S/PV.1250 Security Council

Under rule 18 of our provisional rules of procedure, the representative of Bolivia is agatn President of the Council. As on previous occasions, we assume tbis office with a feeling of modestyandprofoundresponsibility. 1 am sure 1 am interpreting the thoughts of ail the membem of the Couucil when 1 tbank the retiring President, yr. Pays& Reyes, representative of Uruguay, for the services rendered to the Counctl and to the cause ofpeaceduringthemonthhe was in office. 2. Although we held few meetings in October, we are ail aware of the indefatigable efforts made by Mr. Pays& Reyes to obtain an impartial andeffective solution to the problems whtch came before us dwing tbat period. 3. Representtng tbe country of Artigas, one of the most worthy andprogressive nations of Latin America, Mr. Pa~ssé Reyes performed bis dutywithequamrnity and vigtmr. It is a special pleasure for the representative Of Bolivia, wbich is a staunchandtraditiona friend of tbe Eastern Republic of Uruguay, to congratulate a distinguisbed colleague and thanh him for bis outstanding service. Secretary of State, tbe Professor at tbe San Franbolivien, Cisc0 Xavier University, the journalist, poet and sous-secrk+ire novelist wbo is Fernando Ortie Sans is already a firm Saint-François-Xavier. le and necessary value in the United Nations, valeur ne saurait 5. On tbis occasion, 1 am glad tobavethe opportmmy 5. to PaY a tribute to your country, SO near to mine in its good feelings and vital concerns. occasion, de profondes 6. We wisb you every success in your termof office, althougb 1 know that tbe legacy I leave you now is fraugbt wlth tremendous responsibilities, wltb problems aggravated by the anguisb of millions of men and the impatience of a universal longlng. 7. Allow me to add my sincere gratitude to the Secretary-General, U Tbant, and hls Secretariat for tbe intelligent and diligent co-operntion they provided durmg my brief term of office. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopfed. Question concerning the situation in Territories under Portuguese administration: letter dated 11 July 1963 oddressed ta th@ President of the Security Council by the representatives of thirty-two Member States (5/5347): L@tt@r dated 28 July 1965 addressedtothe President of th@ Security Council by the representatives of thirty-twa Member States (S/6585); Letter dated 15 October 1965 from the repr@- sentotives of Liberia, Madagascar, Sierra Leone ond Tunisie addressed to the President of the Security Council (5/6791) 8. Tbe PRESIDENT (translated from Spanisb): 1 bave receivedcommunications fromPortuga1, Liberia, Tunisia, Madagascar and Sierra Leone, appearing in documents S/6859, S/SSSO, S/6861, S/6868 andS/6871 respectively, requesting that tbeir representatives be invited to participate, witbout vote, intbe consideration of tbe item wbicb bas just been placed on tbe agenda of tbe Council. 9. Consequently, in accoriance with rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure, 1 propose, wltb tbe consent of tbe Council, to invite the representatives of tbese States to take places at tbe Council table in order to participate in our debate. At fhe invitation of the Presidenf, Mr. Alberfo Franco Nogueira fporfugal). Mr. J. Rudolph Grimes (Liberia). Nogueira Mr. Mongi Slim (Tunisin), Mr. Louis Rakotomalala (Madagascar) ad Mr. C. B. Rogers-Wright (Sierra Leone) fook places at the Council table. Leone) 12. Mr. President, on my cwn behalf, as well as on behalf of my oolleagues whc are alsc participating in the discussion of the current agenda item, 1 tahe achantage of this cppcrtnnity tc entend tc you cur sincere felicitaticns on ycur assumpticn of the Presidency of the Security Ccuncll. We wish ycur efforts success in the cause of peace. 13. In previcus appearances before the Ccuncil in 1963,I made a ccmprehensive reviewcf the dewlcpments which led the African Heads of State and Gcvernment meeting in Adcls Ababa front 21 tc 25 May, 1963,Y to give my cclleagues and me a mandate tc bring this matter fc the Ccuncil’s attention. 1 do net intend tc review this situation in extenso tcday since the undisputed facts remain a part of the records of this co:mcil. 14. As members are aware, the Security Ccuncil, on 31 July.1963, adcpted rescluticn 180 (1963) whlch affirmed previcus actions tahen by the General Assembly and rejected Pcrtugal’s contention tbat the Territories under its achninistraticn are lntegralparts of Portugal. This fiction was in fact declared to be ccntrarytctheprinciples cfthe UnltedNaticns Charter. After deprecating the attitude of the Pcrtuguese Gcvernment and determining “that the situation in the Territories under Portuguese administration is sericusly disturbing peace and security in Africa”, the Ccuncil, in its resclution, called upon Portugal tc implement the fcllcwing: “(a) The immediate reccgniticn of the right of the pecples of the Territories under its administration tc selkleterminaticn and independence; “@) The immediate cessation of all acts of repressicn and the wlthdrawal of ail military and cther forces at present emplcyed for &%at purpcse; “(c) The promulgation of an unccnditicnalpclitical amnesty and the establishment of conditions that Will allcw the free functioning of pclitical parties: “(d) Negotiaticns, on the basls cfthereccgnitionof the right to self-determlnaticn, with the authoriaed representatives of the pclitical parties within snd cutside the Territories with a view to the transfer of power to political institutions freely elected and representative of the pecples, in acccrdance with rescluticn 1514 (Xv); “(e) The granting of independence immediately thereafter to all the Territories under its administraticn in acccrdance with the aspirations of the pecplesw. Y summit cmfme Of Indeperdenr Ah-,cBn sœtes. 16. The Secretary-General, in pursuance of paragraph 7 of said resolution, initiated contacts in which nine African States, on the one hand, and Portugal, on the other, participated. These exploratory contacts, as was reported at meetings of the Council which took place in December 1963, failed because of the interpretation which Portugal placed OD the Word “self-determination”. 17. After discussions of this matter in tbe Security Ccuncil, the Council adopted resolution 183 (1963) on 11 December 1963 in which, among other things, it renffirmed the interpretation of self-determination contained in General Assembly resaiution 1514 (XV) and deprecated Portugal% non-comp!iance withresolution 180 (1963). 18. The latest report of the Secretary-General, contained in document S/5727 of 29 May 1964, indicates that no further progress has beenmade towarda solution of this prcblem, for the Secretary-Generalstated that he “bas not received any information from the Government of Portugal concerning any steps takento implement the resolutions of the Security Council*. He reported also that elections had been held in March 1964 under the new electoral law published 6 December 1963, to which the Foreign Minister of Portugal had referred, and stated tbat he was having consultations with Portugal and African States on the possibility of having talks continued but could report no positive developments. 19. Let us not forget that this new electoral law gave Portuguese ma.le citizens who bave attainedtheir majority a right to vote if they havebeen emancipated and cari read and write Portuguese or if, being unable to read and write, they bave legal capacily and contribute to the State or administrative bcdies a sum not less than 100 escudos in payment of the pmperty tax, industriel tax, professional tax ortaxinuseof capital. 20. Aside from whatever interpretation-and this, we must assume, remaics solely Portugal% responsibilitv-mav be civen to suchwords as wemancioated”. Yegalcapa&?,- -.--, etc., there remain the barriers of language and of wealth which indicatedclearlybeforehand that the majority of indigenous inhabitants would be effectively denied the right to vote, and this was proved. 21. Contrary to what was requested of Portugal by the Council, the only action tsken by that country thus far in the Territories has been designed to tighten the grip of subjugation of the people in these Territories in such a mariner as to assimilate the pecple into Portuguese culture and completely integrate 23. Tbe United Nations Spatial Committee on Territories under Portuguese Administration then reviewed these new measures and, taking iato account the information pn>vided by various petitïoners, concluded that, in its view. tbe reforms which Portugal claims ta bave intruduced net only do net meet the basic aspirations of tbe peoples of the Territories but bave net even brought about, as yet, any signjficant changes in political, economic, social and educational COItditiOnS. 24. Let us briefly review tbe situation in tbe Territories under Portuguese administration to determine what, in fact. is happening in tbese Territories. 25. The United Nations Special Committee on the Sihration with regard to tbe Implementation of the Declaration on the Grantingof Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples held hearings witb representatives of Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea. and the statements of these people who are experiel:sing Portuguese repression are quite reavealing. 26. For example, Mr. Lufuino M. Mu&ta, speaking on behal of tbe Angolan Refugses in Zambia, said that Portuguese rule could net be oompared witb other European colonial r&gimes in Africa. Even in South Africa and Rhodes& where tbe Governments were knovm to be oppressive, Africans still had lïmited freedom of political expression. In Angola the case was completely different. Africaos tbere had been denied free&m of expression since the begiming of colonial rule. There bad been a military buiid-up tbrougbout Angola. In every administrative centre there was a military camp whose task was to stamp out any political reform in the villages. Peuple were net allowed to move from one districttn anotber without permission. Angolans found it extremely dîfficult to fight for tbeir freedom since. once an African was suspected of political activities, he was arrested and Iiquidated. Consequently, nationalists were obliged to organise the Struggle from outside Angola. 27. With regard to education and health facilities in Angola, he pointed out that tbe Govermnent bad built no schools for African ohiidren in rural areas. The few schools that existed were conductsd by missionaries acting uoder Govermnent control. There was no guvermnent healtb service, SO that people stilldepend 28. He said further that the Portuguese policy of “assimilation” meant absorption, and that the entire aim of that policy was to make the Africans abandon their own culture and regard themselves as Portuguese Citizen% Under that disguisethePortuguesepretended not to practise colour discrimination. The policy of “assimilation” was further advanced by marrying African girls to whites in order to produce mulattos who, because of their good knowledge of Portuguese, automatically become citizens. By extensior, the aim of this policy was the complete extermination of tbe African race in Angola, if carried to its logical conclusion. African children were taught the history and geography of. Portugal and told that they were Portuguese. 29. Economically. he explained, Portugal had done practically nothing to develop Angola and its people. Instead they had imposed high taxes. No African was allowed to conduct a business; the African existed solely for purposes of exploitation. 30. In Angola, he also reported, Africans are beaten mercilessly and drive” into forcsdlabour. As a result, millions of Angolans had sought refuge in neighbouring countrics. Out of a populationof only 4.5million, more than 1 million, according to the petition, had fled to the Congo and about 500,000 to Zambia, Rhodes& Bechuanaland and South West Africa. In addition, 250,000 had been slain by the armed forces. Massacres and atrocities were everyday events. 31. As 1 read these reports, Icouldnothelp recalling the statement made by the great American President, Thomas Jefferson, who said: “The disease of liberty is catching.” Africans in the Territories under Portuguese administration are paying a heavy price for being exposed to that disease. 32, In Mozambique the situation seems to be no better. Mr. Zarica J. Sakupwanya, of Comitg Preparatbrio do Congresso Constitucional do Comité Revolucion5rio de Moçambiiue (COREMO), commenting on the situation, said, when tbe independence of Tansania was proclaimed, tbat the Portuguese State security police (PIDE) started a new wave of terrer, imprisonment and torture and that many freedom fighters are still In PIDE’s torture chambers. IIe also stated that it is hard to escape the conclusion that a well-planned genocide operation was beingconducted by the Portuguese colonial régime against the innocent and unarmed Africans of Mozambique, with the aid of NATO Powers. He then cited instances of indivlduals and groups taken by PIDE and tortured for alleged political offences. 33. Mr. Eduardo C. MondIaneof Frente de Libertaç5o de Moçambique (FRELIMO) told the Committee tbat 34. Ths Committee also heard Mr. Mateus Muthebba who told them tbat in Mozambique one lives under constant fear. The term %ommunistn is used as a pretext for indiscriminate arrest. Recently, he said, a gmnp of peasant farmersz dispossrssedoftheirland by Portuguese settlers had complained to the local administratcr. He sent soldiers to gun down the peasants as nc.nnmunists~. 35. Speaking on l&alf of the people of Portuyese Guinea, Br. Amilcar Cabrai told the Ccmmittee that peaceful action such as striaes by the Africans to secure their liberties had broL*ht deatb to river fifty persons and injuries to more than lb?. in less Tan twenty minutes. 36. The first manuestation of armed resistance, he said. had been in the form of sabotage of roads, telephone Unes and bridges. The Partido Africano da Independéncia. da Gui& e Cabo Verde (PAIGC) hadthus succeeded in paralysing movement in the centre and the south of the country. As a reprisai, he alleged, Portuguese colonialists had set fire to wholevilkges, irnprisoned and tortured hundreds of party members and leaders, sonn of whom had been burned alive and others thrown into the rivers. 37. In 1962 there had been some 2,500 prisoners in Portuguese prisons, and at present the camps are still cmwded witb prisoners. That was whythe PAIGC had ltien up arms sud not laid them down. 38. From these statements you cari see that the situation in the Territories is far from being as calm as the Portuguese Government would bave you believe. On the contrary, il is far more dangerous and explosive than it was two years ago when this Council doter-niined that the situation was disturbing the peace and security of Africa. 39. In 1963 there was fighting in only two of trie Territories-Angola and Guinea-and the fighting was limited. In September 1964, howver, the people of Mozambique rebelled against Portuguese repression and now the struggle for liberation against Portugal is being waged on three fronts. 40. The extent of the fighting in these Territories is evidenced Yy the amount of troops and mllitary equipment which the Portuguese Government is obliged to maintain in the Territories. it is reported that in Angola alone Portuguese forces number about 60,000. In Mozambique, Portugal has constructed eight new military bases, thanks to aid f&znn NATO, and it 47. In spiteofCounci1 resolution 180 (1963), grenades, Mauser rifles, pistols, hombs, aircrnft and other weapons are still being supplied by NATO to Portugal and some of these accoutrements of war are being used ngainst innocent Africans. 48. The African States again appeal to ail members of thls Council, to the United Nations and to the world in general. If you find it SO difficult to take any effective measures to assist the people of our continent to remove the coloni& chains which enslave them, then the least that you cari dois to refrain from offering any type of assistance to the Portuguese Government which could in any way be “sed to further suppress the people in Angola, Mozambique, Port”- guese Guinea and other Territories. ut is our firm conviction that a solution to this grave situation in these Territories would be more readily forthcoming if Portugal were not being so beavily and generously supplied with arms and ammunition. 49. Today, there are many thousands of refugees in the Democratic Republlc of the Cango,Senegal, Guinea and the United Republic of Tanzania from Territories under Portuguese administration. The reasons why SO many person are leaving their countries and taklng refuge elsewhere becomes crystal clear. It is not, as the Portuguese Government wouldhave the members of this Council and the world believe, because of the wonderful treatment they receive. It is because of the repressive measures which they find intolerable and wblch every civllized mari must continue to condem”. Indeed, the exodus occurs because these are people who bave experienced the most inhumane treatment that cari possibly be meted out to anybody. 50. The Portuguese Government, lnstead of respon?- ing to tbe urgent appeal of the United Nations in respect of its decadent colonial policy by adopting measures which would win for Portugal the respect and commendation of the nations of the world, has resorted increasingly to tactics snd practices which the world has learned to associate with despotism. 51. Great harm is done ta this Organlzation, which vas created to maintain international peace and security,’ when its Members flout its decisions and act contemptibly in regard to their obligations under the Charter. It is therefore “p to yo” to ensure thnt the prestige of this grent Orgmization is not whittled awny by such actions. 52. As representntives of the African States, we hnve corne here agnin to request the Council to take oppropriate action thnt Will ensure that decisions nlrendy tnkcn by it on the matter of Territories under Portuguese administration cari be respected and implcmcnted. 55. The Coumil will no doubt recall that my colleagues and I bave &@&y taken part twice, on bebalf of tbe African coutries, in tbe meetings held by tbis supreme body to discuss tbe question. In tbe course of tbe full discussions tbat took place two years ago, th@Councilhadtbeopporhmityofdiscussing fully snd seriously. witb tbe participation of tbe Mi&ter for Foreign Affairs of Portugal, the v@ry alarmlng situation prevaiIing in the Territoriesunder Portuguese domination. 56. In spite of the Council’s decisions sndthe General Assembly’s resolutions, however, the situation in the Territories under Fortupese domination is stlll seïious. For the psst five years the Portuguese Government bas been maintaining a state of colonial war tbere and bas been carrying out widespread repressive m@asures aogxinst the uationalists of Angola, Mozambique andso-c<illedWrtugueseGuinea. Tlae people of tbese Territories, repressed, deprived of th@ir rigbt to freedom nnd to free self-determinatien, bave b@en driren to offer fierce resistance to tbe Poituguese armed forces and to wage a guerrilla war which is becoming increosingly expeusive and intensive. The report submïtted by the Special Committee [A/6000jRev.l, Chap. V)a gives a great deal of specific information on the Fortuguese Government% increasingly intensive military efforts against the guerrilIas in Angola, Moxmbique and so-called Portuguese Guinen. It also gives detailed information about tbe incieasingly frequent and deadly actions behveen the nationalist forces of those countries and the Portuguese forces. 57. Guerri& warfare iS taklng over in tbese Territories, witb ail that il brings in the way of loss of Itfe, destruction sud suffering. The neighbouriug countries, too, bave felt its effect. Fleeing from repïession and war, tens of thousands of families from .Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guln@a hav@ sougbt refuge in the Democratic Republic Of the Congo, the Congo (Brazzaville), the United Rewblic of Tanzania, Senegal sud Guinea, creating difficult problems for these couutries and for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refug@es. Using th@ excuse of legal repris&, the Portuguese armed forces bave ‘made incursions into the interior Of S@n@Sl, in violation of tbat country’s territorial integdy. The Senegalese Government has Mc@ sub%fitted complaints ngainst the Portuguese Goverument on that score to the Security Couucll, which discussed them in April 1963 sud Zay 1965 sud adopted ~VO resolutions [178 (1963) and 204 (1965)]. 59. So the situation does indeed represent a threat to international peace and security. 60. At this stage of the discussion it is perhaps useful to recall that the Security Council has had to deal with the situation in the Territories under Portuguese domination on two occasions, in July and December 1963. 61. As a result of its first meeting, which was attended by four African Ministers or their representatives, acting on behalf of a11 the African States, and by the Minister for Fore@ Affairs of Portugal, the Security Council, in resolution 180’(1963) of 31 July 1963, took some extremely important decisions. 62. First, as operative paragraph 2 ofthat resolution confirms, the Council rejectedthe Portuguese Gover+ ment% claim that the African Territories which it occupies should be regarded merely as Portuguese provinces. The Council rightly decided that such a claim was contrary to the principles of the Charter and to the relevant resolutionof the General Assembly. 63. Secondly, the Security Council consideredthat the situation in the Territories under Portuguese administration was “seriously disturbing peace and security in Africa”. 64. Thirdly, the Council further called onPortugal to recongnize the right of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea to self-determination and independence. 65. Fourtbly, in view of the explosive situation prevailing in the Territories under Portuguese administration and the expansion of the guerrilla warfare in those countries, the Council in paragraph 6 of its resolution called on all Member States to refrain “from offering the Portuguese Government any assistance which would enable it to continue its repression of the peoples of the Territories under its administration, and take a11 measures toprevent the sale and supply of arms and military equipment for this purpose to the Portuguese Government”. 66. On the basis of that resolution, andincompliance with operative paragraph 7, the Secretaiy-General proceeded to arrange for conversations to be held between representatives of the African States and the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs. You are a11 aware of the outcome of the conversations, which dealt with the right of the Territories under Portuguese domination to self-determination. 67. In the course of these contacts, the Portuguese representative did in fact expound his strange idea of self-determination, which, according to him, boiled ‘ReaÎfimks tbe interpretation of self-determinatirni in ti&?neral Assembly resolution 1514 ‘(XV) as famws: 69. Xltbougb tic situation prevailing in the Territories occupiea by Portugal contilxx?s to b-2 alambg, we bave mt bmupbt the matter before the Security Cauneil sim3 Wcemnioer 1963, almst tsm yens ago. Despiée ail tbe facts, which inclined us to a jostifiable p@ssimism, we continued to hope that the Portuguese Goverment might endeavour to break avay fmm the strange idea to which it vas committed and adopt a aew policy in accordaace with the eomept OÎ self-determination that had been accepted and ackmwkdged by tbe United Nations and confirmed in resoiution BS3 (1963). 70. A great surge of emancipation and freedom bas tnarked tbe last ten years of our history. Doseos of countries, formerly under United Ktngdom, Belgian or French rule, bave fiually exercised their right of self-determination and bave regained freedom and ind@pendence, joining tbe concertof£reeandsovereign nations tit make up OUP Organisation. 71. The most dramatic example of decolonisation, t of Alger& should bave belped tbe Portuguese C%m@rnment to realize the extent of the fierce determination of these people to emancipate themselves and should bave led it to carry out a more realistic policy which cotid safeguord its own interests and transform the bonds of subjection liuking it to the African peoplesunderits rlominationintoarelationsbip of honest, free and loyal co-cperation. 72. We sincerely hoped that a11 the changes that hati taken place in Africa and elsewhere would lead the 73. This is not only our opinion, it is also the view of the Secretary-General, who states in hls introduction to bis animal report on the work of the Organisation: “In the case of the Territories under Portuguese administration, there was no change in Pc-‘ugal% position of non-compliance with United Nations resolutions and in its refusa1 to co-operate wlth the Organization in implementingthem. Farfromrecognising the right of the inhabitants to self-deterznination, as laid dovm by the General Assembly, it pursued its policy of closer political and economic integration of the Territories with Portugal.“V 74. Not only does Portugal contemptuously ignore the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, but it also persists in waging a deadly and bloody war against the peoples for which it is responsible. It spares no effort to strengthen its military potential and intensify war and repression in the Territories under its administration. The Special Committee to which 1 should like to pay a well deserved tribute, has given in its report [A/6000/Rev.l, Chap. v] a general review of the situation in these Territories and had provided us with ample informationregarding the increased military effort of the Portuguese authorities. Paragraph 15 of that report states: “A few weeks before Portugal enteredher fifthyear of war in Angola, on 18 February 1965, Premier AntBnio de Oliveira Salazar, in a speech at Porto, rtded out any ‘political Solution’ to thé fighting in the African Territories under Portuguese administration and said that continued military effort was the only way to achieve ‘order in the Territories and peaceful progress of the inhabitants’.” Paragraph 16 states: 75. vre a nrofité et convaincre cinq cains s’il la poursuite clxirement utilise alliés mouvements de il nir nous nationale tance. 75. There is no dcubt, however, tbat Portugal was strenglhened in 3s determination to carry on the war and IAmsify its military efforts by the support of its friends ami aIIIes in tbe Atlantic Pact. Itwould be hard to convince us that FortugaI coiuld bave resisted the fIerce determiuation of the African nationakts for five years if it had net been assistedfmm outtide and if it had had notbing but its own resouxes for waging tbis colonial var. SIme it bas been clearly demonstrate& that the Portuguese Government is ~iag modem weapcns supplied by its allies withïnthe NATO fmmework to repressIiberationmovements in Angola, Mczam,;~~e, SO-ixdlÿed Fortuguese Guinea and the Cape Verde Islands, it is the duty of those allies to refrain from givinganymilitaryassistance, especiaIly since, as we are ail mare, the relaxation of International tension seems to allow of the halting of such assistance. pour 76. As 1 Imve already mentioned at the heginning of tbis speech, Iu resolution 180 (1963) the Security Council appeakd to ail States to “prevent the sale and supply of arms and military equipment . . . to tbe Portuguese Government”. 77. It is no secret that the military assistance given to Portugal is being used mainly to equlp and arm the Colonial amny that is repressingourfellowAfricans in Angola and Mozambiiue. The Special Committee mentions in paragraph 48 of its report, in particular, a military communIqu8 published at Luanda on 3 AprIl 1965 wbIch reports “assault action aided by the air force in the region of the Suege Valley”. 78. If any one still needs to be convinced that a state of war exists in tbe so-calIedPortuguese Territories, 1 sfiould think that a military operation on such a large scale, which needs and uses air support, would amply demonstrate the extent of the conflict and the siee of the forces Iuvclved. 79. If, on the other hand, it were conceded that the military assistance supplied to Portugal under NATO bas never been used for the purpose of repressing the libération movement, how is it that military aircraft are being used in the widespread guerrilla warthat is developing in the Territories under Portuguese domination. 80. Throughcut this colonial war, the Portuguese Government has never discarded the possibiiity of resorting to certain methods of napalm bombing and of training its army in the use ot such methods, as is mentioned in paragraph 80 of the report of the Special Committee. The same paragraph reports the use of napalm bombs in January 1965 during military exer- CiseS in the area south of the Ruvuma River. I 83. The colonial Powers, whichever they may be and whatever the extent of the means they use to repress the peoples under their domination, always 2nd by recognizing the inalienable right of those peoples to self-determination and independence. 84. It is for this reason that we repeat what we bave already proclaimed, that it is always to the interest of the colonial Power to recognizeunequivoca~lytheright to self-determination of the peoples under its administration and to start negotiations without delay to find ways and rneans of granting this right promptly and peacefully. The sooner that attitude is adoptedand put into practice. the greater the possibility of establishing friendly relations with formerly colonized territories on a basis of mutual respect. We are convinced that if Portugal were to set out on the path of recognition of the right tc self-determïnation and independence of the peoples under its domination, the links of future co-operation would be all the more promising because it would itself have led these territories quickly and peacefully towards the free choice of their destiny. Unfortunately, this is not the case at present and nothing encouraging seems to be happening in that direction. Onthecontrary, inaddition to the military assistance and support it receives from some countries, we note that in economic matters Portugal has the support of many fore@ interests, b&h in the private sector and in bilateral relations. 85. In this connexion, the report of the Special Committee on the activities of foreign economic and other interests which are impeding the implementntion of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence inthe Territories under Portuguese administration [A/6000/ Rev.1, chap. V, se&. D] is edifying. 1 should like to t&e this opportunity of commendingSub-CommitteeI, which is responsible for that part of the report. 86. Tunisia, a small developing country, faveurs foreign investment in its territory. In keeping with certain provisions of the Final Act of the international Conference on Trade and Development,?/ we regard such investment as an effective means of ensuring 87. Because of tbese facts, foreign investments hitbe colonized mtmtries, insteadofpromotiienomic and saci& development, generally help to strengtben the domination of tbe coloniaing country and consequently obatmct tbe co’onised peoples in the realisation of their aspirations. As the report in question mentions, these foreign interests are impeding the implementation of the Lleclaration on the Grantingof Iptlependence in the Territories administered by Portugal and their activities accordiigly mn counter to tbe resolutlons of the Geneml Assembly concerning the Portuguese territories and tbe principles of the Charter. 58. 1t is for ais mason that the s&-committee appealed to certain Powers ‘to exert their infkuence On those of their nationals whs, ovm and operate enterprises in tbe Territories under Portuguese administration in order to lnduce tbem to put an end to tbeir nctivities in the Territories wbich under present conditions are detrimental to tbe lnterests of the peoples of tbe Territories” IA/6OQQ/Rev.l. cbap. V, appendir. para. 28Q V$I. 89. The situation in tbe Territories under Portuguese domination continues to be of the utmost concern to the Africsn countries and to the Asian countries and many other States Members of the United Nations. At the Caim Conference of Heads of State and Government in 1964, tbis question was the subjectof detailed consideration and important decisions. 90. More recently, the Heads of African State and Government, meeting at Accralast month,Zl expressed their deep anxiety at tbe alarmlng situation in these Territories and reaffirmed the measures they haà decided upon a! Addis Ababa in May 1963. They also renewed the mandate of the Fore@ Ministers of Liberia, Madagascar, Sierra Leone and Tunisia to bring tbls serious colonial problem before the Secùrity Council, the principal organ responsihle for international peace and security. 91. Indeed, the continued repression and war in .4ngola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea bave had dangernus repercussions and direct effects bath on countries adjoinlng the Territories under Portuguese domination and on the whole continent of 92. The situation in the Portuguese Territories cari only be examined in conjunction with the dangerous situation now prevailing in neighbouring countries, namely, Southern Rhodesia and Soutb Africa, Portugal% partners and allies. 93. Surely we are justified in thinking that if, in July 1963, the Security Council and the friends of Portugal had determined to take sufficiently strong measures to dissuade Portugal from pursuing its colonial polioy and to induce it to recognize the right to self-determination of the aeonles of Anaola. Mozambique and so-called Portug&sé Guinea, the guropean minority in Southern Rbodesia would bave adopted a more realistic attitude and one more in conformity with international morality and the principles of human rights enshrined in the Charter. And Iamsure we are justified in tbinking that today we should not bave to face a situation as explosive as that which exists in Southern FihodesiafollowingMr. Smith’s defianceoftbe will of 4 million Africans. 1 should like to point out that, as long ago as July 1963, we asked the Security Council todecideoncertaineconomicsanctionsagainst Portugal, which was persisting in its policy of repression and domination in Africa. It is reasonable to believe that if such measures bad been decided upon and applied in the circumstances tlnen prevailing, the situation throughout the southern part of Africa might perhaps bave followed a different course and might bave been less disturbing than it is today. 94. Indeed, we did not fail to draw attention to the danger represented by what has corne to be called the “unholy allimce” that was being formed among the Governments of Lisbon, Pretoria and Salisbury. That alliance is even reported to have taken the specific form of a common defence treaty between the Government of Portugal, the minority Government of Soutbern Rbodesia and the racist Government of South Africa for the alleged defence, maintenance and extension of European civilization in a11 that part of the African continent which is stiil under Ruropean domination. What is still happening inthe Portuguese colonies today is but one aspect of the commitments of this reported treaty; the events that may occur from one day t0 the next in Southern Rbodesia are butoneconsoquence of this alliance of the forces of evil; the contempt and defiance shown by the South African racists for OUI Organization, for international morality and for the inalienable rights of the African peoples are but one manifestation of the determination of the three European Governments in the southern part of Africa 95. Su& collusion did oct escape the notice of the -id Committee at tlte end of its session in Africa, as lndicated in its report. I 96. As instructed by the conferences of Xeads of African State and Govermnent, we bave for tw0 years d.rawn the attentionof tic Security Couacil, particularly its permanent mem?kw, to fhe danger tc the African continent and tc the world arising from Portugal% blïnd attitude in its policy of repressicn and eXplOitatien of the peoples of Aogola, Mozambique and sccalled Pcrtoguese Guinea. 97. We bave constantly urged the Security Council to assume its responsibilities clearly and unequiwxxlly and to decide on effective measores calculated tc compel the Pcrtuguese Goveroment to change ils policy and to recognize the right of the pecples under its administration tc self-determinationandlndependence. sane members of the Council, unfcrtunately, bave been reluctant tc take the necessary fcrceful decisicns at the right time. Portugal may haveviewed such besitaticn as a deslre on the part of its friends and allies to treat it with consideration, lf net to encourage it in the pu-suit of its anachrunisticpclicy. This same hesitation, added to that shcwn by some members of the Council witb regard tc the Pretoria Goverment’s policy of apartheid, bas been the determining factcr whlch, it wculd seem, bas iofluenced the mentality of the Salisbury racists and led them to persist in their negative attitude tcwards the legitimate rights of the Africans. 98. We cculd net conceive of the situation in the southern part of Africa as other than cne single problem. The events and the develcpment of the situation in ail three countries remaln and will remaln closely related and the decisions from which they arise are tl.e fruit of ccncerted ideas and actions. 99. The gravity ci the situation in the Territories under Portuguese domination requires tcday a clear and fcrcible decisicn by the Security Council. We bave waited twc years, in the hcpe that reascn and enlightened self-interest would finally prevail over the concept of domination by armed force acd that the Lisbon Gcvermnent wculd re:urn to a more sound conception of its duty towards the pecples of Angola, IQczamblq&e and so-called Portuguese Guinea. 100. The Government of Portugal refuses to comply mith the provisions of Security Council resolutions 180 (1963) and 183 (1963). The embargoonarms,ammunition and military equipment decreed by these resolutiens dces net seem tc bave been applied by all countries and thls has enabled Portugal to intensify its colOnla war. The threat tc international peace and security is becomlng even clearer today than it was twc years ago.

Inow give the Hoor to the representative of Sierra Leone.

Permit me, Mr. President, to convey to you the deep gratitude of my Government and myself for inviting me and my delegation, at our request, to participate in the discussion on the question of the Territories under Portuguese administration. 104. It is now nearly two years since this problem engaged the attention of the Security Counoil, following its submission by tidrty-two African States Mernbers of the United Nations whom my colleagues from Tunisia, Liberia and Madagascar, as well as Sierra Leone, were asked to represent before this Council. 105. A%,: a long and painful discussion of the problem, this Council adopted resolution 183 (1963), significantly with no opposition and with only one abstention. It is relevant here to recaIl what my delegation regards as the central theme of tbat resolution, contained in operative paragraph 4, and whlch states: “Reaffiims the interpretation of self-determinationlaid in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) as follows: “‘AH peoples have the right to self-determlnation; by virtue of that right they freely determine thelr political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development’.” 106. It is a matter for deep regret that in spite of this lucid declaration by the Counoil, Portugal Continues to rely upon its theoryof apolitical constitution of Government consisting of a unitary State in the complexity of its Territories Overseas andthspsoPles of those Territories. 107. Although the Security Council has net considered tbis matter for almost two years, the Special Committee has kept it under constant revlew, and it may help us if we direct our attention to the Committee’s report submitted to the General Assembly. From this report, it is evident that the problem is no longer one of mere disagreement over the interpretation of the concept of self-determination. It now emerges as a human problem, the military, economic and political implications of which are most disturbing. 108. Politically, the Portuguese Government has persisted in the implementation of the Overseas Crganic Law of 1963, the chief aim of which is to foster and consolidate the integration with Portugal 110. From tbe evidence thus adcked one cari hardly escape t.be amchtsioa tbat Portugal is cleliberstely denying basic political rights to *&e iadigenous inhabilan% of tbe Territories under its administration. Worse still, from alE available evidence it intends to contime and to perpetuate this unjust and internationally offensive coloaial piicy. Perhaps the political ssnect of tbis prob!em cm be iEetter wderstood ijy a close examtiation of tbe economic policy pursued by Portugal with the active collaboration of fore@ enterpiises, predomnantPy of Europe and of the United States of America. 111. A brief reference to the recent s’mdy of tbis subject conducted by the Special Committee might be “. . . are subject tooppressive working conditions and unjust wagss and to practices that amount to forced labour. Thev bave no risht to form trac& unions. nor do theybave any wor~insurance, heaIth insurance, or old age pensions. Because of years of neglect, continued shortage ofpublicheaIthfaciIities and inadequate water supplies. espeoially inthe rural areas, ill-health and high infant mortality rates prevail. Illiteracy rates continue to be among the highest in the world; though there bave been some token changes there is a desperate shortage of schools ami the whole eduoational system in the Territories under Portuguese administration remains wholly unsatisfactory because it is based on discriminatory practices and does net meet the aspirations of the inhabitants. “The Portuguese colonial system continues to deny Africans the freedom to choose thelr own identity and destiny. Africans must accept the Portuguese way of life, be ruled by Portuguese civil law and speak Portuguese if they are to enjoy rights of citizenship in their own country. In theopinlonofthe petitioners from Angola, Mozambique and so-calledPortuguese Guinea, the Portuguese regime in these Territories remains characterized by the worst form of domination, deliberate oppression anddeterminede~loitation of the Africanpeoples.” [A/GOOO/Rev.l, chap.V, appendix. paras. 261 and 262.1 112. But perhaps the most pathetic and dlsturbing aspect of this question is the size and intensity of the military operations inthe colonialwarbeingruthlessly waged by Portugal in the Territories under its administration. The Prime Minister of Portugal is reported to bave said earlier this year that there was no political solution to the fighting in the African Territories under Portuguese administration and that a continuation of the military effort was the only way to achieve order in the Territories. As though to substantiate this contention, the military commitment of Portugal has increased considerably in Angola, Mosamblue and in so-called Portuguese Gulnea. It is estimated that this war effort is currently costing Portugal about $350,000 a day. At present Portugal maintains the largest foreign army on the Africain continent. The cost of tbe war in terms of human lives to both sides is of course inestimable. cietans of thc paxticular project for w5ic5 it is r reà must be fimnisbeed. GeneraUy, tbe dorer coudries or àrmstitutions insist on verifyiog tbat t9ne pmj& receives the appropriate priori@ ami chat t5e nmney is spent on the desigaated project. 1x1 the case of PortugaI, it is gravely sigWicant tbat tbe cbmr mStitutions m countries argue tbat aid giron is purely for development; this tbey meiely argue. 114. In vies of the usual insistence by tbese sams c?onar countries tbat the money given sbould be used on desigaated pxnj@ts, aad agsinst tbe backgnnmd oj eomphi~ts tbat loans and aid are beiag used by Portugal to acquire amas and ammunition for thc military oppression of the peoples in ils Territories. VE htmbly su--St tbat the donor countries ant institutions ta wbich UV@ bave referred slmuld makf it a point of duty-a point of duty to this bigh Bondy o: whicb they are members, a point of dutyto tbe worldto apply tbe same principles to Portugal and ensur~ Bat whatever funds are made available to it fol development are net misdlrected into its colonialwarfare and oppressive policy in its colonies. 115. It is FI& only tith fonds that Portugal is hein: assisted. Tbroogh tbe military alliance in which it i a partner-1 refer to tbe NATQ military alliaace- Portugal bas access to and receives supplies of thc most modem and advanced weapons. Jet figbters, submarines and otber arms and military equipment con. tinue to be supplied in large quantities to Portugal in spite of tbe appeal of tbe Security Cou&l containec in operative paragraph 6 of resolution 180 (1963)-aa< reiterated in resolution 183 (1963)-whereby tbir Couneil: 116. It is. of course, argued by the NATO suppliers of these arms that they are not for use iu the Overseas Territories. They even claim these arms are given only on the assurance that they will not be used in the Overseas war. But it is difficult to resist the couclusion that a nation publicly coma-ittedto “sacrifices in blood and money” would use ail the resources at its disposai in the prosecution of its diabolical and genocidal intentions. Perhaps it would be to the benefit of us all if these NATO Powers took the trouble to verify that these arms are not used in the colonial war. In the absence of such verification, the best assuxnce we cari bave is that there should be no supply of arms or ammunition oî any kind to Portugal under any arrangements whatsoever. We renew tbis appeal to Portugal% NATO allies in particular. 117. In conclusion, 1 would again respectfuIly invite the attention of this Council first, to the continued defiance of its resolutions by Portugal, a Men&er State of the United Nations and secondly, to the appalling situation prevailing in these Territories whîch continues to coostitute a threat to the peace anc security of OUI African continent and, eventually, tc the peace of the world. We therefore feel tbat the time has corne when positive measures sbould bé adopted by this Council to ensure compliance by Portugal with its resolutions. And it is OUP fervenl hope that all Member States, and especially the permanent members of this Council, will give their k.ll support to such measures. 118. 1 reserve the right of my delegation to ïnterveuf in the debate at a later stage, sb.ould this prom necessary.

InOv give the floor to the representative of Madagascar.

My first words Will be to thankyo1 for having authorized rny country to appear befon you and take part in the debate. Allow me to expres, rny special satisfaction that this debate is hein; presided over by the representative of Bolivia. Hi country has a long tradition of tolerance, generosit and respect for the ideals which twenty years ago, a the end of a terrible war and tremendous slaughter were solemnly inscribed by all the peoples of tlx world in OU~ Charter. 121. At the historic meeting at Addis Ababa, thc African Heads of State entrusted to the fourhlinisterr for Fore& Affairs of Liberia, Sierra Leone, Tunisi: and Madagascar the mission of bringing befOre thc 123. B is for ms P@as011 that 1 earbefore you and m&e here WiIl ix2 those whicll eign A&irs of Une Malagasy delivered had lus ban here task VISAI be made mucb casier t-fiUed statements, SO cloquent t, it Will suffice for me y Goverment fiay fore you on behalf of 125. is one question on which these States are s and flrmly resolwd to succe&, it is tbe question of the African Territories occupied by Pmtwpl and my Government wishes to express Sxthtiti its fuRest agreement with the draft resolution which will lx submitted for your approval. 126. I+%xlagascai is a member of the Special Committee on the Situation titi regard to the Implementatien of the Deolwation on the Grantingof fndependence t0 Colonial Countries and Feoples, which Deolaration appears in resolution 1514 (xv) of 14 December 1960 and by which the United Nations soleranly resffirms Us indefeasihle and inalienable right. iZ’i’. On 10 June 1965, th@ Special Conunitteeadopted a resohttion whose great importance I wish to emphasize ~A/66OO/R@v.P. C%ap. V. para. 4301. In its operative part, the resolution appeals to tbe conscience of ali States of the world, condenms the colonial policy of Portugal and declares that the situation created in Angola, Mozambique and the other Territories occupied by Portugal is a tbreat to peace and security net only in Africa but throughout the world. Pn paragraph 8, the resolution: “R@quests the Security Council to considerputting fnto effect against Portugal the appropriate measures 129. The Security Councll is well aware that tbe African peoples of these Territories do not democratically manage their own affairs. It is also pointless to try, as has been done here, to present the policy followed there as an attempt to create a multiracial society based on friendship and mutual confidence. The persistent reiûsal to satlsfy the legitimate aspirations of the peoples results lntheestablishment of a régime based solely on force, since it cannot rest on free acceptance. In an inescapable chain reaction, such a r6gime is condemned to adopt increasingly arbitrary measures of repression and to maintain increasingly severe and costly police and military forces, which in turn make honest co-operation more difficult. 130. Where Will this tragic spiral end? Thls is the place to ask Portugal where it thinks its policy cari lead it. 131. Only a few centuries ago, Portugal was one of the greatest countries of Europe andevenof the world. Its thinkers, its writers, its inquiring spirits were a credit to mankind; its navigators explored new seas and widened the frontiers of the worldas it was known then. Why in thls twentieth Century is it persisting. against a11 loglc, in a policy of colonial domination which cari lead nowhere and cari bave no future, since Portugal has not succeeded-despite or perbaps because of these few centuries of occupadon-in conquering the hearts and winning the confidence of the African peoples? 132. It should not longer bave any illusions on this soore. Its failure is final and it should realise that, in a future whlch is coming dangerously nearer, it Will bave to leave. Other countries more powerful and rich tban Portugal-to mention only France and the United Kingdom-bave understood this, and yet those countries had pursued a policy whlch had won them great friendship and understanding among th@ peoples they adminlstered. 133. Portugal Will not achieve in a few years what it has net acbieved in four centuries. The peoples it administers in Africa want no more of its domination. They know that their aspirations bave the increasingly active support of a11 their brothers. of the200 million Africans in the Organization of African Unity who are firmly resolved to ses tbat justice is done to them. 134. Nor is the Organisation of African Unity alone in tbis new crusade. Al1 over the world. a fair wind has blown and no authoritative voice is raised any longer to defend Portugal. Even here. in thls eminenl forum where the peoples’ aspirations for peace converge and are expressed, you bave on several 135. Pn ebis year of the twentietla anniversary of tlie founding of the United Nations, the decision you will cake at tbe conclusion of this debate Will be of gravity a14 ti bave profouod reperc;ust only pn Africa but in the rest of the worhl. e bave indeed reacbed tbe laow of tmth. We must m3?v say whether CMP orgmizatian cm continue eo aikw its most solem decisions to remain dead letters and t w a seate to on wilh impunity aenying ehe es uader its inistration, by force, tlleir in5lienabLe rigbe to self-deternlination. 136. Tbe four States representing 280 million Africans. on chose bebalf tbe Ministers for Foreiga Affairs and I haue addïessed you, expect plain and clear clecisions ïrom you. 137. Tbe PRESIDENT (translated from Spanishl: 1 now call on the Minister for Foreiga Affairs of Portugal.

I sballbeverybrief. In .ts.king the floor for the ftrst time in tbis series of meetings of the Seeurity Council.Ihave~~eatpleasure in congratuhting pu, Mr. President. on you assumptien of the bigh office of President of the Security Couacil. I also wish to present to you. and to tbe Ccuncil ttmugb you. my very sincere tbatks for tbe invitation extended to trie aad to rny delegation to participate in tbis debtate. 139. We Lave just Pistened tbis afternoon to four important speeches, and somewhat long speeches. wbich deal with matters of substance, of great concern aad of great importance to my country and to my Government. I must say thai my delegation is not unduly impressed. bat P certainly bave to study these speeches and 1 am sure that the Security Council would wish me to present our point of view and to provide it with furtber information SO as to enable tbis organ of tbe Wnited Nations to form its ovm opinion and its ovm vlew. 140. It seems only fair. tberefore, thatmydelegation should be glven an opportunity to prepare the answers to the most violent accusations and very serious distortions of fact which were made here tbls afternoon. I am of course, NIr. President, in your hands and 1 am in the bands of the Council. but 1 venture to süggest tbat we might perhaps adjourn tbe meeting now and meet again on Monday 8 November. By then 1 would be fully prepared to provide the Council with tbe point of view of the Portuguese delegation on the speeches we bave listened to tbls afternoon.

For the tlme beine I bave no more sneakers on mv list and. unless the members of the Council bave other views. 1 intend to adjourn tbis meeting. Before doing SO, however. I should like to remind a11 members tbat, in accordance with the decision they themselves

Mr. President, 1 should lie to msle sure on which item the Security Council is meeting tomorrow. If 1 understood the interpretation correctly. you said that we Will meet tomorrow on the Kashmir question. Thls seems to be a departure from the agenda we discussed-the item on the agenda is worded somewhat differently. Do 1 understand correctly that you bave in mind a meeting of the Seçurity Council on the question which is on the agenda of the Security Council-the Indla-Pakistan question?

1 ha%? great pleasure in accepting the correction of the Soviet Union representative. However. in referring to the Kashmir problem. 1 said “to continue” the debate. I am naturally referring to the agenda whlch has already been adopted by the Security Council, as requested by the Government of Pakistan in a letter which is included in our agenda. If this explanation is sufficient for the Soviet Union representative, 1 shall adjourn tbis meeting.

Mr. President. 1 understood your explanatian to mean that we shall meet tomorrow to discuss the question whichis on the Counoil’s agenda. 1 am grateful for your explanation.

1 did not speak just now when the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal asked the President to adjourn the meeting until Monday, because Iunderstood that, in taking bis decision, the President had not followed the proposai of the Minister for Foreign Affairs to postpone the debate until Monday and that he would hold consultations. If it was found that some members of the Council were prepared to speakon the question tomorrow afternoon, the Council could hold a meeting tomorrow afternoon. 1 should like the President to reassure me about this interpretation of hls decision. 147. The PRESIDENT (translated from Spanish]: The position still is that 1 bave no SpeSkerS on my 1iSt so far. 1 listened very carefully to the suggestionmade by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal and then said-and 1 venture to repeat-that 1 shallconsult the members of the Security Council in dus COurSe in order to announce the date and time of OUI next meeting. 146. Or. NOGUEIRA (Portugal): Through the President. 1 should like to tel1 the representative of the Ivory Coast that 1 am perfectly well avare that mY 149. Tke PRESIDENT (translated from Spanish): I am able to maintain my position unchanged. After adjowning tkls meeting, H shall start consultations in 0rdes to determine tke date and time of the next meeting. If no member of the Council wiskes to speah again. P skaall adjourn tke meeting.

1 quite understood the explanakàon whick Eke President has just given. Wkat 1 0~2 net understand is tke last soeeck hy tke Minister Em Foseign Affairs of Portugal. The Council cannot teP1 tke Ministerfor ForeignAffairsof Portugal en wkat date he skould speak. Efe will speah wken he wiskes. I skould simply like to say, kowever, that alh of us wko are members of the Council atso bave tke rigkt to speak when we vdsh: if any member wiskes to speah before Monday, he is perfectly entitled to do SO. 1 really do not understand the last speeck by tke representative of Portugal. The Council kas never been known to oblige any party invited to its table to speah on a specific date. For tkis reason. I say in conclusion tkat I understand the interpretation of tire Presidenb, whick kas been and which is in tkeory tke procedure generally followed by the Ccuncil. 151. Tke PRESIDENT (translated from Spat+h): After ail the explanations we bave had the pleasure of hearing, 1 shall, unless any member of the Council wiskes to speak. adjourn this meeting. The meeting rose at 5.35 p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED United Notions publications may be obtained distributors thrcughout the world. write to: United Nations, Soles COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS Les publications des Nations Unies sont agences dépositaires du monde entier. ou adressez-vous à: Nations Unies, Section COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES Las publicaciones de las Nacioner Unidas ~<IS~IS distribuidoras en todar partes diriiare CI: Naciones Unidas, Section Litho in U.N. Price: $US. 1.00 (or equivalent