S/PV.1235 Security Council

Pursuant to the decisiontaken at the previous meeting, 1 propose to invite the representatives of Cyprus. Turkey and Greece to take seats at the Council table and to participate. without the right to vote. in the discussion of this problem. At the invitation of the President, Mr. S. Kyprianou (Cyprès). Mr. 0. EraZp (Turkey) snd Mr. A.S. Liatis (Greece), fook places at fhe Comcil table.

BeforetheCouncilproceedswith its consideration of the question onthe agenda, 1 should like to draw the attention of the members to the report by the Secretary-General on recent developments [S/6569/Add.1].2/ dated 5 August 1965. 1 should also like to draw the attention of the members 3. Unless any member of the Conncil raises an objection, 1 shall assume, that in accordance with its decision at the 1098th meeting, it is the wish of the Council that Mr. Denktash be invited to address it under rule 39 of our provisional rules of procedure. 4. 1 note that no member of the Council wishes to raise an objection. It Will therefore be my intention to invite Mr. Denktash to make his statement to the Council at an appropriate time in the course of our proceedings. 5. 1 should now like to speak in my capaclty as representative of the UNITED EINGDOM. 6. My delegation has viewed wlth concern the sequence of events described in the Secretary-General’s report Of 29 July [S/6569]z/which has led to this further debate in the Council on the situation in Cyprus. :Ne now hare before us a further report from the Secretary- General, dated 2 August [S/6586],.?/ which brings these events up to date. 7. As members of ths Council Will. 1 believe, recognize. the consistent policy of my Government towards Cyprus has been to encourage progress towards a political settlement which would be acceptable to a11 concerned. My Government has fully supportrd the decisions of this Council, first embodied in its resolution 186 (1964). By its contributions to UNFICYP and by its constant encouragement of a11 the parties to the dispute to co-operate with the United Nations and seek a resolution of their differences, my Government has done everything in its power tc support the spirit and purposes of that resolution. 8. During the last few months. this Council has had some grounds for hoping that the tireless and patient efforts of the United Nations in Cyprus were resultmg in some progress. My delegation welcomed the long period of comparative quiet which has reigned in Cyprus this year and was encouragedby the restrained and constructive tone of the proceedings in the Council in June, when UNFICYP’s mandate was extended for a further six months. 9. My Government was therefore much concerned at the developments reported by the Secretary-General in his report [S/6569]. The Council Will have noted that, according to bis report, these developments have increased tension in the island. My Government made known its concern in a communication which the British High Commissioner in Nicosia delivered to the Government of Cyprus on 26 July. In that communication the British Government noted tbat, as 10. It furthei noted that this law was passed by the House of Representatives in the absence of the Turklsh Cypriot members. As one of the Guarantor Powers. the Brltish Govermnent considered this action to be in breach of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus. partioularly article 62 and article 73 (2). But. in taking tbis action, rny Government had in mind a further. and major consideration. It empbasized its partioular regret that the Cyprus Govertiment should bave taken this action, in view of operative paragraphs 1 and 3 of the Security Council resolutlon 186 (1964). calling as it dld on Member States to refrain from any action likely to worsen the situation in Cyprus. and calling onthe commundties in Cyprus and tlielr leaders to act wlth the utmost restraint. The British Government made clear its hope chat the Cyprus Gcvernment would refrain from any steps to glve effect to this new enactment. In view of one comment referring to my country made at oui last meeting 1 should add that my Government believed it right and proper to make its position in tbis matter olear. 1 do net propose to go over again the legal sud historical background of my couutry’s position as one of the three Guarautor Powers of the Republic of Cyprus. I’can do no better than refer the Council to Sir PatrickDean’s statement to the Council at its 1095th mesting. on 16 February 1964. 1 think that members of this Council Will find there a Fidel justification of tbe stand which rny Government has adopted in this matter. 11. 1 am. of course, aware that the Government of Cyprus has contested the continuing validEy of the Treaty of Guarantee. The Fore@ Minister of Cyprus spoke at our last meeting in that sense. 1 am bcund therefors to take tbis opportunity of restating briefly the position af my Government. 12. It is tbat the Treaty of Guarantee 5 part and parcs1 of the series of treaties upcn which the independence of Cyprus depends. All of these treaties. sud indeed the Constitution of Cyprus itself. were frsely negotiated between the parties directly concerned. 1 believe it to follow that changes cari be brought about only through negotiation. or by any other method acceptable to the parties ooncerned: the treaties cari neither be abrogated unilaterally nor disposed of in any other way. Members of this Council will, 1 believe. recoguize that there must be respect for international treaties and that, if they do become a matter of dispute. such dispute cari only be settled by negotiation and by agreement. 13. In the partioular circurnstancss of Cyprus it 5 clearly evident that. If any of the partles fail to set in accorclance with the principle which 1 bave 14. The Foreign Minister of Cyprus has argued that there is no tension in Cyprus. But no one who has read the Secretary-General’s report of 29 July [S/SSSS] oan doubt that the result of the enactment of the new electoral law has been to make the situation more difficult. It has led to parallel action by the Turkish Cypriot lerders and representatives. ofwhich we take precisely the same vlew. 14. a soutenu quiconque du gation tat voque et nous 15. In sum, we can only regard the action of the Cyprus Government in enacting its recent legislation as against the interests of a11 who wish to sec a peaceful solution of the Cyprus problem. If any action is taken to put it into effect, there is a risk of a dangerous increase in tension between the two oommunlties. It has been the consistent purpose of tbls Council to avoid such tensions. 1 therefore urge the Cyprus Government net to take any further measures seeklng to put that leglslation into effect. 15. gation comme désirent pacifiwe. soit, reux constant nature. Gouvernement mesures 16. With this in mind. my delegation welcomes the counsels of moderation glven by Mr. Bernardes and General Thimayya to the Government of Cyprus and to the Turkish Cypriot leaders and the appeal made by the Secretary-General on 27 July. We are glad to see from paragraph 26 of his report that the Secretary- General has received suitable assurances that both sides Will exercise restraint and avoid any actions which might precipitate a crisis. Those counsels of restraint and moderation are fully in accord with the resolution 186 (1964). and 1 believe the members of the Counoil Will agree with us upon the paramount need for strict observance of that resolution by a11 concerned. 16. conseils général dirigeants 27 heureux rapport que Bviteront Ces tement pense moi lution ressés.

During the past few months we had been heartened by indications that tension in Cyprus was diminishing. In. this connexion, 1 rec?ll the relatively optimistic note sounded in the Secretary-General’s report of 10 June 1965 when he said: 17. l’anglais]: ét6 allait le ton relativement g6néral écrivait: “Throughout the last month of the period under revlew the situation has been especially quiet, and there is evidence of a renewed determination. in some of the quarters most directly conoerned, to prevent disturbanoes. at least during the current politically delicate period.” [S/6426, para. 39.13/ 18. NO~. however. we bave befcre us a report by the SecretarpGeneral which revives the serious concern which the situation in Cyprus has so oflen occasioned during the past year and a half. Parenthetically. 1 wculd like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General and his staff for the promptness with which he prepares these reports: they are, indeed, invaluable In guiding OUIdiscussions. We note from the report in question that in the wcrds of the Secretary-General “certain important developments which have taken place in Cyprus recently . . . bave increased tension in the island” [S/6569. para. 11. 19. It appears that the Greek Cypriot members of Parliament. faced with the fact that their mandate would expire on 16 August, passed a law which would permit the extension of their mandate and that of the government In office for up tc an additional year without the necessity of elections. Hcwever, the Secretary-General reports that the Government of Cyprus has net been content to extend its mandate but has gone one step further and amended the electoral law. In SO far as the TurkIsh Cypricts and the Government of Turkey and at least one cther of the guarantor Pcwers are concerned. this act is inconsistent with the London-Zurich Agreements and the Constitution of Cvnrus. But one does not bave tc Invoke legal judgeme& to recognire that this action could hardly qualify as “restrained” within the terms of resolution 186 (1964) of the Security Council. 20. The bas% elements of my delegaticn’s approach to this prcbb m continue to be those whichthis Council set fcrth ir that resolution. We continue tc maintain that treatids cannot be amended or abrogated unilaterally. We remain of the view that the solution to this problem must be, in the words of that resolution. “agreed” and “peaceful”. Strict adherence tc paragraphs 1 and 3 of the resclution remains a necessity if we are to progress towards such a solution. It Will be recalled that thcse paragraphs cal1 upon Member States to refrain frcm any action or threat of action likely to worsen the situation in Cyprus or to endanger international peace; and cal1 upon the comnnmities in Cyprus and their leaders to act with utmcst restraint. 21. Once again. Mr. Secretary-General, we are indebted tc you and to your representative in Cyprus. kIr. Bernardes, and tc the Commander of the United Nations Force. General Thimayya, for prompt action in making the good offices of UNFICYP available tc the parties directly concerned. thus keeping open the channels of communication betsveen them. We are grateful. tco. for your promptness in urglngutmost restraint upon the parties and the necessity to avcid actions which might precipitate a crisis. We note 22. My delegation would like to lend its voice to the support of the appeal that you bave made. We trust that the assuranoes you bave received wiII be respected. We trust, also, that the representative of Cyprus Will report to his Government the concern whlch bas been expressed in thls Council about the passage of the electoral Iaw and the inconsistency of its enactment, at this time and under these circumstances, wlth the spirlt and letter of resolution 186 (1904). 23. 1 turn now, Mr. President. to oonsideration of the steps that this Council can usefully take in the situation. 1 think that the first step we must take is ohvious. Whatever legal rights any of the parties claim, we must join the Secretary-General in urging the communlties on the island and all others conoerned once again. in the language of resolution 186 (1964). to vact with the utmost restraint” and to “refrain from any action or threat of action likely to worsen the situation in the sovereign Republic of Cyprus or to endanger international peace”. We urge them equally to endeavour to negotiate and accommodate their differences wlth the fuIlest respect for the rights of a11 concerned. 24. My Government believes that with. good-wlll, sincere and unremitting efforts on the’part of all parties concerned and the patient and contlnuous exercise of restraint which this Council urged in its resolution 186 (1964). a solution to the problem of Cyprus cari be found.

My Government had welcomed the improvement over the past few months in the situation in Cyprus. It had noted the fact that no major incident had occurred for some time and that local friction had decreased. It had also noted. as a particularly encouraging sign, that contact had been established through the normal dio).omatic channel between the Governments in Athem &d Ankara. There was therefore, it seemed to us, a( Ieast some hopt of progress towards a solution. 26. That hope Will, of course, remain SO long ae the parties endeavour-as they assure us theywlll-tc comply with the recommendations of the Council especialIy resolution 1813 (1964). That resolution, il 1 may refer once again to its key provisions, callec upon Member States ‘to refrain from any aCtiO1 or threat of action likely to worsen the situation ir. the sovereign Republic of Cyprus”, and recommended that “a peaceful solution and an agreed settlement of the problem confronting Cyprus” should bk sought. 27. There cari be no doubt, however, that the decisiom taken by the Cypriot Government and Parliamenthava 34. Tbe Soviet Unian, in the interest of ail Cypriots, favoms a solution of the Cyprus question based on respect for the iadependenoe, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus and observance of tbe Begtti~ate rigbts of Cyptiots whetber of Greek or Turkish origia. 36. Tbe baslc deoision of the Seourity Council on tbe Cypua question, of course. is resolution 186 (1364). 36. R is essential that all interested parties and alP Skates IVIembers d the United Nations should com@y witb that sesolution. wbicb was tmanimously adopted by tbe Security Coumil aad suppmted by the Merested part&. and sbould refrain, in accordame witb tbe provisions of tbe resolution. from w action ltkely to wopsen the situation in Cyprus. 37. Tbose are the basie considerations wbich tbe Soviet delegation wisbes to put forward and bring to tbe attention of merobers of tbe Security Councll at tbis stage. 38. Tbe PRESIDENT: The next speaker inscribed in my list is tbe representative of Turkey, on whom 1 now ca& 3% Mr. ERALP (Twkey): Wben 1 express4 my astonishmeat at the hst meeting of the Councll with regard to tbe statement of tbe representative of Greece. 1 said that 1 might bave to corne back to the subjeot Pater. 1 regret that I bave to do tbat. But in the meantime a careful study of the text of that statement bas turned my astonisbment ïnto dismay. 40. As I said at tbe la& meeting, the Greek and Turkisb Governments are presently engaged in a series ot conversations in order to try to find the basis for a peaeeful solution to the problem of Cyprus. My Government in full good faith seeks a solution to wbich net only the Greek Government but al? tbe parties to the diqmte cari agee if and when they abandon the useless and perilous courss of trying to Pmpose a solution by force and by faits accomplis. 41. We are avare that Greece is presently in the throes of an acute political crisis. Again. in good faith the Foreign Minister of Turkey has solemnly declared tbat Turkey would never seek to take advzntage of tbe present political turmoil in Greece. It was, theîefore. in similar gond faith. and in order to avoid poisoniug the atmospbere of the talks between Greece and Turkey, that I meticulously refrained from reiterating to the Council some well-known truths whïch should always be borne in mind if the truc proportions of the Cyprus question are to be observed. 42. 1 did net mention, for instance, that Greece is the prime culprit in the deterioration of the Cyprus question down to ils present dangerous level. 1 carefully refrained from reminding tlte Conncil that a 43. 1 did wt qacte frcm the speech wbich General Gri~s, tbe Commander-in-Cbief of ail Greek and Greek Cyprict forces in Cyprus. delivered to the new recruits of tbe Limasscl asea cnly last week, wb‘ere he said on 28 JuIy: ‘Tbere is no pcwer cther than armed force that cm hpkm@nt pclicy. The !Fu&s, of course. are inst m, but we shail impose it. Offices frcm Greeeeee bave been sent tc Cyprus for that purpose. EIellenisaisara bas given us the armements for that puqm.e. We are strong. We CBR impose whatever we want. Wbat we want fs to Ix? united with Greece sud we sball attaiu cur goal.” 44. 1 even refrained frcm qucting AmbassadcrLiatis bimself. fn a lettes whfcb he wrcte tcthe Jacan Times of Tokyo, d 13 Marcb 1965, Ambassador Liatis. wbo was tben Greek Ambassador tc Tokyo. said: mThe nabaI solution. wbich is union of Cyprus witb Gmeee-natua because it is in the normal ccntext of thiags md presents the least of difficulties if respect of a11 aspects of the prcblem-is strcngly cppcsed by Ankara. I, for cne. wculd hardlycbject tc Cyprus’ remaining independent-truly independentas tbis wculd result in Greece’s dispcsing of twc votes in tàe Uuited Nations instead of “ne.” 45. This is very enlightening indeed. as it shows wbat type of Yrue indepeudence” Ambassador Liatis bas in store for Cyprus: in the best of circumstances, a satellite of Greece, net even having an independent vote in the Uufted Nations. 46. I refrained frcm dcing ail thjs, as Isay, in crder tc avcid poiscriingthe atmcsphere cfthe Greek-Turkish talks. which are the cnly glimmer of hcpe on the horizon. But ncw my ccuntry and its pclicies bave been subjected tc a scurrilcus and baseless attack by tbe representative of Greece. Ambassador Liatis, whc uujustly aocused my Gcvernment of grcss exaggeraticna and sheer fabrications. shculd bave kncwn that his cwn Government was very much alarmed by tbe twc recent enactments of the GreekCyprict &gime and was fully ccgnizant of the dangercus situation which thsy had created. Furthermcre. theSecretary-General of the United Nations has himself repcrted that these Imve increased tension in the island. Eut apparently Ambassador Liatis thinks cthertise. The statement of Ambassador Liatis canuct fail tc envencm tbe atmcsphere. and the situaticnwhàch it has createdwill. of course. cast grave dcubts on the sincerity and gcod faith of the Greek Government. The Ccuncil Will alsc dcubtless draw its own conclusions. 59. 1 ketray no secret wken 1 say tkattbere vfas bere a asbate on cyprus 5e ws 3-w ao useful pose. eed, it mck a debate could jeopardisetke situar.-d5 md tke efforts tocards a pditical solution. sbme coldd of tbe n tbe ion tkat tbe debate could be circumscribed eted on tke l-lmkisk Government’s awn terms. tkat is. by concentrattng on a single, isolated eV&. 53. If tkat vas the aûsumption, 1 aare say it waa over-optimistic. As a rule, all questions wkich reack tke Security Ccmoik axe complex, amI Cyprus is no exception. In su& co%plex questions it is no0 possible to isolate a simIe fact and to judge it on its own merils. AU facts kave to be considered and rdated to a tider content. 54. Tke recent meaawes takeenky tke cyprus Governrit$ kad net trfed to abuse tke granted it under tkat Constitution. ent moved to improve thecomstitutien. tke Tmkisk Government blccked tke endeavour. Tkera came the tkreats of military intervention. tke atiemPti3 at de facto partition, tke long abstention of of Tarldsk Cyprfot officiais from tkeir dWes and 55. In the mSantime. the Cyprus Government had to ensure the functioning of the State and essential public services. TO do that. it had to take practical administrative and leglslative measures. TheTurkish Government did protest maay of them. But nevertheless tbey were necessary and bave been vindicated by the fmproving material conditions in the island and the consolidation of law and order. 56. New the Turkish Govermnent would wish the Conncil to disregard a11 the regrettable events wbich could SO easily bave been avoided if it had only been content to leave Cyprus alone. And it expects the Greek delegation to stand idly by in this Council while the Cyprus Govermuent is beingunjustly accused and abused. 1 venture to say that this is too muoh to expect. 57. Al1 along, my Government has displayed moderation and exercised restraints, for which it has been praised in this Cou&l and elsewhere. It has not departed from that course at this stage and intends to pursue it in the future. 58. 1 must aow revert again to resolutiou 186 (1964). a milestoue in the Cyprus question before the Security Council. It calls for a speedy settlement, but after a year and a half the solution is still not in sight. Turkey rejects <any formula which would preserve tbe sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic. She denies the people of Cyprus as a whole the right to self-determination, while at the same time insisting that nothing oan be done in or about Cyprus without Turkey’s consent. 59. According to this view. since admittedly the1960 Constitution is unworkable, a11 organized activiiy should stop in the island. But life does not yield to wishfid thinking: it refuses to stop. The UnitedNations and the Cyprus Government work unceasingly to promote law and order and to restore a measure of normalcy to life in the strife-torn country. This effort consists of peace-keeping operations by UNFICYP, of administrative measures for the pacification of the land and resumption of public services and of economic activiw for the benefit of a11 sections of the population. And since normalcy oan be consolidated only within a legal framework. this effort consists also of legal measures. The Turkish portion of the population implicitly recognises this need by inoreasing use of the services provided by the public authorities, thus acknowledging the legislative provisions which make such services possible. 60. Because of tbe ~~~~~ expiralion of the mandate of government o Siam it is net GQvernrnent never entertained a thQ rity eould substitute itself for tke Cyprus in tke exercise of tkis reck clearly lies witkin its field of 5 and tlms eaaanger , as skwm by tke ouncil, our anxiety the rejection of tke mediatio~. efforts are heing ealmly pursued in an effort to iiad a And may I suggest tkat tke Cou&l charge its duty in tkis matter by any action wkick gkt compromi5e tkese two encouraging features of situat1m. ô5. Th@ PRESIDENT: I kave no further speakers currently on my Pi& Therefore, in accordsme with tke C~unoi~'s decision, under rule 39 of the provisional rules of procesdure. 1 shall invite Mr. lksktash to take a seat at tke Cou&l table ancl to make a stateraent cm the question before us. Af the icvifafioa of fhe Presidect. Mr. Lbxkfash fook a place at the Comcil fable. 66. Mr. DENKTASB: Mr. President, I thauk you and. through you, the Couneil for kaving given me tkis opportmity to address you. 67. The report of the Secretary-General gives a clear picture of tke gravity of the situation in Cyprw. The last illegal and unconstitutional measures taken by the Greeks were designed for the sole purpose of completing the process of robbing the Turklsh community of its poiitical and constitutional rights. Tension kas increased. sud it should be understood tkat. if the Greekadministratorsproceedtoimplement 6% The excuse put forward by the Greek side for defying the Security Council is untenable: they evoke once~againthepleathatthesemeasureswerenecessary for the normal funotioning of the State. It is tberefore pertinent to ask them which State they are trying to prote&. 1s it the lawful State of Cyprus, which was aCCepted as a Member of the United Nations? 1s it the State which appeared before the United Nations Security Counoil on 4 Marcb 19647 .The aaswer to these questions is clearly in the negative. 70. It is obvlous, therefore. that the Greeks are attempting to protect the result of their illegal and uaconstitutionalenterprise. Whattheycouldaotachieve by the use of force they are now trying to achieve by means of a legalistic masquera& in defiance of the Security Council. 71. In other words-and 1 oan use no better words than those of Mr. Sulzberger. wbich appeared in The New York Times of 4 August 1965: ‘Makarios has virtually established an unconstitutional dictatorsbip in Cyprus.” And Makarios expects the Turks in Cyprus to submit to tbis rule, and expects Turkey, wbich guaranteed the r&gime sud iadependence of Cyprus, to agree to the substitution of a rule of dictatorship in Cyprus, under which the Turkish community’s historic rights would be buried in a sea of blood and misery. 72. This world of ours has suffered a g-reat deal at the bauds of dictators. It is a fundamental principle of the United Nations to save the peoples of the world from dictatorships. How cari Mr. Kyprianou expect the Seourity Council to agree to his thesis that the wilful murder of a r&lme guaranteed to be democratic and its replacement by a dictatorship in defiance of international treaties is an interna1 affair. and that neither the Powers which guaranteed the demooratic régime nor the peoples whose guaranteed rights are assailed oan do anything ahout it? Is this not an invitation to return to the law of the jungle. where might is always right? 73. The harassed but unbeaten Turkish commuaity which is, accordlng to Greek conscience and understanding, guilty of the ignoble crime of clinging to the Constitution of the land and of insisting on the implementation of the rule of law. has put its trust in the Security Counoil and hopes that it Will not desist from demanding tbat those who bave 60 blataatly defiled the virtues of constitutional law and order should retract their steps fortbwltb andpromisecomplete adherence to the Securi@ Council resolutions. 74. If these measures by the Greek side are not denouaced and tbeir implementation effeotively prepromises to do notbi licate tbe position. IIe rests, but be dces net up aay of me spoils of bis illegal and unconstitatioaal moves. We see from tbe report of th@ Secreéary-General tbat once again Makarios bas consent& Ilot to go aay furtber. wbich means that he WilP wait for Ibe ne?ct opportune time mdthat be bas chosen to sit on bis spoils. But xv@ canuot afford to tokrate tbis aay longer because we bave practicaPly notbiag Ieft whicb we cari afford to Iose. 77. CV.~ position must b@ understood by a11 fairminded paple and by all nations. Cur political and constituti0m.l ri are net merely written words whicb cari. at th 11 of those who bave no respect for treaties or th@ rights of others, b@ tbrown lnto tbe wask-pper basket. Tbese rigbts are a reflectlon ras for four centuries and they n international treaties. They from us by legal cbicanery or by foms. hy attempt to do SO Will net be conducive to bringing peace to Cyprus. 78. The RiIediator’s report [S/6253]-/ is cited in tbe le’der from Mr. Rossides. [5/65’73]5/ ami it bas been cited frequently by the Greek side as a sbield for their ulterior motives. It should be sufficient for “et point out that the Greek side took objection report, beoause it dld not accent euosis as a solution. They say the other parts are goad, because they intend to use the report as a new springboard for getting enosis, eXaCtly tbe solution wblch the report says shonld net be obtained. 72. Tbey did tbe same thing with regard to the Zurich Agreement. as we a11 know, and threw tbe Country into a bloodbath. We cannot afford to be fooled once again. 81. The allegation that Turkish representatives of the House and the Vice-President bave not attended their offices since December 1963 of their ou-n free Will is as false an allegation as the Greek allegation that on that date the Turks of Cyprus “rebelled” against the authority of the Government of Cyprus. The whole world knows that Turks. including the Vice-President, were physically prevented by the use of fOrCe from attending to their duties. The Vice- President’s office was in fact attacked by Greek forces and occupied. The Vice-President and a11 Turkish representatives and officers have carried on with their duties to the best of their ahilities. having regard to the circumstances under which they were forced to live, and proper administration in Turkish areas was thus maintained. 82. As to the so-called Turkish rebellion, a look at the memoirs of General Karayannis Will be sufficient to satisfy everybody that the Turks were the victims of a diabolical plan. General Karayannis commanded the so-called Greek forces for almost a year. and he is a man in the lmow. General Karayannis says that Archbishop Makarios’ plan was to achieve enosis by the following process: first. to amend the Constitution, removing thereby all the Turkish rights which stood in the way of enosis; secondly. to abrogate the Treaty of Guarantee; thirdly, to begin new propaganda about self-determination; and,fourthly,areferendum and declaration of enosis. General Karayannis says clearly that, in December 1963, Makariosput bis plan into effect, and that when the Turks refused to consent to change the Constitution, the secret Greek armies which had been trained by officers from Greece for almost a year before came into action. 83. It is no use elaborating on these well-known facts. but it is necessarv to noint out that. under the umbrella of tbe Seou& Counoil. Makarios has suoceeded in retaining his illegal and unconslitutional position. If he is allowed to keep the spoils of his last constitutional aggression, then he Will have completely achieved the first paragraph of tbe plan which was exposed by General Kasayannis. The third paragrapb. namely thepropagandaforself-determinatien, were set afoot from the very first day of the Greek administration h ik position vis-twzis tbe Treaty of Guarar’ 38 ca%%for the so-called ‘eqressioa of &be? wi% people of cyprusw is tb@ next séep. hcked, we bave informatton that tbe Greeks w%%% prweed to a sham referendum in the weeks ab..ad, ancI they will probably do SO by 16 if the Secwity CouncPl sot effeotively their last oo~ti~~o~~ ssian. 85. There is no need for me to point out tbe tragic rasults of any suoh move. We iook to the Security Coud% ta stop the Greek side from going any furtbeer ai%3 ~$US ~rotect net anly tbe Turkish coranxmity. bpnt also its OWI Prest&e in tbe world. 96. After banaving listened to MP. Kyprianou’s intervention the other &y in the Cou&l. the members Will bave realized the precarious position in wbicb tbe TurMsh c0mmunW.y fin& itself. 87. Mr. I<yprianou pretelads to be tbe Ba~&l representative of tbe RepPIblic of Cmms. andtbenprooeeds to dwlare that tbe Vice-Presicient, who signed his Petter of a intment. and his Turkisb colleagues, tlw Turkisb Ministers. cannot be accepted back into the Govermneut. Wsxler what law or legaI authority cari Ms. Kyprianou oust the Vice-President of his country without any triai, any impeachment? New cari the Turkish Vice-President and his Ministers be declared sebels for no other reason than that they chose to defend tbe Constitution and sought the protection of international treaties? 88. Mr. Kyprianou rqeats his boast that it is the Cyprus Govemma& whioh sought the help of the Secwity Coumil. IIe forgets that Turkey and the ked OM a%so applied to the Security Council. he es the fact that, owing to technicalities and formalities in this Cotamil, the Vice-President was net abk to submit the courplaints of his community as a direct party to the Council proceedings. 89. Again. Mr. Kyprlanou, on the one hand. declares tbat tbese Turkisp~ -Y!cers of the Republic no longer exist. just beoause 2 ._ Greeks have cbosen to ignore them. amI. on the olher hand. in theatrical mariner. tries to convlnce the Council of Greek justice and fair dealings. 90. Mr. Kyprianou said that he had visited three Turkish villages in Greek areas and found ail Turks happy. TO complaints,w he said. I do net know whether that visit to Turkish villages was aotually made: it was net trumpeted in the Greek Press. 60 hr as H know. But I suppose tbat an officer of the C$&q30 who lived in occupied France during tbe war could siml%ar%y bave reported to bis superioss in 91. Mr. Kyprianou objected to Greeks being called the aggressors. “We supply the Turks wlth free food, electricity and water. Are we the aggressors? We glve them facilities to travel. and we help them economically. Are we the aggressors?“, asked Mr. Kyprianou repeatedly. Yes. food which cornes to the Turks-Turks who bave been denied work and any earning possibilities for the past eighteen monthsthrough the auspices of the Red Cross and Red Crescent. is allowed to go into tic Turkish area, thanks to the good offices of UNFICYP. but only after a great deal of argmment, delay and difficulties created by the Greeks. Blankets, clotbes, shoes for 25,000 people who have lost their homes are refused clearance by Greek authorities on arbitrary grounds. When it sui& Greek plans, a blockade oan be put around Turkish areas, to the extent of causing the death of newly born babies because of lack of food and medicine. Eleotricity and water are allowed into Turkish areas only as a matter of policy. From time to time, Greeks demand payment for those facilities, threatening to tut off the supplies-payment from 50,000 Turks whose livelihood bas been tut off since December 1963. Thanks to UNFICYP’s intervention and the reaction of world public opinion to such inhuman measures, the Turks bave been spared. No doubt the bills for the electricity and water which are supplied to the Turkish areas are strictly kept, and when the time cornes we may set off these bills against the damage and destruction of Turkish property in nearly 100 villages, to the tune of nearly $60 million. In places such as Paphos. water and electricity were tut off for weeks, and it was again through the good offices of UNFICYP that Turks got their supply of water and electricity. 92. “Taxes are net beingpaid;yetwehelpthe Turks.’ said Mr. Kyprianou. But a11 Turks who. by force majeure, are obliged to resort to Greek autboritfes are forced to pay arbitrary sums as taxes and debts to the Government before their affairs are a’ctended to. Those Turks have legitimate defences against such demands, but the Greek authorities Will listen to no one. Either you have to pay what you are asked to pay or you may be taken in for questioning-that is the least that may happen to you. People have been forced to pay such arbitrary sums at tbe airport just before departure. If they refuse to pay. they SSQFS?~ asks MF. Kyprianou-trye faceS frcm tbis Couacil. Re tries to aratim of secret Greek armies md February 1963-a fact wbfch t3iseral Karayannis bas mwconfirmeà inhis mernoirs. Tb~se armies w@r@ aoot creamd for tb@ love oftIr@ Turks. As General Karayamds te& us. those armies va+@ created as part of Fbe plan of Archbisbop Makarios te chan on by force, wthe Tu&s refused to by agrseement. Th@ reeent address ox s the Commande+ of tbe so-&Med Greek armies in Cyprus, has b@eti refemed Fo by tbc represenmtive of Turkey; 1 shall tkerefore net refer to it again. 96. But one tbhing r@mafns:th@factthat Mr. Kyprianou a bis masters ehoose to cal1 us rebels does net a the position. $8 eds of journalists saw tbe altack and wrote abat& it. Mot a single one confirmed the allegd x?&di~n by Turks. Nundreds of Turcs were killed by the Greeks: hundreds were taken as bQstages and shot. mder theveryeyesof UNFKZYP observer,% More tban 1.500 Tu&s are dead or vmmbd throogb Greek attaeks. Nearly 100 Turkish VI%~~S bave b@.en destroyed. Twkish orchards and pFQperties haVe ben locted and destroyed. And Yet Mr. Kyprianou bas tbe courage to deny that Greeks bave been on the attack ever since Decemb@r 1963. foreing tbe Twkish cormmmity to defend itself. 9E. 1 wouid ask this Council to note that in hts argument on 3 August Mr. Kyprianou told us [1234th meeting] that the Greeks would continue to press the Tu&s to accept Greek political dictates and that if the Turks refused to do SO, and thus rendered themsehes open to attack. no one should intervene to prote& them, since tbat, in the Gwek interpretation. would be tantamount to interference in the interna1 affairs of Cyprus. In order to prove that tbeory, we bave been mercilessly attacked on a11 sides anci at ail Phmes. even since the Council adopted its resolution 186 (1964). 97. The Greek authorities bave repeatedly defied -th@ officers of the United Nattons or bave tried to deceive them in the course of these attacks. Th@y pretend that they are the government and bave the right to elimtnate th@ Turktsh ‘rebehsn-tbat is. those Turks who bave the courage not to recognize 93. It was this action under tlne Treaty of Guarantee which saved us from further onslaught; otherwise, Greek attacks against us would bave continued. Had the tbree guarantor Fowers acted together in g0od time to stop Makari.os from implementing his plan of aggression, Cyprus would not bave suffered as much as it bas. But 1 regret to note that while this attack by the Turkish Air Force on the Kokkina area is being trumpeted about SO mucb, not a single word is said about the atta0k of the Greek Air Force on the Turks of Cyprus in the same area on the same day. The Turkish Air Force attacked as part of a police action, after due notice to aI1 concerned, in order to stop the aggression against the Turks. It was an honest police action. But the Greek Air Force had asked leave to go to Cyprus in order to raise the morale of the Greek people. and then.onits way back, it clandestinely attacked the Turks of Kokkina, kllling and wounding thirteen persans. gg. Mr. Kyprianou says that the Treaty of Guarantee does not exist as far as the so-called Government of Cyprus is concerned. But for this Treaty, the Turkish community would not bave felt safe enough to concur in the Zurich Agreement. 100. The Greek intention to press on for enosis and to use the Agreements as a spring-board for acbieving it has been quite obvious ail along. The Treaty of Guarantee represented our only hope to prevent the Greeks from accomplishing that purpose. It is because of this Treaty that we can work. rest and sleep. It is this Treaty which has saved us from complete annihilation. It is this Treaty whlch cari preserve the in:sgrity and independence af Cyprus ession and annexation by Greece. Mr. Kyprianou knows quite ~011 that as long as this Treaty stands. the Greek side Will not be able to complete its plan of eliminating the Turkish factor from Cyprus and proceeding to enosis. That is why he is defying it and that is why he has been trying hard to make tle Security Council a party to his interpretation of that Treaty. 1 am grateful to note that the Consensus of this Council is net with him on that point. 101. “There is no imminent danger to peace. SO why bave we been called to this meeting?” This is the gist of the joint complaint of Mr. Kyprianou and of Mr. Lia&. But the danger is obvious and very real. 102. If the Greek side is given the impression that it bas, by its illegal and unconstitutional actions, acquired the status of being able to defy and ta ignore the very foundation of the Constitution of Cyprus and to,repIace it by sometbing quite new, in contravention 103. They cal1 us rebels. Rut the dictionary definition of 8 rebel or a rebellion is: YebeHion is an open renuneiation of tbe authority of government to wbich one owes okdience, and resistance to its officers and la~s.~ Tbe Turkish eomnwnity owes no obedience to tbe Greek mthority in Cyprus. Theere can oniy be a @ypus Goverment as long as the Turkish sideof the a iniaor~Gors 1s incmprated in Ghah Government md the constitutional set-up is maintnined-net otherwise. Tberefore. if Ehis otiadul organisation of Greek kximP>RistraGors tries Go impose its wiill on us. tben we sball react. Ht is our nabral duty to react ~ and we shall react-and the entire mnéter is Pendiog to tbat point. 104. This is the sequence of events which Will be unlenshed zmew if the Greek side is net now pulled back from its ombitious and dangerous enterprise. 105. To say Chat there is no room for alarm. no danger to peacc and security and no necessity to produce a resolution callingupon theGreekauthorities eo retreat fmw the edge of the precipice, is either net to kIlOW Cyprus a1 an or once again to attempt to deceive tbe Council. 106. We bava waited for eighteen months boping that justice would in the end be done-justice. acsordingto the rule of Iaw and not according to tbe length of Mr. Kyprianou’s shoes. If the Security Cuuncil does net tel1 Mr. Kvnrianou that he bas no ri& to ehbk that Cyprus is tire property of the Greeks, that the T.wks are pnrtners and CO-owners who bave to be b.ken ia0 ~CCOW~, that me series of faits accompLk cannot be aliowed to continue and that tbis is the time ta stop. then we shall bave waited in vain. 107. Mr. Kyprianou enunciated bis own understanding of the principles evoived by the United Nations against segregation snd discrimination. 1 do not think anyone was impressed by that enunciation. Tbese principles-doctrines against segregation and discrimiration-were meant to prote& the minorities in a tiven nation by recognizing their minimum rights of equality. Those principles cannot be evoked inorder to rob one’s neighbours of their historic political staéos and constitutional rights. At the cost of repetitien. may I reminù Mr. Kyprianou, once again. that the numerical superiority of tbe Greeks in Cyprus does net place the Turkish community in the position of a minority. He would do weil to remember that the two cornmunities, scting together as aquals, created the Hepublic of Cyprus and signcd an agreemant on the functioning of that State. The partnership is a going concern, and one of the partners cannot bring this to a!1 sud unilaterally by declaring that the other partner no longer exists. If the partnership is to end, then tire paztners regain their separate individuality. We had agrced to that partnersbip inorder to ‘naintain a united Cyprus, in order to prevent its colonisation 108. 1 should like to say just a few words about the “independence and integrity of the sovereign Repubiic of Cyprus” about wbich Mr. Kyprianou bas been bendlng backwards. llke an acrobat, in order to convince the Security Council that he 1s th@ ultimate defender of these principles. The independence, integrity and sovereignty of Cyprus means something to us. We signed the Agreements wbich created that independent republic. 109. The Greek policy is clear. Mr. Kyprianou himself is no longer in a position to conceal this policy, which is the destruction of an independent republic and its union wlth another country. How cari he claim to be SO greatly interested in the independence, integrity and sovereignty of a republic which he is trying to convert into a new Greek colony? How cari he accuse the Turks of Cyprus. who are the sole obstacle to tbis neo-colonisation, of beingrebels anddlvisionists? How cari he accuse Turkey of aggression when a11 that Turkey is trying to dois to stop Greek aggression not only against the Turks but also against the body politic of Cyprus? 1 ask Mr. Kyprianou to remember tbat the politlcal integrity. sovereignty and independence of Cyprus are based on the political integrity of the two communities which bave created the Republic of Cyprus: the political integrity of the Turkish community and the political integrity of the Greek community. Mr. Kyprianou wants to asseil the integrity of the Turkish community but to retain the integrity of the Greek community which he sees as equivalent to the Republic of Cyprus. 110. One would bave thought that the tragedy of the last nineteen months would bave given blm sufficient cause to uter his views. 1 hope it is not too late for him to do SO now. 111. 1 should like to say one word about apaper submitted by Mr. Liatis, entitled “A Mathematical Exercise on the 1960 Constitution of Cyprus”. Mr. Liatis and the Greek side in general may indulge in mathem&tical exercises in order to please their own egus. But political rights, over which the Turkish community has been forced to shed its blood, cannot be abrogated or avoided by such mathematical exercises. It is this mean approach to a human and political problem which is at the root of OUI trouble in Cyprus. It is this mental attitude, this superiority compl@X, that denies to the Turks an effective sayin the affairs of Cyprus wbich has brought us to the position in wbich we now find ourselves. It is the refusa1 to accept us as partners, and the insistence on treating US as a minority, which has disrupted the relationship of the twocommunities. Politicalgreedbas overshadowed 112. In conchrsion. 1 would summarise the position as follows: The Turks of Cyprus are a political entity with rigbts determined by th@ Constitution and guaranteed by international treaties. AU Greek attempts to abrogate those rights and reduce us to tbe position of a ~@remfnorityareunjustifiedpolitic~man<zuvres tbe way to enosis. It is oui deterppose a11 SUCh moves, at whatever cost. We shall net bow to Greek tryanny. Even if left alon@ and unaid@d, we shah defend our political rights ami tbe integrity of our communal existence. We shaB do QUIutmost net to aUow Cypms. our homeland for four centuries. to corne under the dictatorial rule of ias.Wes never accept eaosis. md we sball net falter in the face of Greek aggression and teïrorization. 113. Tbs Greek elements of Cyprus bave no legal, moral or other right to monopolise interest in tire affairs of Cyprus. WeareequallyinterestedinCyprus. We are interested in our lands and homes and in the welfare and happiness of our people. The Greeks are net our trustees. They sbould not pretend to be more interested in our well-b@ing than we ourselves are. 114. Tbeir hop@ is to unite Cyprus withGreece. They bave made that position quite clear. They must understand that they cannot unite Turkish land and the Turks of Cyprus with Greece. They nmst concede our rigbt to stay away from such an unholy union. 115. Their last attempt to reduce us to the position of a mer@ minority is a dangerous step. Cyprus bas been brought to tbe brink of a great calamity by the taking of this step by th@Greeks. lf th@ Greeks attempt to implement tbis last measure and continue to disre Turkisb rigbts, tbe result Will be disastrous for Cyprus. 116. We sball resist tbe dictatorsbip and tyranny of I%¶karios to tbe very end. Armed witb faith in the justice of our cause and guided by God, we shall s@@k peaceful ways to bring about our deliverance from Greek aggression. But if all fails, we shall, with tbe same faith and heavenly guidance. do our duty by OUI‘ constitutional rigbts for OUI homes and for our country. Mr. Eenktash withcirew.

The Foreign Minister of C~~rus bas asked to speak in exercise of his right of reply. and I give bim tbe floor. 118. hlr. KYPRIANOU (Cyprus): Cyprus is not a member of the Security Council. and perhaps it is not right for me to comment on matters which may relate to procedure. Eut 1 wonder whether there has been a precedent in this Council-I am not very @v@rienced in these matters, but I am not aware of any-for an individual who bas been asked by the council to give information to make a speech instead, a speech wbich he would normally make in gatherings 120. 1 do not thlnk it would be right for me to reply to ail the lies which bave been put before the Council by a traitor-a traitor to his country-by aa agent of another country. 1 think the representative of Turkey would bave done better to ask another of his agents to corne to hIs rescne. and net one who served as the agent of another country before he served as agent of Mr. Eralp’s country. The activities of the individual who has addressed the Council were wel1 known. 1 submit. to the British Government even during the colonial occupation of Cyprus. 121. As 1 said. 1 do net intend to reply to hls speech. 1 would rather ignore it; 1 would rather ignore every word of it. Perhaps it Will suffice to say that today was the first time that we have heard that the Greek Air Force bombed Kokkina. UntiI now the rumcnr was-1 repeat, the rumeur-that the Turkish air force, which bombed Cyprus, also bombed Kokkina by mistake. 1 do not lmow whether other rumeurs were also true: that the individual who appeared before the Council today was in Kokkina on that very same night. together with infiltrators from Turkey. 122. That is as much as 1 wish to say about MI. Denktash. 123. In the course of the debate today and at the previous meeting, certain points bave beenraisedwith which 1 should like to deal briefly today. However. because of the lateness of the heur, 1 should Iike to reserve my right to deal with those points, and perhaps other points, at greater length if necessary during the later course of the debate. 124. In his statements to the Council at the prevlous meeting, the Turklsh representative, while, on the one hand. insisting that the Security Council was net the proper body to take up the question of the legality or illegality of treaties. went to great lengths, on the other hand, to support his allegation that the Treaty of Guarantee, which is at issue now. is a valid document. 125. 1 was not surprisedeitherbythe views expressed by the United Kingdom representative to the same effect, for those views were made known to us In the recent note [S/6569/Add.l, sect. 21 which was submitted to cur Government by the Brltish High Commission in Nicosia. The representative of the SecretarpGeneral, tke reply whicb was British Govermnent in its Note glve a 011 to parts QI tbe Pan legislation is net in conflict t or tbe ktier oftbe said resdued to tbe obltga$ions of Member Charter towarcls ‘the sovereiga he repettecl mat tbe most relevant and wrd. y&. ‘sovereignn’, is missing from a of tbe relevant part in tbe British Government% Note. “2. With regard to $be remark $battbeprovisions made mder the new law do not take accoun$ of $he relevant arttcles of $he 1969 Constitution (separate electione. etc.), the Govermnent of Cyprus w-lsh to mske it clear tbat they cmmot. under any circumstances. contribute in any way towards the restoration of the situation enisting prier to Deoember 1963, which bas sinoe then radically ben sltered by the outbr f the Turkish Cypriot rebellion, tbe Turkish ession. the relevant resolutions of tbe Security Comcil and other relateci developments. Questions relating to theadministratien of the cour&, the euactment of legislation relating éo the functioniog of the St& and the management of interna1 affairs are matters exclusively witbin tbe domestic jurisdiction of Cyprus and are the concern solely of the people of Cyprus. “3. In its Note $he British Government purports éo prote& the action in respect of the enactment of the said legislation and does so allegedly ‘as one of tbe Guarantor Powers’. ‘Tbe tiews of the Govermeut of Cyprus on the subject of $be so-called Treaty of Guarantee bave been made clear and are on record before $he Security Council. Since. moreovsr, reference is made to $he ‘Guarantor Powers’ in the British Govermnent’s Note. the question which arises is what action did tbe British Govermnent take as a Guarantor Power when the territorial integrity of Cyprus was SO ffagrantly violated by Turkey in August 1964. bearing in mind especially the fact that the primary, deelared abject of tbe Treaty of Guarantee was the protection of the territorial integrity of C~~rus.” [S/6569/Add.l, sect. 5.1 I 128. Cf course, the answer to this question, as far as Turkey is concerned. was glven by the Turkish representative the other day, in anticipation perhaps of this question. But, really, 1 think this must be the first time we have heard that a country bas been bombed for the purpose of constitutiona order; and perhaps thls is the first time inhistorywe have heard that a country has been bombed in order to protect its territorial integrity, independence, or sovereignty. 129. It has been my Government’s position, first, tbat the so-called agreements were imposed upon the people of Cyprus. 1 Will net refer to these circumstances again. in spite of the remarks made by the renresentative of the United Kinmiom: in mv view. he ought to know better. The cir&mstancea were circumstances of duress and blackmail: they were circumstances of precluding free choice for the people of Cyprus. Cyprus was still a colony under fore@ rule. Those treaties, not only because of their content but also because of the manner and circumstances of their inception, were treaties that should be described and bave. in fact. been described in tbls Cou&l on earlier occasions as unequal and inequitable treaties. as a result of which they cari net be regarded as anything but nul1 and void. 130. Secondly. in particular, the so-called Treaty of Guarantee contains provisions which are contrary to the Charter of the United Nations, and especially if one bears in mind the interpretation given by Turkey to article IV of the Treaty-1 mean the interpretation given today by Mr. Eralp because in February and March 1964 his predecessor was net in a position to glve a direct reply to this issue. Those clauses which conflict with the Charter of the United Nations-and notably with Article 2, paragraphs 1 and 4, are nul1 and void in consequenoe of this conflict, and is, to my mind, quite categorically and clearly stated in Article 103 of the Charter. 131. Thirdly, 1 do not think that the repeated and material violations by Turkey of the so-called Treaty of Guarantee is a fact that may be ligbtly set aside. There was the argument in this Council before-and it was repeated here today-that treaties cannot unilaterally be abrogated. This attitude implies that a country must continue to respect an unequal,unjust. imposed treaty, in spite of the use made of that treaty by another country. another party to the treaty. As Isaid theother day[1234thmeeting], CyprUS is expected to acoept and respect continuouslv the Treaty of Guarantee, which was imposeduponCyprus. which contains basic clauses in conflict with the Charter of tbe United Nations: Cyprus is expected to continue to respect that Treaty, in spite of the fact - tain opinions ëxpleess& by IIe aslced me to stuay tbe be informe& It was net tbe reemds. because 1 ime. Mr. Eralp a.& 1 do net mt present OtheP aay. 1 f tbe soviet Ve of Bdivia. from tbe Povakia aand gim? various atter ht. although it was mt my intention. 1 fed that it is neeessary for me. in spite of my effort mt to lum tbis iato a legal debatte, to qucte me or two autborities. The United established tllat aIy use of armedforce imal relations, otberwise than as provided @bal-ter. is illegal ami tbat no departure froc tbis principle oan be permitted by treaty or otherwise, 1 tbink it foHows that the use of armed force is a& my less unjustifiable if it is allegsdly for the purpose of maintaini any given canstitutional system. 133. B wiBP quote Oppenheim. who. in my view. las a better le?@ knOWI&ge than Mr. Eralp: “In conseqaence of its internai independence aw3 éerritoria1 supremacy. a State can adopt any con- Stiéution it Iikes. arrange its administration in any way it thinks fit. enact any laws itpleases. orgsnize its forces on land and sea.. .v 6/ 134. mmviise, Pentick. wbo, 1 thbk. aho knows tbe subject sQht& betier thon Ms. Eralp. skates: v.. . a St& acbpts its national constitution, organizes its gwemment . . .w-/ 135. As far as intervention is concerned, may 1 quote WaIP. who put it as follows: W migbt perbaps at one time bave been an open qmstion whetber a right or a duty of intervention cotid be set up by a treaty of guarantee binding a State tomaintainaparticular . . . formof government in tbe state to wbich the guarantee appfied.” Tb.at very pertinent quotation continues: “But tbe doctrine tbat intervention on this grouud is either due or permissible involves tbe assumption tbat independent States bave net the rigbt to change their government at Will and is in reafity a relit of the exploded notions.. .* s/ 137. On the question of the Treaty of Guarar&a. our views bave been made clear. 1 do not think it is neoessary to repeat them. Because of the circumstances of the inception of that treaty, the contents, its imposition upon the people of Cyprus. the fact that that treaty was used to attack Cyprus, and the faot tbat the prohibition of the use offorce is absolute under the Charter of the United Nations-I do net think anyone cari challenge that-so far as we are concerned the Treaty of Guarantee does net exist. and tbis is om reply to the Turklsh Government, to the British Government and to any other Government which thought that Cyprus, because il is weak and smaI1. cari continuously be the subject of exploitation, cari continuously go on accepting that might must prevail. 138. This is something which cannot go on. and I wish once again to make this clear. It is very easy for somebody to refer to the relevant Articles of the Charter and speak of the sanctity of treaties and say that treaties must be respected and must not be unilaterally abrogated, but 1 bave not heard anyone say that treaties must not be imposed, nor bave 1 heard anyone say that treaties mnst not oontain clauses that are in conflict with the Charter of the United Nations. 1 bave net heard anyone say that treaties must not become the means for aggression. 1 think the view taken by some. not ooly in law but. if 1 may say SO, in morals, is quite unacceptable. 139. Cypws is net a geographical expression. as the Turkish representative tried to put it the other day. Cyprus is an island with a very long history. Cyprus developeditscivllizationbefore theaggressors against Cyprus came into being and before the word Turkey or Turk became knowo in the world. Cyprus, 1 believe, is entitled, certainly in our century, to better treatment, better treatment by the big Powers. especially those who profess to uphold the ideals of democracy, freedom, justice and self-determination in the world, whereas in specifio cases these ideals are forgotten. and in their place we see interest and expedienoy. 140. At the previous meeting, the Turkish representative tried to put across the ides tbat there was no tbreat on the part of Turkey. IIe tried to put across the idea that Turkey does not threatenCyprus. tbat what we say here, what we argue here and what we complain of here are the usual thlngs, and that what we have predioted bas never corne truc. But do 1 again bave to remind the Council of the bombings of last August-allegedly for the restoration of the Constitution, allegedly for tbe protection of the territorial integrity of Cyprus? 141. The policy of Turkey is quite clear. It has been pursued-wlth consistency, 1 must admit-since the time it was fi+& conceived hy British colonialism. oukI net be unilaterafly abrogakù-Turkey or& ail ri@ts over Cmme and over tbe tiries of tbe former Ottoman Empire. The poliey of division etarted suddenly. The author may been b%F. Lennox Boy& OF someone else in on-but tbe polioy bas beenpursuedby the Turkfsb en-t siwe then, cmsistently. 142. Partition is the fff aim. but it could corne tbrough various steps and stages. ft could corne tbrougb fedesation. This time the word *federation” has a& been mentioned in the debate. Nowever. the other day MF. Insu. tbe former Prime Minister of Turkey, complained to the present Turkish Government tbat it had n0t been abk to compbte wbat he had promote& te idea of division. Of course, Mr. Eralp. wben speaking in this Cou&l on bebalf of Mr. Inonu’s Goverament. wotdd bave denied a% these thinge-indeed. members dthe Councilwf~lremember that he did deny tbem. 1 would net be surprised if some people who are toùay in office in Turkey were to refer to tbat policy of partition and division wben they &o out of office and again speak tbe trutb. 143. But we do net need to quote statements of people who are net in office to prove that Turkey’s p0Rcy PS one of division and partition. Mr. Eralp’s speeches suffice for that purpose. Read them carefulIy, point by point. And the agent of Turkey who spoke to the Council earlier today. ostensibly to C@V~ informatfcn. was much less diplomatie than his master--S could not have been otberwise. Inaddressmg tbis Council. he made it quite clear that in the Tmkish vfew there are two entities in Cyprus. 144. It is my duty to draw the attentionof the Council to certain dangers, not only to theterritorialintegrity and future of Cyprus. but also to the peace of the world. K tbe purpose behind a11 tbese moves is to create conditions in which a new Palestine mav be created in Cyprus, tbat is aut of tbe question: it*Will mean war. There are not two entities in Cyprus. There is the people of Cyprus. It is truc tbat in Cyprus there are people of different ethnie origin. It is truc that for some years n0w there hûs been a Turkish min0rity in Cyprus. They are the remuants of one era of the occupation of Cyprus, just like a number of British people in Cyprus today. Are the citiaens of British origin in Cyprus-or the British minority-a separate entity. too? Are they, too, going to ask for a separate part of tbe administration of the country. or for a part of the country? Perhaps the poor 145. Turkey, accordingtotheTurkishrepresentative, seeks a peaceful solution to the problem. Nice words: a peaceful solution to the problem. That is what the Security Council wants. That is what the General Assembly wants. And 1 must tel1 the Cou&l quite emphatically that that is what we want. But when we speak of a psaceful solution to the Cyprus problem, we cannot be expected just to forget certainprinciples in which we helieve. principles which we are entitled to thlnk that the United Nations believes in also. A peaceful solution, yes. But principles cannot be compromised for the sake of expediency. That did happen once in Cyprus. wlth the Treaties of Zurich and London. It happened because other couutries were at liberty to compromise principles for the sake of expendiency. This time that cannot be done, because Cyprus is not a colony; we are net under fore@ rule any more; we are a sovereign, independent State, as the representative of France and the representative of the Soviet Union said in this Council today, and as 1 atn sure other representatives Will say. One may agree or disagree with certain statements on Cyprus that may be made by members of this Council. But 1 must underline our full agreement with, and also our gratitude for, the acceptance and confirmation of this faot, by vlrtue of which 1 have the honour to appear before the Council and address it on behalf of Cyprus. 146. Peaceful solution-yes. That is why we have endorsed the Seourity Council resolution 186 (1964). That is why we accepted the first Mediator propcsed by the Secretary-General, who was not accepted by a certain other party. That is why we accepted the second Mediator who was proposed by the Secretary- General but who unfortunately died. That is why we accepted the third Mediator propcsed by the Secretary- General, who has been rejected by the sanie psrty. Iiis report has been rejected. And the argument is that an interested party is in apositionto say “no”, is in a position to reject what the Mediator may suggest or propose. 147. The Mediator put forward hls views and his findings. One could have expressed one’s opinions on those views and findlngs: one could haveexpressed one’s agreement or disagreement, one’s reSerVatiOns and counterproposals. But it is my firm belief. and it is the firm view of my Government, that no Member of the United Nations, havlng accepted IvIediator proposed by the Secretary-General, bY virtue of a resolution of the Security Council. cari purport to play the role of tbe Secretary-General and SimPlY dismiss that Mediator. That is net a sign of willingness on the part of Turkey to promote a peaCefU1 solution. 145. We cannot dapart froc our position wbich is: 8 peaoeful solution, yes, but in accordance with the 149. There is one procedwe wkich is quite welcome to us. Turkey kas SO often declareci ils faith in tbe Krnad Natiars. 1 tkink tkis is a gmci opporéunity t0 &~ove it. ht US dQCide in tkihis COuncil-nOt US. because WC are net members-Pet éhe members of tbe Couneil décide tbat tbe Cypru~ problom ~bould be sobea in tlx? XJnitea Nations in accordance wltb tbe principles of tk@ Utiteed Nations. I do net think snyom any kas faitk in tine united Nations, as was eù tke atker day by the representative of eonld deny that. Let us aceept the autbority of the Waiteed Nations and of tke Charter of tbe Wniled Nations as far as tbe solution is concerned. Tbat is wbat we want. We bave net asked for anytbing more. However, for someone to corne bere and argue tkat, yes. tke Uaikd Nations protides for independence. protides for sovereigoty, but tlmt those principles may be curtailed-I tbink tbat is just paying lip service to tke Uni Nations and to tke Charter of tke United Nati is a direct undermining of the autlmrity of the Nations and of the Charter. 150. Kt bas been argued that tke laws wbicb were enaeted in Cyprus were in conflict with resolution 186 (1964). It is very wfortmate tbat from time to time an effort is made to give a different meaning to that resolution. Tbere was nothing in the 4 March resolutîon wkich spoke of tbe necessity or of the. advisabili@ tbat the Cyprus autborities, orthe Cyprus Parliament. or the Cyprus Covermnent should not adopt decisioiis or sbould not enact legislation wbich is necessary for the normal functionlng of tbe State. 151. of course, it is truc tbat the representative of Tuikey in trying to explain wby tbosu two laws were objectionable-and to a certain entent, that view was sbared by tbe United Kingdom-stated tbat tbose laws did net take tare of tbe previous detrimental arrangements of division and separation in Cyprus. Kt was net oui’ intention to preserve division in Cyprus wberever it was imposed. lt is net our intention to tolerate division in Cyprus. If Cyprus is going to hecome a happy islaud, whatever its political futureand 1 think Cyprus is entitled to hecome a happy ishmd, it bas suffered a great deal tbrougb the ages, and mueh more recently-one essential element is necessary if lkat is gooing to be acbieved. namely, tbat forci wople of Cyprus are left free, alone, without interference, without foreign intervention of any sort. Tkey do not need guidance. They do net Reed advice. Let tbem, for a change, deal wlth their Own affairs. Cive them tbis chance. It has net worked out tke otker way. The imposition of solutions, force, b~ackmail. conspiracy. have net worked in tbe case of C~~rus. Wky not take the resolution tbat Cyprus must he left at long last free. alone. to determine its om future, its people to get togetber again and hecome friends and brotbers as tbey were before. 152. Look at the whole world; look at the problems of the world. You Will find turmoil and uneasiness and bloodshed and death and danger to peace and security, onIy where the principles of the Charter of the United Xations are net respected or where they have not 1.<en respected in the past. 1 therefore submit, with a11 the force tbat 1 can command, that there cari be no peace unless the Charter of the United Nations is fully implemented in the case of Cyprus without any limitation and without any reservation. Cyprus cannot and should net. under any circumstances, either because of its sise or because of its unfortunate recent past-and perhaps its unfortunate past altogether-be regarded as a second-class Member of the United Nations. 153. There may be problems in CypruS. We knOW them. We know how to handle tbem; we know how to salve them. You Will not be informed. and you Will not be enlightened, by listening to the voice of the agents of another country. And, in my submission, if you use your own disoretlon-knowlng the fa& of the situation-you Will arrive at the right conclusion. 154. 1 know that this is net the proper forum, or perhaps the proper time, to argue about what the politicel solution should be. 1 bave simply venmred to glve you an outline of the essential principles whlch it is necessary to respect in the case of Cyprus if the Security Council is flnally to succeed in securing peace in that area. 1 repeat what 1 said the other day: Let the Council decide tbat Cyprus is an equal Member of the United Nations. You bave done that in the past. Cyprus is an equal Member of the United Nations by vlrtue of the Charter, by virtue Of its %embership. But, when 1 say that you should decide that, 1 do not mean it formally. Let a11 Of you decide and convlnce yourselves. Otherwlse. there cari be no contribution to peace. The people of CyprUS, and 1 am speaking of the vast majority of the people of Cyprus-it Will perhaps sr!‘.‘ice to s&y that the Greek inhabitants of Cyprus alone are 80 per cent of the population-are decided net to compromise thefr faith in the principles of the Charter. 1 am confident that they bave done the right thiug. 1 am coufident 155. se lasse eu preuves Ckype. de Chypre; trait6e autres BtB üutmduite britnnaique, morceau pays, 156. ckaque des justice miner y avoir meme Chypre des sommes t%he parce par suggests. Let Cyprus setFie its problem witk Fke re are auestions of minaritv 157. We kave heard so mwh nbout Fke suppmed exterminatücm of Fke Twks in Cyprus. Vie bave keard SO mmy figures, some of Fkem fw Fke fürst time écday-SO mmy figures. b.rge and. sans&-SO msny hundreds kiII@d acd SO many hundreds imprison&, and so many deprived of their Ifb@rty, and so on. Weil, ne are quite open. VIe ourselves sxe invüling a Uded NaFions guuarautee in connexion with tke respect for kumm si@&3 in Cypn\s. Mas Turkey dorme tke same in the case of the Greek minority in Is UP? Is it prepared to do the same? Tkat is One point tapon which %@ capI perbaps agree: Fkat Turkey will treat its minoritles in tbe way that we propose to treaF ours. And Iet us net speak again of tke faate of otkees minorilies in Turkey some years ago. 158. Very many legalistic arguments haw been adduced to show that the Cyprus Goveanment, wbich has tke bonour of being represented bore tuday, is net tke legal governmet~t of tke country. 1 think tbe very fact Fhat this is the Government wkick PS represented in the Wnited Nations is sufficient to destroy alIthos@ accusations, aI1 those mis-statements of fa&, ail tbose ünrealistic Merances. But, of course, if any counéry decides éo cease recognizüng éke Govemment of Cyprus-an* in this particular case 1 am referripg to Turkey-it sbould say 60, ratker Fkau try to insult us a11 the time in tbe Security Council azd everywkere else. If it does Bot recognize tke Cyprus Govermïwit, ié ca* say SO: but it wm~~ot. on tke one hancl, recogoize the Cyprus Gaverriment and insult it, on the otber, while indirectly or sometimes ev@n directly describ- üng it as iIIega1. 160. It is not my intention to take more of your time tonight; 1 apologize quite sincerely for having taken SO long. But in SO doing. 1 wish to assure yo”, 1 was convinced that it was my duty to do SO. 1 am net going to refer to facts tonight; 1 am not going to reply to distortions or false allemtions: 1 am net going to prove to yo” any more forgeries-although there are a lot, unfortunately. 1 simply would like to conclude by stating once again that the Security Council ought not to be trapped into accepting something wbich, although seemingly innocent, it might subsequently corne to regret-and perhaps more than we shall. 161. The Security Counoil has rendered a great service to Cyprus and to the cause of peace. 1 would agree with the statement of Mr. Liatis, that resolution 186 (1964) was a land-mark in the history of the Cyprus developments. Despite various dioagreements 1 have with Mr. Yost, 1 would agree wlth hi8 statement that what is necessary is a strict adherence to that resolution. Any attempt to change that, directly or indirectly, implicitly or throughseemlngly innocent words, Will result, in my vlew, ina contribution towards worsening the situation rather than improving it. 162. As far as the solution of the Cyprus problem is concerned, 1 repeat again: there cari be only one. It is the one which the people of Cyprus wlll freely choose, withoutforeigninterventionandwlthoutforeign interference. There are no two entities in Cyprus: there is just the people of Cyprus. It has been SO in the past, before 1955: it must b=e SO in the future. And whatever the outcome of the free choice of the people of Cyprus, it must be respected, in my submission, as it has been respected in the case of other countries in the world. Why should Cyprus be an exception to tbis very normal rule? Cyprus cannot be an exception. 163. 1 repeat: our trust and confidence io in the Seourity Council, in the General Assemhly of the United Nations: and our faith is in the Charter of thls Organieation.

1 shall be extremely brief at this late hour. 165. The Security Council has many admirable quaiities; and the chief among them must be patience. It indeed must have the patience of Job to listea to a monologue of an heur and a quarter’s duration. in whtch net a single argument, trot a Si”gle constructive ides, has been put forward. We have been faced once again with the endless repetition of the same untenable arguments. 1 certainly do not intend to answer eaoh one of (hem; the auswers cari be found in the statements ry dear the otber s 5 time amd @ace fo perb5ps 3.67. As for the Treaty of Guaranlee. merely saying tbat it does net exist, mereIy wisbing it ta go away, 1 nat it cEs5ppear. Kt exists; aur rigbts unckr exlst exercised, heaven forbid. if need be. Kt is aa use to tbe Security Counoil artoany of the United Nations, expectlng ic to tear it in pieces. 168. There were one or two contradictions that are thumb, which bave to be pointed , me of them vas Mr. Kyprianou’s t the Government of Cyprw would never Twkish cammusity 55 apoliticalentity, eantwm. Mcourse,theTwkish commuait zed in resolution 186 (1864) as one of tbe 169. Thon Mr. Kyprianou went on the say that he seeks a Wnited Nations solution to the problem of Cypms-setéing aside a United Nations Securi@ CaunciB resolution in SO doing. The plea was for the Greek Cypriot régime to be allowed to handle its avfn prablems in the island. The Fore+ Mir&%er re may be problems . . . We know how to we know how to salve them.” Of course, 00; vie how you salve them: by sIaughter. by armed ession, by erosion. I do RI& kmw if tbe conscience of the Unïted Nations Will 5ll0w the Greek Cypriot régime to proceed wlth that type of solution. 1’70. Mr. KypHanou mentioned various minorlties in Turkey. Oue might wonder whether, under the Treaty of Guarantee, Turkey is 5 Guarantor Power of the Republic of Cyprus, OP whether it 1s the Republic of Cyprus which guarantees the minorities in Turkey. 171. As for the insinuations, there were some remarks about statements made 5s to the intentions of Turkey by Turkish statesmen while they were in snd out of office. Of course. there are 50 grounds tc that at dl. Turklsb statesmen, whether they are ir power or wbether they are in the Opposition, arc unlted behind one cause: 5x3 that cause is thc independence and political and territorial integrity 01 Cyprus. in 5 federsl régime. 1 say “afederal régime” because we believe that it is tbe ouly r&ime, thc only constitutiona system wbich could glve fui 172. As for the insults, 1 believe that Foreign Minister Kyprianou was asking for precedents for an honourable gentleman, who has been invited before the Council to give information to it under article 39 of the provisionaI rules of procedure. speaking the truth and speaking MS mind. There are many precedents; everybody who is invited here speaks the truth and speaks his mind in full freedom. lf in tbe course of SO doing the pi11 which he produces is rather bitter to swallow for some people around this table, that is just too bad. On the other hand. if there is no precedent, there should be one in order to prevent a representative of a Member country who is sitting at this table from freely and gratuitously insulting an honourable gentleman who bas given information before this Coundl. 173. Unfortunately, the rules of procedure prevent that gentleman from replying to an attack on his character. Therefore. if 1 may be allowed to do SO, 1 wili do SO in a very few words. The words “traitor” and “agent of a fore@ country” were used. 1 reject them categorically. Mr. Denktash is the freely elected President of the Turkish Communal Chamber. He has been hounded by the Greek Cypriot community, and he is net allowed to return to the island, not for any crime he has committed except that he sticks by the constitutiona rights of his community. A rough definition of the word “traitor” or “agent” might be a person who serves the interests of another country to the detriment of his own country. If that definition is accepted, then 1 believe there was plenty in tbe remarks of Mr. Denktash bimself to indicate who answers to that definition.

1 should like to refer to three remarks which Mr. Eralp made which are of some interest. 175. Firstly, he made it clear tonight that the only solution to the Cyprus problem is a federal régime. Did he consult the people of Cyprus about this? Does it mean that the intention again is to impose this solution upon Cyprus? 1 cari tel1 him quite clearly, if he does net wish me to speak on behalf of the whole population of Cyprus, that 1 still insist that 1 speak on bebalf of 30 per cent of the population of Cyprus. plus a certain goodly percentage of the Turkish minority and of the other minorities. The solution he has in mind is out of the question. If the intention is to impose it, 1 ask you to draw your ovm conclusions again. 176. Mr. Eralp helped me in a way by opening his mind. by making it clear, if there was any point which was vague and about which there was still doubt in the mind of anyone, that Turkey decides the solution of the Cyprus problem in the same way that Turkey decides that Cyprus must have no laws and must net extend the term of office of the Government or the term of office of the President. Yet Turkeyis devoted antee ~SE?S mt exist, but tke problem now before the Securïty Coumil is mt a legal one. it is a problem of intentioa. What are thesa rights that Turkey kas in 5ind to exercise? Is it force? Et is your duty to take SCS%JS m&e of tbat. If it were not force, probably MT. Eralp wmk? mot bm? used the phrase. “Neaven fmbid if apecessary”. Mr. EsaIp assisted me and in a way I to Mm because the problsm before you I iatentionn of Turkey. Of course, they do when tkey are going to exercise those s, or bw. Tkey do notteIIuswkem tbey are going to attack Cyprus. or in wbat way. by air or by sea. is tkese. main conoernoftheSeomityCouncil. Tbis falls within tke primary responsibility aud the fmwtlons of the Seewity Couacil, so 1 would draw your atteEeation to bis staatement, 180. In the thiird and -1asé point he made, he tried to minimlze. in a way to abject and ina way to scorn the rema&s which I made in connexion with the solution of tbe Cyprus problem to tbe effect tbat the people of Cyprus are able. ready and willing to live togsther aad salve tbeir own problems. If 1 remsmber well, a sitiar phrase was used by the Secretary-General in one of bis reports. Mr. Eralp said, “By slaugbterR. IIe said Bat we are going to slaughter the Tu&s-tke same argument again. 181. I repeat, we want to salve the Cyprus problem with the United Nations, wlth the United Nations Mediator. with the United Nations Securiiy Council, with the United Nations General Assembly. With regard to ths slaughter and this continuai danger to the lives of the Turkish minority. again 1 repeat. WG offer to invite and ask for a Unitsd Nations guarantee. New many countries in the world would be prepared to do the same? 182. 1 CIO n0t WIsh to say any more tonigbt. I realiae that this debate. wblch perhaps was to bave been a very short one. bas developed into a rather extensive one. 1 siucerely believe this is not my fault, but, on the other hand, 1 must be excused if I feel it necessary to reply to certain things wbich are said from time to Lime in this Counoil.

From consultaticns, I understand that the members of tke Counctl would wisk to resume consideration of this item on its agenda on EIZonday ne.& 1 tberefore propose to adjourn the meeting until 3 p.m. on Mouday, 9 August. The meeting rose at 6.30 p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS United Notions publications moy be obtained distributors throughout the world. Write to: United Notions, Sales Section, COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS Les publications des Notions Unies sont agences dépositaires du monde entier. Informer-vous ou adressez-vous 6: Nations Unies, Section CO&40 CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES Las publicaciones de las Nociones Unidos casos distribuidoros en todos partes del dirijose a: Naciones Unidos, Secci6n de Venta, Litho in U.N. Price: $US. 1.00 (or equivalent in other