S/PV.1171 Security Council

In accordance with the decision taken by the Council at the 1170th meeting, held yesterday afternoon, 1 shall invite the representatives of the Sudan, Guinea, Ghana, Belgium, Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville), Algeria, Mali, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nigeria and th@ United Arab Republic to participate in the debate, without the right to vote. 3. Unfortunately, we do not have sufficient places around the Council table to seat a11 the representatives who have asked to participate in the debate. May 1 remind the Council that previously, in February 1961, the Council was confronted by a very similar situation. I therefore would suggest that we follow the precedent established at that time-that is, that a11 representatives invited to participate in the debate take the seats reservedfor theminfront of the Council table, A representative wishingto speak at aparticular meeting will be invited tortake a place at the Council table itself in order to address the Council. Once he has been heard, he Will return to the seat reserved for him. Since there is no objection, we shall follow the procedure 1 have just outlined. At the invitation of the President, Mr- 0. A. H. Adeel (Sudau), Mr. L. Beovogui (Guinea), Mr. H. K. Yomekpe .(Ghana), Mr. P.-H. Spaak (Belgium), Mr. C. D. Ganao (COQSO, Brazzaville), Mr. M. C. Guelktl Wgeria), Mr. 0. Ba (Mali), Mr. T. .fdzumbuir (Democratic Republic of the Congo), Mr. J. A. Wachuku (Nigeria), Mr, M, El-Kony (United Arab Republic), Mr. J. Mbazumutima (Burundi), and Mi-. B. Nabwera (Kenya) took the places reserved for them in front of the Council table.

The Charter of the United Nations, in Chapter VIII, Article 52, dealing with regional arrangements, stipulates that none of its provisions: “. . . precludes the existence of regional arrangements or agencies for dealing with such matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security as are appropriate for regional action, provided that such arrangements or agencies and their aotivities are consistent with the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations.” The same Article 52 further provides that: “The Members of the United Nations entering into suoh arrangements or constituting such agencies shall make every effort to aohieve pacifie settlement of local disputes through such regional arrangements or by such regional agencies before referring them to the Security Council. ” Lastly, Article 52 provides that: “The Security Council shall encourage the development of pacifie settlement of local disputes through such regional arrangements or by such regional agencies either on the initiative of the States concerned or by reference fromthe Security Council.” 5. Nineteen months ago, the Organization of African Unity came into being at Addis Ababa, the historic capital of Ethiopia, a country symbolizing Africa’s age-old refusal to bow down before imperialist aggres- Sion. Its charter, which was inspired by the Charter of the United Nations in accordance with the provisions of Article 52, from which 1 have just quoted, has been deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Hitherto divided and subjected to pressures and interference from a11 sides, and strugglingfiercely against the various pressures and oppressions to I/ Officia1 Records of the Security Council, Nineteenth Year, Supplament for October, November and Cecember 1964. 6. outre, Commission maintes totalement du continent ses pays. politique dee exclusivement peuples Btrangere 6. Guinea is a founding member of the OAU. My country also has the honour to be a member of the OAU% ad hoc Commission on the Congo. The oft-proclaimed policy of the Guinean Government is fully committed ta the complete liberation of the African continent and to the unity of its peoples and countries. In order to achieve these aims, an unaligned policy is necessary, guided exclusively by the obvious interests of the African peoples, and with no foreign interference from any souxces whatever. 7. Voila de la Guinde participe de sécurite. l’agression contre l’OUA. militaire d!Amerique plainte contre de saper de résoudre 7. It is for these reasons that, as representative of Guinea, 1 am taking part today in thediscussion in the Seourity Council. 1 am here in order to bring a complaint against the act of aggression just committed against Africa in flagrant violation of the resolutions of OAU. 1 bring a complaint against the Belgian and United States military intervention against the Congolese people. 1 bring a complaint against the attempts to divide the African people, to undermine the OAU and to destroy the hopes of the Africans of being able to settle their disputes in a peaceful mariner. 8. Au lendemain américaine, travailliste président 8, Immediately following the military intervention carried out by Belgium and the United States with the complicity of the United Kingdom Labour Government, President Ahmed Sékou Tour& the Guinean Head of State, made the following statement: “The Government of the Republic of Guinea wishes to voice the indignation felt by the Guinean people at the announcement of the new intervention by Belgian military forces against the Congolese population. The Belgian Government, flouting the recommendations of the United Nations, braving the abuse of the African people as a whole, and attempting to destroy the authority of the OAU, is seeking, with the support of a11 those who favour political domination, to perpetuate the colonial rule and exploitation which it imposed on our brothers in the Congo, The Government of the Republic of Guinea addresses a solemn appeal to a11 the Heads of independent African States to join together in an effortto restore the Congo to its people and toput an end to a11 foreign intervention, the sole purpose of which, behind a11 the deceit, is to keep Africa within the orbit of the imperialist Powers. It also appeals to the United Nations and calls for that great international body to exercise a11 its authority in order to ensure that Congolese sovereignty is respected and that peace is maintained in Africa.” 8. It iS necessary to go back in time in order better to understand the reasons for the grave concern felt by cur countries at the Congolese tragedy, the artificial nature of which has been shown in this latest episode. A little over four years ago, when anationalist African government was installed at Leopoldville with its 9. Pour tudes congolaise, caractere arrière. ofi était installe 10. For four years the Congo has had a succession of crises, each one more serious than the other. Following the withdrawal of the United Nations forces, these have resulted in the tragic opposition of the various Congolese factions, centered, on the one hand, around the desire of the Congolese people to cast off once and for a11 the yoke of imperialist domination, and on the other hand, around the determination of certain Congolese tools to maintain that domination at a11 costs. The logical result of this confrontation was, and could only be, a civil war between the two factions. 11. In view of the extent of this tragedy, the effects of which were beginning to spill over into neighbouring territories, the Organization of African Unity, realizing its responsibility and the threat to peace and international security in the African continent caused by this situation, decided to hold an extraordinary session in order to seek a satisfactory and radical solution to the Congolese crisis. After deliberation, the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity adopted a resolution the following substantial extracts from which deserve to be quoted: “The Council of Ministers of the Organization African Unity, meeting for its third extraordinary session in Addis Ababa from 5 ta 10 December 1964, to examine the Congolese problem, its repercussions on the neighbouring States and on the African scene at large, “Deeply concerner3 by the deteriorating situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, resulting from foreign interveneion, as well as üse of mer: cenaries principally recruited from the racist countries of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, Weaffirming the resolutions of the Organization of African Unity, inviting a11 African States to abstain from any relationship whatsoever with the Government of South Afrioa because of its policy of apartheid , Vonsidering that foreign intervention and the use of mercenaries has unfortunate effects on the neighbouring independent States, as well as on the struggle for national liberation in Angola, Southern desia, Mozambique and the other territories in the region whioh are still under colonial domination, “Deeply conscious of the responsibilities and of the competence of the Organization of African Unity to find a peaceful solution to a11 the problems and differences which affect peace and security in the African continent, “1. Appeals to the Government of theDemocratic Republic of the Congo to stop immediately the recrdtment of mercenaries and to expel as soon as possible a11 mercenaries of whatever originwhoare already in the Congo SO as to fatiilitate an African solution; “2, Notes the solemn undertaking of the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to guarantee the security of combatants who lay down their arms; 113. Requests especially a11 those now fighting to cesse hostilities SO as to seek, with the help of the Organization of African Unity, a solution that would make possible national reconciliation and the restoration of order in the Congo; “4. Appeals to a11 the political leaders of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to seek, by a11 appropriate means, to restore and consolidate national reconciliation; ‘!5. Decides to set up and send immediately to the Demxc Republic of the Congo, the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville) and the Kingdom of Burundi an ad hoc Commission consisting of Cameroon, Ethlmhana, Guinea, Nigeria, Somalia, Tunisia, the United Arab Republic, Upper Volta andplaced under the effective Chairmanship of H. E. Jomo Kenyatta, Prime Minister of Kenya, which Will have the following mandate; ” (&) TO help and encourage the efforts of the Covernment of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the restoration of national reconciliation in conformity with paragraphs 2 and 3 above; 11 @) TO seek by a11 possible means to bringabout normal relations between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbours, especially the Kingdom of Burundi and the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville); II * . I “7. Appeals strongly to a11 Powers at present intervening in the interna1 affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to cesse their interference. The Member States are further invited to give instructions to their diplomatie missions accredited to these Powers with the view of impressing upon them this appeal; “8. Requests a11 Member States to refrain from any action that might aggravate the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, or worsen the relationship between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbours . . .” 12. That was the remedy advocated by Africa as a whole, including the Leopoldville authorities, for the 12. entibre, 13. The so-called civilized Government and countries which today denounce what they cal1 rebel atrocities did not then express any indignation. Then, there was no question of humanitarian motives. 1s it because the thousands of Congolese citizens who have been murdered by the South Africans, Rhodesians, Belgians and Cuban refugee adventurers had dark skins like the coloured United States citizens who were murdered in Mississippi? Whatever the answer may be, those who have brought about these lamentable developments in the Congo must alone be held responsible for the deplorable deaths of the innocent victims of the military intervention at Stanleyville. 14. In fact, it is common knowledge that no European was executed by the Stanleyville authorities during the entire period which preceded the dropping of Belgian paratroops on Stanleyville. On the contrary, during that period, negotiations were proceeding at Nairobi between the ad hoc Commission of OAU, the representative of theUnitéd States Government, the Secretary General of OAU and the representative of the Stanleyville authorities, under the chairmanship of the Head of State of Kenya, Mr.Kenyatta. In underhand fashion, one of the negotiators was preparing unilaterally and long in advance the operation which resulted in the capture of Stanleyville. The fall of Stanleyville, the liquidation of the nationalist forces, the consolidat;on of Tshombe’s power, i,e. the power of the colonialist forces, over a11 parts of the Congo -that was the objective, the goal to be aohieved. AnY other fallacious reason advanced deceives only those who advance it. 15. The combined forces of Tshombe, the Belgians, the Americans and others may secure military VICtories and retake Stanleyville but this will notrestore peace in the Congo. Historical examples are numerous-Indo-China, Algeria and Kenya, The result Of these aCtS of POlitiCal blindness Will without doubt be the determining factor in the building of a free and unified Congolese nation. “Colonel Opepe, a rebel leader in charge pf the white hostages imprisoned in the hotel, led 250white men, women and children outside as the first Western planes were appxoaching the City. Apparently, the colonel told a suboxdinate that he intended to march them, under the surveillance of fifteen to eighteen guards to the airfield. Thexe, he said, he would bargain with the paxatxoopers, exchanging the lives of the hostages for the safety of the rebel guaxd detachment. But as they were goingthroughthe main square, firing cculd be heard from the aixfield. The guaxds became fxightened and made the prisonexs crouch. Just then a Major Bubu came running into the square. ‘The paratroopers have come,‘he cried, ‘shoot the whites’. The Belgians heard him and panioked. They began to run in a11 directions for covex. It was then that the guards, also in panic, opened fire.” 17. When it is xealized that the efforts of the Kenyatta 17. Commission had every chance of succeeding, we cari Kenyatta only accept the evidence and conclude that it was peut que se rendre indeed the Belgian-American intervention which probien l’intervention voked the massacre of Europeans and Africans. le massacre 18. Let us be spaxed the clichés about communism and anti-oommunism. The United States Consul himself had to recognize that the struggle at Stanleyville ami throughout the Congo was one waged by African nationalism against the Leopoldtille regime. Indeed, at his press conference in Washington on 27 November, Mr. Hoyt said: n , . . it would not be aocurate, snd, indeed, would be too ‘simplistic’ to portray the rebels’ so-called People’s Republic as a Marxist or Communist-oriented movement.” He added, according to The New York Times of 28November: “It is essentially a military movement, with people fighting and use of nationalistic slogans.” 18. communisme ricain Stanleyville par a Leopoldville. du 27 novembre “Il serait la pretendue un mouvement Il a ajoute selon le New York Times du 28 novembre: “C’est des personnes nationalistes 19. The ad hoc Commission of the OAU did not yield before the Belgian-American intervention; it did not yield before the affront to the OAU; it did not yield to the thxeat and use of force. On the contxary, it faced its responsibilities and, at the conclusion of the extxaordinary and urgent session convened following the foxeign intervention at Stanleyville, it adopted recommendations which the Government of Guinea believes cari bring about a peaceful solution to the distressing problem of the Congo-a problem that may well inflame the whole African continent and certain aspects of which may well constitute a 19. devant cede devant l’affront devant la menace et l’usage de la force. elle a fait face a ses responsabilités travaux a convoquée Stanleyville, de l’avis d’apporter bl8me congolais africain 21. These are the recommendations made by the Africans to the authorities at Leopoldville, to those at Stanleyville, and to the conscience of mankind. This is the language of wisdom and reason which Africa addresses to the whole world in order to secure a. peaceful African solution to the Congolese tragedy. It is the duty of the Security Council to pay heed to these recommendations. It is the duty of the Security Council to accede to them. 22. The methods of the old frontiers have become outmoded in Africa. Not long ago the “new frontier” raised a great wind of hope throughout Africa. We must ensure that this wind does not become a capricious breeze. Our whole Organization, a11 Member States, must realize the gravity of the Congolese problem. The Security Council must decide to refer the Congolese question to the appropriate bodies of the Organization of African Unity with the loyal support that this implies for the efforts ofthat Organization, in accordance with Article 52, paragraph 3, of the United Nations Charter. If the Council fails to perform this minimum duty, it Will justify our fears that the real danger which threatens the United Nations, the real crisis through which this great international body is passing, is not fiaancial but moral and political. It is the Congolese problem which is at the root of a11 the difficulties now confronting the United Nations, including the famous question of Article 19. 23. The United Nations musc live. In order that it may live, a11 States must accept the purposes and principles of the Charter which stipulate, amongother things, that oppressed peoples must be freed. Let us unite our efforts SO that the United Nations may live, SO that the OAU may live, SO that international cooperation may live in freedom, dignity and peace.

First of all, Mr. President, I should like to thank you and the other members of the Council for allowing me to take part in this debate, thus givingme the opportunity to present the views of the Government of the Republic of Mali concerning the tragic events whioh have taken place recently on the African continent, in the Demo- 26. As Africans, our decision to appeal to the Security Council was dictated by a number of imperatives. First, there is the fact that we believe in the United Nations Charter and that we feel strongly that its principles should be respected. We are convinced, and it is laid down in the United Nations Charter as well, that the solution to any dispute should be sought first of ail by negotiation, inquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, or other peaceful means. We are convinced, then, that the problem which offered ,the United States and Belgian Governments a pretext for military intervention at Stanleyville could and should have been solved by the most appropriate means, the means 1 have just mentioned, and therefore without recourse to the methods employed by those two Governments. fait que nous croyons & la Charte de l’Organisation texte 2’7. The act of violence of which the United States and Belgian Governments are guilty Will bave grave reSUltS, for it constitutes not only defiance of the provisions of the United Nations Charter but also a pointed challenge to the Organization of African Unity. pas compte des dispositions de la Charte de I’Organiun cinglant défi & l’organisation de Ifunité africaine. 28. Considering the circumstances in which the United States and Belgian intervention at Stanleyville took place, we have every right to believe that this intervention was carried out deliberately in order to thwart the action of the Organization of African Unity and thereby to strike a blow at that Organization. 29, The excuse given for this intervention is also a serious cause for anxiety and concern, inparticular for a11 the African countries, and for the non-aligned countries in general. Just what reasons were adduced by the United States and Belgian interventionists to justify their criminal attacks against the inhabitants of Stanleyville and other towns in the area? CI-I the radio and in the Press, an attempt has been made to shock European public opinion, especially by stating that whites were being held hostage by the Stanleyville authorities and that their lives were in danger. Under the guise of a humanitarian action, the United States and Belgian Governments launched against the innocent population of Stanleyville andthe surrounding area one of the most murderous operations which the Congo has witnessed since the beginning of the crisis in 1960, In fact, it was a premeditated, coldblooded act. 30. The timing of the events shows that the freeing of the hostages was only a pretext for a criminal undertaking planned long before. The objective of the imperialist aggressors in that part of Africawas none other than the fa11 of Stanleyville, the stronghold of 31, Prom then on, the objective was clear and precise: the assault was to be made on Stanleyville, so that when it fell the imperialist hegemony over the political and economic life of the Congocouldbe reinforced under the caver of puppetswhose chances of remaining in power in the face of the Congolese people’s desire for liberation were dwindling every day. 32, Such are the facts. The humanitarian action was only a clumsy subterfuge. An attempt is being made to lu11 decent people’s consciences and put the African peoples off their guard. But where is the morality of an operation which, it is asserted, is designed to save human lives and in fact entails the sacrifice of thousands of other human lives? 33. The African peoples are now entitled to consider such arguments eminently suspect, especially as those who put them forward today are the very same people who, in former times, used to oall colonization also a humanitarian action, designed to bring the benefits of a certain civilization to populations described as primitive and backward. Today, the world is still contemplating with horror the tribute whioh had to be paid and must still be paid to history for the final elimination of the evil of colonialism. 34. The Press, acting under imperialist orders, has often referred to cannibalism in the Congo in giant headlines. Although we condemn it-supposing that it ever existed-such cannibalism would be nothing compared with the full-scale cannibalism that was involved in the destruction of human lives inthe massacres committed by the mercenaries supported by the United States and Belgian paratroopers. 35. NOW 1 wish to recall, since we hear SO much talk about civilization, an event in me history of civilization. After twenty centuries of history, the way Herod murdered the children of Judea continues to move civilized mankind. What shall we sayof those who cynically, and with malice aforethought slaughtered the African national hero, Patrice Lumumba; of those whc were responsible for the death of Dag Hammarskjtlld; of those, elsewhere, who did nothesitate to carry out the dastardly assassination of John Kennedy? Yes, they are the same imperialist forces of reaction, obscurantism, racism and, in short, of warmongering which silenced the great voioe of John Kennedy, the fighter for freedom. 37. Belgium has practised the most inhuman, savage and backward form of colonial exploitation. Belgium, furious a.t losing the privileges connected with its imperialist exploitation, withdrew and left behind nothing but disorder, slaughter and poverty. Belgium continues to wreakits cruel vengeance on the Congolese people and, in pursuing its murderous designs, thinks only in terms of copper, cobalt, uranium , . , in terms of cold cash. 1 beg of you, let the Belgians leave it to others to speak of humanity. Belgium’s action in the Congo deserves to be recorded in the annals of crimes against mankind. 38. Other more intelligent and more realistic colonizers did not swim against the current of history; they helped the peOple whom they had colonized to gain their freedom, restore their national sovereignty and build a new life of dignity and progress in friendly co-operation between former colonized and former colonizers. 39. If the United States and Belgian interventionists had not had other sinister designs, a11 these tragic events could have been avoided. Let us look at the circumstances in which the United States and Belgian military intervention took place. In this respect, it is useful to recall that the Democratic Republic of the Congo is a member of OAU and that this organization, during the meeting of its Council of Ministers, held at Addis Ababa in September 1964 with the participation of Prime Minister Tshombé, adopted a resolution, operative paragraph 5 of which reads: vention notamment, “Decides to set up and send immediately to the Democratic Renublic of the Congo. the Renublic of the Congo (Brazzaville) and the Kmgdom of*Burundi an ad hoc Commission consisting of Cameroon,. --- Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Nigeria, Tunisia, the United Arab Republic, Upper Volta and placed under the effective Chairmanship of H. E. Jomo Kenyatta, Prime Minister of Kenya, which Will have the following mandate: “(a) TO help and encourage the efforts of theGovernment of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the restoration of national reconciliation in conformity with paragraphs 2 and 3 above; “(d) TO seek by a11 possible means to bring about normal relations between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbours, especially the Kingdom of Burundi and the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville),” In Operative paragraph 7, we read the following: Au paragraphe “Appeals strongly to a11 Powers intervening in the interna1 affaira of the Democratic Resublic of the Congo to cesse their interference. TheMember States are further invited to give instructions to their diplomatie missions accredited to these Powers with the view of impressing upon them this appeal.” 46, Even more recently, in October 1964, the second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Nonaligned Countries studied the situation in the Congo 41. The Organization of African Unity has, on many occasions, proved its ability to solve African problems provided that the great Powers do not impede its action. The efforts of the ad hoc Commission on the Congo oertainly would have shown satisfaotory results already, as regards both national reconciliation in the country and an improvement in the relations between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbours, if only the United States Government, by its action, had not made a11 political solutions difficult, not to say impossible, As early as the beginning of October 1964 a delegation of the ad hoc Commission appealed unsuccessfully to the United States Government to end its military intervention in the Congo in order to facilitate political discussions between the combatants and Mr. Tshombe’s Government. The Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, at its meeting at, Addis Ababa in September 1964, had corne to the conclusion that the settlement of the Congo problem was essentially a political matter and that any military action was liable to add to the disorder which has unfortunately prevailed in that country since it became independent. 42. These considerations provide sufficient justification for asking what are the real aims of those foreign Powers whose military intervention in the Congo is in direct conflict with the action of the Organization of African Unity. A glance at The New York Tirnes is a11 that is needed to realize the meaning and consequences of their intervention, whichthey try to disguise’or justify, depending on the circumstances. On the subject of United States military intervention, about which the ad hoc Commission of the Organization of African Unity has already made representations to the State Department, we cari read in The New York Limes that the State Department in an officia1 statement had announced on 15 June 1964 that the United States was not authorizing American civilian pilots to take part in air raids against the rebels. On 17 June 1964, however, The New York Times announced that American oitizens were in fact flying United States aircraft in combat missions against rebels in the eastern Congo. It also reports that, “in spite of officia1 denials, the United States Government had acknowledged American participation in sorties against the rebels.” The State Department announcement makes it clear that Il, . . some American civilian pilots under contract with the Congolese Government have flown T-28 sorties in the last few days in the eastern part of the Congo.” The new spaper adds that the State Department spokesman “declined to say whether the State Department had approved of the use of the American pilots” in the Congo, On the previous day the State Department had ‘facknowledged the shipment of several . . . T-28 planes to the Congo but Ihad] denied that any Americans were flying them on combat missions”. Then, the position suddenly changed. The New York Times of 43. It is also known that anti-Castro Cuban pilots are among the crews of United States aircraft, 1 now refer to The New York Times of 16 August 1964: II 1 . 1 the United States has suddenly found itself on the verge of being drawn into the struggle in the heart of Africa. Last week Washington sent four transport planes, three helicopters and 42paratroopers to aid the Congo Government in its fight against the rebels ‘in the eastern provinces, The numbers involved in this airlift were small but the question was being asked: 1s this the beginning of another , . . United States commitment in a far corner of the globe? Senator John Stennis, Democrat, raised the question in the Senate on Friday. He suggested that it might lead to United States involvement 1 in another undeclared war such as that in Vietnam’ and said that I Congress should be given the full facts about the Government’s intentions’.II 44. On 18 hugust 1964, the same newspaper’s cor- 44. respondent at Leopoldville wrote that the United journal States had decided, at the request of Mr. Tshombé, decide, to supply B-26 bombers to the Congo. The United bombardiers States Ambassador at Leopoldville announced “that Etats-Unis it would provide a small number of B-26planes , , . in nombre response to a request from the Congolese Governmême ment” , The Embassy spokesman said “that the Congo de 1’Ambassadeur Will utilize contract pilots and maintenance personnel des for these aircraft”, maintien 45. Here is another extra& from the 5 October 1964 issue of The New York Times: 45. on peut 6galement “The United States has aided the Tshomb6 r6gime through a small group of Army counter-guerilla specialists operating with some Congolese uni&. But the principal assistance has been the supply of aircraft. Acting under a military agreement with the Congo, the United States has supplied a number of T-28 bomber-fighter trainsr aircraft and B-25 light bombers to the Congolese. Many of these aircraft are flawn by Cuban exile pilots that the United States helped to recruit in the Miami area. The United States has also assigned four C-130 turboprop transport aircraft, with American crews and paratrooper units to guard theplanes, for theferrying of Congolese troops, including the white mercenaries, to battle areas . . . It 46. The same newspaper stated on 25 October 1964: 46. suit: “A sickening odor of death still hangs over this slespy town [Bumba] today, a week after 24 white meroenaries and two companies of Congolese troops routed the rebel defenders. A half dozen unburied bodies [lie near] the bridge on the outskirts of ‘town. More rebel corpses lie . . , along the banks of the Congo, Some were victims of the fighting, There are now more than 750 mercenaries in the Congo, You need only multiply in order to find out the real number killed. 47. 1 have quoted from The New York Times, which cari hardlv be accused of sympathy towards those whom some cal1 “the rebels”, because 1 want to refer to the United States and Belgian operation which is not just intervention but actual aggression against the population of Stanleyville and surrounding areas. 48. An examination of the timing of events shows clearly that this brutal military intervention, which has been called lfhumanitarian actionlt, was the decisive phase of a carefully prepared and executed plan. The travesty of negotiations held at Nairobi between the United States Ambassador and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of thestanleyville Government-which were, in any event, broken off in unusual circumstances-and a11 the”humanitarian” declarations about the white population of the eastern region of the Demooratic Republic of the Congo were intended to prepare international opinion and SO to justify an operation the real purpose of which, decided on long beforehand, was to facilitate the capture of Stanleyville by the mercenaries. 49. It is to this premeditated military operation, carried out in cold-blooded disregard of theprovisions of the United Nations Charter and of repeated warnings by the Organization of African Unity, that we wish to draw the attention of the members of the Security Council. 50. Whatever ad hoc interpretations of the definition of aggression may be made in some quarters, we consider that this United States and Belgian operation, involving bombers and hundreds of parachutists, is in fact an act of aggression against the people of that part of Africa. We believe that the Security Council must speak out unequivocally against this kind of military operation, which is unfortunately tending to become a regular practice; for one is forced to draw a comparison between the tragic events at Stanleyville and the Belgian military intervention in the Congo in 1960, which is at the root of a11 the misfortunes and upheaval experienced by that conntry since it became independent. At that time, the Bclgian Government also sought to justify its intervention by declaring that its goal was the protection of the lives and property of the Belgians in the Congo. You a11 know the outcome of that intervention, the 52, Either the United Nations Will decide to put an end to colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism, or there Will be no true peace or peaceful coexistence in the world; for such coexistence is not really conceivable except between free and fully sovereign peoples , 53. Another aspect of the aggression launched against the people of Stanleyville is the question of the existence of foreign bases in other countries. We shall have occasion to speak of this during other debates, but we should like here ancl now to pin-point the share of responsibility in the tragic events at Stanleyville which the United Kingdom assumed by making its colonial base on Ascension Island available to the troops engaging in the United States and Belgian intervention. 54. Our appeal to the Security Council was intended as an expression of our confidence in the United Nations, We have expressed our anxiety at thepractice of using mercenaries to fight against the Will of peoples, because such a practice is a continuing threat to peace and security. We have also expressed OUX anxiety at the military intervention of certain great Powers in the interna1 affairs of the developing countries, These imperialistio aots of military intervention bear witness to the desire of certain POWerS 55. Our urgent appeal to the members of the Council is that the Security Council, in its wisdom and having regard to its responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and security, should condemn the use of mercenaries as a practice which infringes the sovereignty of peoples, We ask that the Security Council should also condemn military intervention by foreign Powers in other countries, on any pretext whatsoever, and that a11 disputes which may arise in international relations should be settled in conformity with Article 33 of the United Nations Charter. The Council should also ask a11 Member States to refrain from intervening in the interna1 affairs of the Congo, SO that the action takenby the Organization of African Unity pursuant to Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter, may lead to the national reconciliation of the different sectors of the population of that country and the establishment of normal relations between that State and neighbouring States. 56, It has been said that we have corne here to fight for a lost cause-the reference being to the present composition of the Security Council, where it is apparently impossible to obtain a favourable vote on matters not to the liking of amajority of the members, including some former owners of colonial empires. 57. Yesterdayls procedural vote was a fine example of the use of this somewhat mechanical majority as a bludgeon for gaining Pyrrhic victories. This clearly shows that the need for the changes which a11 desire in the membership of the Council in order to give fairer representation to the developing countries, which are threatened more than any others by the unassuaged forces of colonialism, old and new, and by rabid warmongers, is more urgent than ever. Our cause is not a lest cause. It is the battle for the honour and the dignity of Africa. 58. Looking beyond the ideologies of your choice, beyond the divergences inherent in your different social and economic systems, beyond your political-1 was about to say petty political-alliances, beyond your differences of philosophy and creed, we appeal to the conscience of each of you as a human being worthy of that great name. 59. Aggression has been committed. The aggressors are known; they have been caught in the aot, redhanded. We have corne to protest, violently and categOriCally, against an action conducted and concerted by three countries in breach of the laws and regulations of this house, in defiance of the Charter by which we are a11 governed. Once aggression has been committecl and established in a11 its dreadful reality, it need no definition. 60. It is another pieoe of legalistic quibblingto speak to us about the legality of the Tshombe Government. Will we also be told one day about the legality of the 61. Wa also wish to tel1 the great United States of America that we refuse to let itplaythe role of international policeman, to set itself up as a judge of other nations. The sovereign equality of States is one of the great basic principles of the Charter to which we are deeply attached. This principle must be scrupulously respected by all, if we are not to become the jungle of nations. We want to help the United States not to export the “ugly Americanlf to Africa, as it did to Asia. You know the famous satire about American diplomacy written by Americans. We want to help the United States of Americs to export the llgood Americanll, the friend of the peoples, to the whole world. 6 1. Nous voulons egalement dire a la grande Amérique du Nord gendarme L’Égalité principes le plus. Ce principe doit btre scrupuleusement par tous si nous ne voulons pas devenir la jungle des nations. exporter ricain”. écrite Caine. Nous voulons aider les Etats-Unis a exporter peuples. 62. We have not corne simply to rail against those who committed aggression against Stanleyville and its surrounding area; our purpose in coming here is to urge that your Council, the guardian of international peace and security, should oppose any operation of this kind and prevent a recurrence of such acts of violence, which are contrary to every provision of our Charter and whose repetition might imperil the stability, security and peace of the whole African continent. For that reason, the Congo affair has now become an affair of the whole African continent and Will, unless we take heed, become an affair that threatens world peace and security. 62. Nous ne sommes pas venus simplement vituperer les nous sommes de la paix et de la securite a toute opération pareils stipulations pourrait la paix de tout le continent africain. que l’affaire affaire si l’on n’y prend garde, une affaire menaçant la paix et la sécurite 63. TO a11 those who, in speaking of humanity, have derided the Africans, 1 shall simply quote a definition of humanism written in the blood of a martyr, Jacques Decour, a teacher at a French school in Germany who, before his death as a victimof fascism, wrote: “Humanism is a rational faith in the work and dignity of man, a civilized respect for his person, a militant cuit of -1iberty.l’ That is the finest definition of its kind that we have found; at least, it is the one in which we believe. Others should find it inspiring. 63. En repense Africains ment sang d’un martyr, dans une école française de mourir, nisme dignite sonne, un culte militant d’humanite, trouvde; Elle devrait 64. These are the comments and suggestions which I submit, on behalf of the Government of the Republic of Mali, for the consideration of the members of the Security Council. 1 thank you for your attention and reserve the right to speak again, if necessary, later in the debate. 64. qu’au nom du Gouvernement je soumets de S&urit& reserve du debat le rendait necessaire.

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