a fact-finding commission to the island of C@rus order to establish the truth and report to the Council. 88. 1 shall now attempt to answer as briefly possible some of the groundless charges which have keen brought against my Government by the representative of Greece. He has called for an urgent meeting of the Council to consider what he termed the mass expulsions of Greek citizens living Istanbul. This, in itself, is hardly a matter which wauld disturb the peace. It would indeed disturb one% peace of mind, because in fact it signifies the end of an era-an era of honeymoon between the two neighbouring countries, 1 shall presently explain briefly the legal justification for this administrative measure, But let me say at once that, cleared of a11 its legal verbiage, a11 it amounts to is this: under the Convention of Establishment of 1930, Greek oitizens established in Turkey were granted very special privileges denied to a11 other foreigners, mainly in that they were allowed to practise certain vocations and crdts normally reserved by each oountry to its own citizens, and they were free from any restrictions as to length of sojourn. The Convention was signed, and the privileges were graciously granted, at a time when Greece and Turkey hacl vowed to live together as friends and good neighbours forever. 90. The Turkish Govexnment has denounced the treaty pertaining to Greek nationals in Turkey, by virtue of the provisions of the same treaty. This action of the Turkish Government is in complete conformity with the principles of international law. Despite these facts, the Greek delegation is trying to take up unnecessarily and uselessly the valuable time of the Security Council by bringing this matter under discussion here. Foreignnationals live in almost every Member State of the United Nations: their status is determined by international agreements. If these Governments, in accordance with the provisions of suoh agreements, decide to denounce them, could the Security Council prevent or dissuade them from such a course of action? And yet that is precisely what the Greek delegation is trying to get the Council to do in this particular case. 90, Le Gouvernement relative conformément convention. rement MalgrB perdre cette question, de l’organisation ressortissants des accords ces pays de ces accords, rité C’est grecque ltoccurrence. 91. May 1 now give some explanation as to the legal aspect of the question? Persons of Greek origin living in Turkey should be considered in two different groups, and they are SO considered: first, Turkish citizens of Greek origin; secondly, Gxeek citizens. NO action whatsoever has been taken against Turkish citizens of Gseek origin. These persons are entitled to the rights and guarantees recognized for a11 Turkish citizens, irxespective of religion, language or sace, by the Constitution and relevant laws, and are under the obligations imposed upon them by the same legislation. 91. Je voudrais cations personnes à classer premic?rement, deuxigmement, n’a grecque. et des memes turcs, ou leur pertinentes, obligations, 92. AS to the Greek citizens living in Turkey, the administrative authorities found it necessary to take certain measures which affected a limited number of these Greek citizens. These measures fa11 into two categories: (-) some of the Greek citizens living in Turkey, who are unlawfully engaged in certain occupations reserved solely to Turkish citizens, were given notice to close their businesses at a given time and were not subjected to deportation; (b) certain other Greek citizens, who do not corne within the above-mentioned category, whose activities against the country were factually established and found incompatible with Turkish law, have been asked to leave Turkey, in conformity with the existing regulations. 92. Pour Turquie, saire un nombre de deux sortes: en Turquie sions invites date, mais citoyens susmentionnee, ont &é turque, mement aux r&glements 94. The contractual basis of the administrative measures taken in respect of Greek citizens living in Turkey is provided for in the Convention of Establishment, Commerce and Navigation signed in Ankara on 30 October 1930 between Turkey and Greece.3 1 shall read articles 2 and 4 of the abovementioned treaty. Article 2 reads: “Each of the High Contracting Parties reserves the right in individual cases, either as the result of a legal decision or in accordance with the laws or regulations relating to public morals, public health and mendicity, or for reasons relating to the interna1 or external security of the State, to refuse nationals of the other Party permission to establish themselves or to reside in its territory, and to expel them for the above-mentioned reasons. “The other Party undertakes to receive back any of its nationals‘ and their families thus expelled, if their nationality is certified by the competent consul. This provision shall not apply to persons who are undesirable for political reasons.” Article 4 of the same treaty reads as follows: “Nationals of either High Contracting Party may, subject to complinnce with the laws in force in the territory of the other, carry on their trade therein either in person or through agents whom they may desire to employ. The High Contracting Parties agree that in a11 matters relating to commerce, navigation and industry and the pursuit ofprofessions or trades ox any 0ccupatio.n of whatever kind, any privilege, favours or immunities which either High Contracting Party has already granted or may subsequently grant to the ships and citizens or subjects of another foreign country, shall be extended, simultaneously and without request, condition or compensation, to the ships and nation?ls of the other Party, it being their intention to grant eaoh other reciprocally equality of treatment with the most favoured foreign country. It is, however, understood that the High Contracting Parties may reserve for their own nationals, under the laws and regulations, itinerant trading, peddling or any other trade or occupation which they may think fit SO to reserve.” 7/ League of Nations, Treaty Series, vol. CXXV, 1931-1932,No. 2866. 95, Due to the complete change in the circumstances and conditions under which the Convention of Establishment had been signed in 1930, the TurkishGovernment, in pursuance of article 36 of the said convention, informed the Greek Government, on 16 March 1964, that the convention would no longer be in effect at the end of six months, on 16 September 1964, as provided for in the same article, Turkey, while announcing its intention to abrogate the convention, which had become obsolete, meticulously observed the principles of international law and only used the right recognized to it by the treaty itself. At the same time, the Turkish Government has considered the convention valid until the six-month period expired. 95. dans lesquelles Sign&e en 1930 sont enti8rement nement convention, le 16 mars dans comme en notifiant devenue principes le droit m&me temps, la Convention de la periode 96. There wexe many other accusations-bitter, groundless, unfounded. Perhaps one of the most bitter, on which we feel most sensitive since it was SO unwarranted, was in connexion with.thepatriarchate in Turkey. The Greek Government has recently circulated a note among the signatory States of the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923 in which it protests against stern measures allegedly taken by Turkey in flagrant violation of the provisions of the above-mentioned Treaty against the Cecumenical Patriarchate of Istanbul. Furthermore, the Greek Government has for many months been carrying on a systematic campaign against Turkey by accusing Turkey of hindering religious freedom, and cites in support the expulsion from Turkey of two metropolitans and the closing-down of the printing offices of the patriarchate. 96. nous - des accusations L’une chent au Patriarcat a récemment de Lausanne teste été prises œcumenique dispositions grec se livre, matique la liberté accusation fermeture 97. The truth, however, in fact is this. The Treaty of Lausanne does not contain any provisions concerning the Patriarchate of Istanbul, During the prepasatory worlr of the Lausanne Conference the question of the patriarchate was discussed. In view of the long history of the political activities of the patriarchate in the Ottoman Empire, the Turkish representative at the Lausanne Conference asked that it be removed from Turkey. It was only after solemn assurances were given by the Greek ancl the Allied delegation that the patriarchate would not indulge in political ancl administrative aotivities that the Turkish delegation consented to its remaining in Turkey. The Turkish Government has at no time acted in any manner contrary to that understanding, and no law-abiding clergyman of the patriarchate has ever been molested. 97. de Lausanne le Patriarcat ratoires du Patriarcat pass8 d’activite ottoman, de Lausanne n’est delégations nelle que le Patriarcat vit.6 turque Le Gouvernement re Patriarcat 98. As for the two metropolitans who were divested of their Turkish citizenship ancl asked to leave the country, the facts are clear. These two GreekOrthodox clergymen had acquired Turkish citizenship by abancloning Greek nationality in 1949 and 1951. Ever since, they had been engaged in political, administrative, educational and social activities of a subversive nature in violation of the treaty standing of the patriarchate. They have, in fa&, acted as officia18 of the patriarohate, 5s agents of the patriarohate. They have, in fact, acted as offioials of the Greek Government entrusted with the task of conveying the wishes and osders of that Government to Turkish Orthodox citizens. Furthermore, they have interfered with the educational curricula of the Greek-minority schools and have propagated Hellenistic doctrines sapping the loyalty of Turkish citizens of Greek 98. la nationalite les faits orthodoxes çant en activités éducatif au Patriarcat de Lausanne. naires naires les citoyens des programmes grecque tinée à saper le loyalisme 99. As cari be seen from what 1 have just said, no action has been directed by the Turkish Government against the patriarchate as such or against any clergyman on account of his faith or calling. The persons who have corne under the sanctions of the law are merely individuals who have broken the law of the land and acted in violation of the international status of the Holy Church to which they belong and who have acted as ‘a fifth column for the expansionist ambitions of the Greek Government. Outside of that, the patriarchate, the pexson of the Cecumenical Patriarch, and otherpersonnel enjoy, and Will enjoy, the traditional reverence and protection of the law accorded to a11 citizens. First and foremost, it must be stressed that through the centuries Turkey has always been a haven of religious tolerance and freedom of worship. The Turkish Republic has faithfully carried on that tradition and has embodied it in its Constitution, which solemnly provides for equality before the law and the protection of the law for a11 citizens regardless of race, colour, creed, sex, language, faith or philosophy. No law-abiding Citizen of Turkey need have any misgivings as to his security. 100. It was, in faot, painful for me to hear my colleague of Greece refer to the recent demonstrations in Ankara, Izmir and Istanbul, Certain acts perpetrated during these demonstrations by a small group of extremists, who seized the opportunity to act against Turkey’s national interests, and the resulting damage, are no doubt regrettable. The Government of Turkey has already ex-pressed its regrets about the incidents, while Prime Minister Ismet Inonü, in his address before the Parliament, spoke with reprobation of the acts of the irresponsibles which have been disapproved by the majority of the nation. Those responsible for the incidents have already been arrested and brought before justice. They Will certainly seceive the punishment they deserve. These is no doubt that those who have suffered as a xesult of these demonstrations Will be fully compensated. There are times when the feelings of people get out of hand, and then regrettable incidents occur. 101. It was a11 the more painful for me to hear my colleague of Greece refer to the incidents of 6 and 7 September 1955. The Turkish Government’s view of these incidents has been repeatedly stated and has again heen explained by Prime Minister InOnii on 5 May 1964 before the Turkish Parliament. The Prime Minister in his speech stated that theincidents of 6 and 7 September started with the suddenness of a storm and as suddenly came to an end within one single day ; that the Turkish nation has condemned le Parlement turc, Dans son discours, le Premier tembre avaient bclaté aussi soudainement 102. I must point out that not a single life was lost in those incidents. As a result of the incidents, compensation worth about 60 million Turkish liras was paid by the Government to those who suffered material losses. 102. il n’y a pas eù un seul mort. dents, s’élevant aux personnes 103. On the other hand, it must be emphasized that for several months now the Turks on Cyprus have daily been faced with incidents of much graver consequence and have suffered much greater lossesloss of life-at the hands of Greeks, being faced with starvation and with thirst. 1 wonder would the Greek Government be in a position to condemn these tragio incidents perpetrated by the Greeks of Cyprus and cal1 for the punishment of those responsible for them, Would they ask for compensation for the losses inflicted on the Cypriot Turks? It would beinteresting to hear what the Greek Government would have to say on that score, 103. que, depuis plusieurs sont cons8quences de bien plus Grecs par la famine nement incidents ger le châtiment Demanderait-il fligées d’entendre dire & ce sujet. 104. In rounding out his lengthy accusations, the representative of Greece referred to statement& made by the Prime Minister of Turkey in the National Assembly. 1 think that if 1 may quote a few lines from the most recent statement of the Prime Minister of Turkey, the one he made before the National Assembly on 8 September 1964, it Will sum up the whole situation; 1 think it Will throw light on why the relations between our two countries have deteriorated to the breaking-point. 104. le représentant rations devant mer bien, quelques du Premier l’Assemblée ce lesquelles détériorees parce aux qu’a qui de premier entraver a procédé poser la Grbce. se produit, à Chypse, “The aligning of the present Greek Government with terrorism in Cyprus forms the basic reason for the violation of peace. This is where starts the responsibility of Greece, after embarking upon a wrong path. As a first target, they considered the obstruction of the right of intervention and proceeded with the preparations to oppose an intervention with a11 forces of Greece. Their calculation is that if an intervention takes place, the war to break out Will be limited to Cyprus, under conditions favourable for Greece.” 105. It is very surprising that the Greek leaders 105. puissent aprbs Turquie 18 un très aura, guerre s’étendra les deux pays. O~UI consider a war limited to Cyprus after they break the friendship and start a war with Turkey. AS this is a very wrong calculation, once Greece unjustly makes war between Turkey and Greece inevitable, it Will undoubtedly spread to a11 fronts of the two countries. 106. It is up to the Council to decide whether Greece- UP to its neck in guilt, in search of territorial aggrandizement and fishing in the troubled waters of Cyprus-was justified in making such an appeal. I submit that the Greek Government is guilty of ignoring treaty obligations, of using, invidiousmeans of annexing foreign territory, and of threatening the peace of the world through warlike measures. 1 submit that they have made this appeal to the Council as a red herring to caver their culpable tracks. Once again 1 suggest that, for establishing the truth, it would be a useful measure for the Security Council to appoint a fact- 106; - a agrandir en eau trouble Conseil, meconnaftre par annexer mondiale qu’il pour dirai out against the Greek elements in Istanbul. When the time cornes, 1 intend to ask the Turkish representative two questions. 1 am going to tel1 him at once what these two questions Will be, SO that he Will have time enough to prepare new points in reply. 108. The first of the two questions Will be as follows: cari the Turkish representative explain to us what subversive activities the two prelates expelled from Istanbul were engaged in? He did tel1 us that citizens who behaved in accordance with the law would have nothing to fear. And yet we ought to know what a.ll these expelled people did; we ought to know what they are being accused of SO as to be able to answer these accusations, 109. Allow me to point out now that of the 990 Greeks deported up to and including 24 July 1964, there were 120 persons mose than seventy years old and about 20 in their eighties. Among these deportees, there were eight paralytics, three blind persons, one deaf-mute, two crippled persons, four insane persons and nine patients stricken with incurable illnesses. Deportation orders were even issued against individuals who have been dead for some time, for example against Iraklis Pamfilos, who died in 1963; Dimitrios Avgoustakis and Panayotis Panayotou, who died in 1962; Georges Rossopoulos, who died in 1959; Petros Sagredos, who died in 1958; and even against Constantin Kimoliatis, who died sixteen years ago! Perhaps someone could explain to us how a11 these deceaseà persons could now be receiving payments to support EOKA. It would not seem at a11 easy from beyond the grave! 110. The second question 1 intend to ask the Turkish representative Will be this: when the Turkish representative refers to Cyprus and to what is going on in Cyprus, whîch he describes as deplorable-the very xeason for which we are workingday andnight seeking a way out of these difficulties-why does he not admit the repulsive nature of the reprisals his Government has taken in Istanbul? 111, The Turkish representative just now made a series of charges against Greece. Attempting to divert attention from what is going on in Istanbul, where the Greek element is faced with pitiless persecution, Mr. Eralp spoke to us about Cyprus, about the Dodecanese and about Thracewhere, aocording to him, Greek armed forces are SO numerous that they darken the landscape. 1 owe him a reply. But first, as he asked whether it is in accordance with the treaties for Greece to say to Turkey: *You shall not exercise your right of intervention”, 1 should like to remind him that the Security Council said this, SO that he must ask the Council this question, not me. . 113. As for Turkey, did it or did it not send reinforcements to Cyprus? This is an interesting question. According to information reaching us, to speak only of the village of Kokkina, at least 500 fighting men, Turkish nationals, have been sent there clandestinely. During a recent photographie exhibition organized in Istanbul, photographs could be seen of Turkishfighting men who fell in Kokkina during operations in the month of August. In this respect, 1 could give the names of some of them to you: Mehmet Moustafa, Salahi Ahmet, Mehmet Eray, Hasan Yusuf, Ozel AU, Fervayat Ali and Ahmat Altan Kamil. Besides fighting men, Turkey is supplying the Turkish Cypriots regularly with arms and munitions. SO much for the territory of the island itself. It is well known also that in the neighbourhood of the island, Turkey regularly sends land, air and naval forces, whose presence and continuai manoeuvres, both on the toasts facing the island and in the immediate vicinity of the island, are designed to encourage the Turkish minority in its armed resistance. 113. envoyi? des renforts Pour informations au moins VO~& clandestinement. photographique photographies au cours cet d’entre Eray, Altan envoie regulièrement Chypriotes Or, il est notoire envoie r&gulibrement et navales, nuelles, voisinage encourager armée. 114. Threats, military concentrations, manoeuvres and naval shows of force, together with air strikes, foster continua1 agitation on the island. They are an insurmountable obstacle to keeping the peaoe, the indispensable condition for a political solution. 114. manœuvres bombardements effervescence insurmontable sable d’une solution politique, 115. 1 turn now to Western Thrace, to GreekThrace. Greece maintains a military command there, the strength of which is less than a division, and no change has been made either in the placing of this force or its strength. Of course, there are the usual rotations, No change tookplace either in the disposition 115. B la Thrace commandement une division, la disposition effectifs. Aucun disposition grecques Or in the strength of Greek air units in Thrace, 116. au territoire armBe, troisième recemment tion de la frontière Cette de l’artillerie un fort 116. In contrast, in Eastern Thrace, which faces Greek territory, Turkey maintains its First Army, macle up of two army corps and a third corps of reservists. This force was recently cleployed anew SO as to face the Greek frontier, and bring it closer. This army includes powerful assault units, heavy artillery, “Honest John” rackets and strong military air support, 117. tion les frontieres qui est vrai. 117. That should suffice to answer the assertion that Greece is threatening Turkey on the frontiers in Thrace. In fact, the opposite is true. Recent Turkish military movements in Thrace are an actual 119. Turkey, on the othes hand, recentl,y added considerable reinforcements to the forces it ordinarily maintains on the mainland near these islands. Let me mention some of them: at Bodrum, across from the Gseek demilitarized islands of Rhodes and Kos, 1,200 men and artilLery; at Sokb, across from the Greek demilitarized Island of Samos, two battalions; in the Smyrna region, a battalion, of marines with naval landing units and a 1:onvoy; in the Edremid region, a battalion. 120. Al1 these forces have offensive capacity; hence there is at every moment the .very serious danger of a .Turkish landing, supported by naval and air forces, on the Greek demilitarized islands. This possibility is increased by the repeated flights over these islands by the Turkish Air l?orce, carried out in flagrant violation of article 13 of the Treaty of Lads anne. 121. But why beat about the bush? The Turkish Government has asked the Security ,Council “to dispatch without delay a fa&finding mission to the area” [S/5935], This is mentioned in Mr. Eralpls letter of 6 September [S/5935]. As for ‘Cypriot territory, it is not my business to reply; it falls within the competenoe of that sovereign country’s Government to do SO. 122. But as for Greek territories, we could‘not ask for anything better. The idea seems excellent to us, provided of course that the investigatiop be extended above a11 to a11 those Turkish regions wherb, as 1 have indicated, threatening movements have taken place, including those regions from which the air attacks and naval demonstrations against the island were started. 123. This is my answer to the charges made by’ the representative of Turkey. We accept the investigation; we welcome it even. Let there be light and let the members of the fact-finding mission complete their itinerary at Istanbul SO as to witness the drama unfolcling there with their own eyes.

1 have no other speakers on mylistfor this morning’s meeting, It is the understanding of the Chair that, after discussions among members of the Council, it has been agreed that we shall continue discussion of this item at our nieeting this afternoon at 3 p.m. 125. We must also decide on the order in which we shall consider the various questions pending before 126. l’anglais]: nous indiquer Je ne vois vient position, faire que la question, est une question doute pour devant de reprendre Mais - bres tion, suivre h son terme.

1 am much obliged to the President for explaining to us his programme for OU~ future work. 1 certainly bave no objection at a11 to what he suggests, and 1 am ready to fa11 in with his proposal. 1 should just like, if I might, to make one short comment, which is to remind the President that the matter we were discussing yesterday is an urgent one. It would, 1 think, probably be convenient to have a break of a day or &JO to consider the facts which have now been laid before the Council on that item, Therefore, as 1 say, my clelegation would be very happy to resume the discussion of it on 14 September. We would also, however, think it very desirable-and 1 feel suxe that this would be the general wish-that when we do take up the subject again on Monday morning we should do our best to proceed with it without another break, and to carry it through until it is concluded. 127. le représentant se Conseil le 1 ‘organisation

I should like to thank the United Kingdom representative for agreeing with the consensus of opinion in the Council and for raising no objections to the future osganization of our work as outlined by the Chair. 128. 1 think that the Council should bear in mind the United Kingdom representative’s observations when, on Monday, 14 September, we decide in what order we should take up our business. It is my understanding that the United Kingdom representative does not abject to the order 1 have suggested and it not pressing for the forma1 adoption of his own proposal. In the circumstances we are faced with an equation containing two unknown factors and therefore-as everyone knows-fairly hard to solve. The first unknown is that we cannot foretell what progress we shall make at this afternoon’s meeting on the question before us, The second unknown” is that we cannot tel1 how far we shall get as a result of the discussion of Malaysia’s appeal to the Security Council. 128. pense que nous l’organisation le représentant tions n’insiste sition: devant une équation est assez PremiBse nous en serons lieu Deuxième en serons sur au Conseil 129. ainsi du Royaume-Uni la question a la séance plainte 129. In the circumstances the right thing to do-and this is how 1 am interpreting the statement by the United Kingdom representative-will be for US to revert to the question of the future organization of ous work at the next meeting, bearing in mind the observations just made by the United Kingdom representative. 1 am referring, of course, to the question of Malaysia’s complaint. 130. As 1 hear no other observations, 1 take it that the Council agrees with the programme 1 have just suggested. It is SO decided, 130. dérerai manibre The meeting rose at 12.45 p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED United Nations publications may distributors throughout the world. Write to: United Nations, Sales COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PU6LICATIONS tes publications des Nations Unies sont agences dépositaires du monde entier. ou adressez-vous à: Nations Unies, Section COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES las publicaciones de las Naciones casas distribuidoras en todos partes diriiase a: Naciones Unidas, Section Litho in U.N. Price: $U:S. 0.35 (or equivalent