S/PV.1303 Security Council

1 should like to express-and 1 am sure that in this 1 speak for a11 members of the Council-admiration to my friend Mr. Fedorenko for the style in which he conducted the proceedings of the Council in the past month. And perhaps, before we proceed to the serious business before us, 1 might be permitted to make a persona1 reference to the distinguished representative of the Soviet Union, 2. 1 have never forgotten an occasion, many months ago, when 1 was speaking in this Council and 1 made a very unfortunate slip. My mistake was greeted with hilarious ridicule by the members of this Council and, indeed, by the general public, At that time, at that moment of humiliation, Mr. Fedorenko put his hand on my arm and sought to comfort and reassure me. And 1 told him after that incident that 1 would not forget his spontaneous act of persona1 generosity at a time when 1 was badly in need of consolation. 3. 1 like to think that it is such kindly human impulses which take the chill off international relations. No one envies the President of the Security Council. Next to that of the Secretary-General, his is probably the most thankless task in the world, but 1 am encouraged by my confidence in the support of my colleagues. In particular, as 1 sit here in the middle, 1 have the oomfort of knowing that 1 cari at any time turn for help to my right or to my left wing. If 1 wish to be cautious, 1 shall turn to the right, to the distinguished and erudite representative of the Soviet Union, for everyone knows there is nothing SO uonservative as a Communist. If 1 wish to be progressive,

Mr. Presid-4 allow us firgt of a11 to express our appreoiation for your remarks concerning our delegation. It is not without satisfaction that we note YOur reoognition of the stable and consistent nature of the fore@ PolicY of the Soviet State, although you expressed that recognition in your own special way. 5. We should also like to take note of something else, something which is well known even without the benefit of a reminder: 1 refer to the traditional British sense of humour, That sense of humour has not failed you in your capacity as a representative of your Government, as a British diplomat. We know that that sense of humour has always gone hand in hand with an optimistic view of situations, even when they, are highly complex. We are optimists by nature and we share that feeling with all, including the British. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. Letter dated 21 September 1966 from the Acting Permanent Representative of the Democrotic Republic of the Congo to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/7503)

At its 1302nd meeting, the Security Council invited the representatives of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Portugal, the United Republic of Tanzania and Burundi to participate, without vote, in its discussion of the question before it. The Council agreed f’urther that the representaiives of the ‘Central African Republic and Congo (Brazzaville) also wonld be invited to address the Council when they wished to do SO, 7. As the Security Council table cari no longer accommodate SO many participants, 1 would propose extending invitations, in accordance with our usual Practice, to the above-mentioned representatives, with the Consent of the Council, andto ask them kinay t-0 ta& the ,seats reserved for them. As on previous @XaSiOnS, they Will be invited to take seats at the Council table whenever they are called upon to make their statements. .If there is no objection, it will be SO decided. It was SO decided.

For purposes of convenience the OnlY amendment which 1 would suggest t. w&, I have just proposed is that the representatives of the Democratio Republic of the Congo and Portugal Should take their places at the Council table and that the remaining representatives who have express& their wish to speak should take the places reserved for them at the slde of the Council table. If there is no objection, we shall proceed accordingly.

The Security Council Will now continue its consideration of the question before it. 1 cal1 on the first speaker on my list, the representative of Portugal.

Mr. President, it gives me quite a great pleasure to offer you my greetings as you take the Chair of the Security Council for this month. Your high qualities of head and heart, well supported by the characteristic English sense of humour, of which you have just given us a very fine example, are sure guarantees that in your hands the work of the Security Council during this month will proceed smoothly. 11. 1 Will begin by answering the question put to me at the 1302nd meeting by the Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. IIe asked me, first of all, to give him the exact number of Portuguese nationals in the Congo. 1 think the Foreign Minister should have addressed that question to his own administrative services. If we could have helped in the matter in any way, today we are no longer able to do SO. As the Foreign Minister well knows, the archives of cur embassy in Kinshasa were sacked and burned by a lawless mob ten days ago. 12. The Fore@ Minister then went on to ask how many Portuguese nationals were supposed to have been left without protection in the Congo, My reply is that, if our embassy itself could be sacked and burnt and our embassy staff, including diplomatie personnel and a Young lady, could be manhandled and held in duress, our fears for the safety of the Portuguese nationals .in the Congo are by no means unfounded. 13. A further proof that our fears are not unfounded is that just three or four days ago there was a huge demonstration at Matadi with a mob shouting slogans against Portugal and Mr. Tshombé. That shows that the anti-Portuguese emotions have been roused by the present baseless complaint; and that is why my Government has drawn the attention of the Security Council to this matter. 14. But perhaps those two questions were intended to be purely rhetorical. The latter part of his second intervention was indeed an affirmation. The Foreign Minister affirmed that there could never be any understanding between my country and his until we see 15. In the first place, the Foreign Minister seems to have forgotten that his Government officially authorized the first base as far back as 1962, that is, more than three years before the just-mentioned General Assembly resolution was adopted. At the, time the base was given, the Congolese Government -perhaps the gentleman opposite us was himself the Foreign Minister then-issued a statement to the effect that the base was given to a certain anti- Portuguese group existing in the Congo “by virtue of its”-the Congolese Governmentls-“sovereignty, as it thinks best, provicled that it is in accordance with the higher interests of mankind”. Thus, the Congolese Government, by arrogating to itself the role of an srbiter of the higher interests of mankind, decided unilaterally by virtue of its sovereignty to provide a base for raids on Angola. Such bases have sinee been multiplied. Surely, the Foreign Minister would not suffer us today to assume the same role as his, Government did, and to invoke the same right as his Government did, in connexion with the alleged, mercenary bases in Angola. And he would not be wrong. For, unlike the Congolese Government which apparently believes that hot even the sky is the limit of its sovetieignty, we believe that each sovereignty is limited by the respect due to the other sovereignties. The Charter of the United Nations leaves no margin for doubts or controversies on that point, 16. And this brings me to the resolution which the Foreign Minister has quoted in an attempt to justify the aid given by his Government for armed raids on Angola. 1 may mention, incidentally, that the resolution in question was adopted by 66 votes in favour, 26 against and 15 abstentions. Granted that irreducibly different political opinions are held by Portugal and by the Democratic Republir: of the Congo-we have neveu asked the Democratic Republic of the Congo to align itself with us politically-we cannot admit that political differences justify aiding and abetting violence against a third country . If the ForeignMinlster of the Congo reads in any resolutions of the United Nations a permission for resort to violence to settle political differences, then 1 submit that he is debasing the United Nations to the level of an instigator of violence and subversion, 1 am sure that no one around this table would like to make such an admission, But the Foreign Minister has admitted that his Government is assisting anti-Portuguese elements and he has not denied that one of the forms of that assistance was the providing of bases in the Congo fox 17. Having said that, by way of reply to the remarks made by the Foreign Minister of the Congo at the latter stage of the last meeting, 1 shall now proceed to comment on his earlier statement-that is, on the contents of his allegations against Portugal. 18. The Foreign Minister of the Congo has stated his case. 1 have gone through his statement carefully, and I am constrained to say that the greater part of it is irrelevant to the subject of the present complaint. No problem of a general order related to any Portuguese territory is now under discussion. My delegation Will therefore not reply to suoh general allegations as are contained in the Congolese Foreign Minister’s statement, 19, 1 have already told the Council that there are neither mercenaries nor camps ‘nor war material in1 Angola meant to disturb the peace of the Democratic Republic of the Congo or of anyone else. 1 have made that categorical statement, and 1 now reiterate it. 1 have also told the Council that assurances in that regard were given to the Congolese Government-in fact, suoh assurances were given even before this complaint was filed. However, the Congolese Government has not thought it improper to corne before the Security Council. In other words, the Congolese Government has chosen to cloubt the word of the Portuguese Government. We could consider that attitude of the Congolese Government and the manner in which it has expressed that attitude in its letter of complaint [S/7503] as offensive and uncalled for, but we would rather attribute it to an excess of intemperate language. For even more objectionable are the utterly false allegations with which the Congolese Government seeks to justify its mistrust of Portugal. 20. It is alleged by the Foreign Minister of the Congo that at the end of the Katanga secession “approximately 4,000 men, carrying with them a considerable amount of military equipment, took refuge in Angola” [1302nd meeting, para. 391. According to the Foreign Minister, representations were made to Portugal bath by the Secretary-General and by the Congolese Government. Still, according to the Fore@ Minister, “Portugal replied that there was no such camp on its territory and that the troops alleged to be on its territory were the fruit of the imagination of the Secretary-General and of the Congolese Government” [im.]. Al1 that is untrue, absolutely untrue, as 1 shall proceed to demonstrate. 21. Portugal never denied that some elements of the old Katangese forces had entered Angola, In fact, Th5t PreSs note was issued on 12 February 1963. 1 bave n& invented it. This shows that the Portuguese Government never denied that some elements of the old Katangese forces had entered Angola, but they were disarmed and interned in accordanoe withinternation51 law. 22. The Portuguese Government could not have prooeeded more correctly. But the end of the secession of Katanga did not end the interna1 troubles in the Congo. The Congolese saw dark shadows looming evarywhere, and now and again interested parties were not wanting ta raise the bogey of mercenaries drilling and regrouping in Angola. That campa@ of falsehood was intensified in early 1964 and the Secretary-General was moved to contact the Portuguese Government on the subject. On 13 March 1964 the Permanent Mission of Portugal replied to the Secretary-General, not indeed saying that it was a11 “the fruit of the imagination of the Secretary-General” -as the Foreign Minister alleged that we had saidbut in the terms of the foliowing note that I shall quote : “The Portuguese Government has studied with attention the letter under reference and, having carried out the necessary investigations, cari cstegorically affirm that the rumours whichYour Excellency mentioned are devoid of foundation. “In effect, no movement of Katangese elements took place in the direction of Angola. Neither do we understand the allusions made to regrouping which the Katangese gendarmerie might be effecting in Portuguese territory, as there is not the least basis for them. On this point, the Portuguese Government wishes to reaffirm its declaration of 12 February 1963 “-the declaration which 1 have just quoted- “which is known to the Secretariat, and to recall the statement made before the 1083rd meeting of the Security Counoil regarding respect for the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville)“--that is how it wae then known, it is now Kinshasa. “On the other hand, the Portuguese Government CannOt refrain from taking note of the seriousness which you justly attribute to the existence of external bases from where attacks may be launched against oontiguoue foreign territory. For this reason Your Exoellenoy oonsidere that these illegal bases conetitute a danger which threatens security and cari provoke violence. The Portuguese Government ehares your point of view entirely”-in other words, his point of view that such bases are illegal, conetitute a danger which threatens securitY and cari provoke violence- “and, because it does not think that this view is of a restr!ated or one-sided ap- 23. 1 apologize for the length of this quotation, but in view of the charge of duplicity gratuitously levelled at us by the Congolese Government, this matter must be fully elucidated. 24. The Foreign Minister of the Congo has told the Council that: “in July 1964, when Ms. Tshombé came to power as Prime Minister and rebellion was at its height in the Congo, these emerged from Angola, as if by magie, whole battalions of gendarmes, officered by well-trained, well-equipped and well-armed mercenaries” [1302nd meeting, para. 401. This is a wild exaggeration and certainly there was no magie of any kind. What simply happened was this: the gendarmes who had been interned in Angola, as was made public by the Portuguese Government at the time of their internment by means of the Press note which 1 have already quoted, asked to be allowed to go back to the Congo, which they did with the authorization of the Congolese Central Government which-be it well noted-was the legitimate and legal Government of the Congo at that time. If, incidentally, it was the Government of Mr. Tshombé, that is no concern of ours; it was the legitimate and legal Government which consented to take back the gendarmes and others who were in Angola and who had asked to be allowed to go back. 25. If the leaders of the present Congolese Government have fallen out with the previous leaders, Portu- . gal lias nothing to do with that. 1 repeat and 1 insist: both in receiving the gendarmes in Angola and in allowing them to go back, Portugal’s conduct was impeccably correct. 26. SO that no misunderstanding may exist on this score, 1 wish to repeat and emphasize the following points. First, the elements of the Katangese forces, whether gendarmes or meroenaries, who entered Angola in 1963, were immediately disarmed and interned in strict accordance with international law, as was then made known by the Portuguese Government. Second, during their stay in Angola they were never allowed to carry on any military or political activities. Third, never did any Congolese Government raise any objection or present any complaint or SO much as allege any attack or infiltration by those elements. Fourth, the latter-that is, those elementswho were in Angola, returned to the Congo only with the consent of the Congolese Central Government which was then the legal Government of that country. Fifth, no elements of such forces or weapons have remained behind, or are now to be found, in Angola. 28, But then the Foreign Minister made a curious jump in his reasonfng. He concluded that the danger of mercenaries cari corne to the Congo only via Angola. TO justify this curious piece of logic, the Foreign Minister not only impugned oux good faith-we have already seen with what poor success-but he also indulged in speculative conjectures as to why we should be interested in helping Mr. Tshombé. 29. According to the Foreign Minister of the Congo, Mr. Tshombé was less favourable to the anti-Portuguese elements in the Congo than the present Government. But this has nothing to do with us. As far as we know and as far as we are concerned, even when Mr. Tshombé was the Prime 1V;inister of the Congo, anti-Portuguese elements in the Congo continued in possession of the bases given to them and they continued to infiltrate into Angola from those bases. On the other hand, it ,cannot be said that we co-operated with Mr. Tshombé’s Government and have not been co-operating in the same mariner with the present Government of the Congo. We have. Now as before, we have kept open the routes of comrimnication and transport, and we desire that the Congolese Government should not creata any situation that Will 30. But this gratuitous allegation obliges my delegation to enumerate certain facts over and above those 1 have already mentioned which well illustrate the close co-operation we have given to the present leadership of the Congolese Government at various times. 30. gation i’ai deja mentionnés, &roits occasions ment congolais. 31. On 9 August 1964, the Congolese authorities requested the Portuguese Government to supply some T-6 planes, On 14 August 1964, we were asked to allow two officers of the Congolese Army to proceed to Luanda in order to observe the delivery of material, In December 1964, we were approached by the Congolese authorities for an urgent supply of 5,000 military uniforms. On 22 June 1965, we were asked to allow Congolese officers to go to Angola to receive supplies. In September 1965, the technical assistance of the Portuguese Air Force was requested by the Congolese authorities to obtain information about some planes which the Congo was about to acquire. On 16 February 1966, we were asked by the Congolese authorities to supply 500,000 cartridges of 7.92 mm calibre, More recently we were requested to allow a Congolese mission to visit Angola in order to examine the condition of some planes which are lying there. These planes have no military signifitance but are the property of the Congolese Government. 31. demandé quelque demande Congolaise la autorit& d’urgence on nous congolais ner tance a été demandee d&siraient tains rir. nous ont demandé de leur fournir de 7,92 mm. demandé se rendre tains avions qui s’y trouvent. importance vernement 32. tention nons ces fais, dans son vtWtable vernement prit pondu temps tions, a l’égard a nier étb reconnus ment remerci&. congolais des accusations 32. 1 must stress that it is not our intention in mentioning these facts to embarrasa anyone, but to place the truth in its proper setting. The leadership of the present Government of the Congo is well aware of the spirit of friendly co-operation with which we have met the requests they themselves addressed to us from time to time, even recently. In this conte& to accuse us of unfriendliness and ill-Will towards the present Congolese Government is to deny facts, facts which were once admitted with words of deep appreciation. Unfortunately, the Congolese Government has now chosen the opposite path-the path of baseless accusations. 34, The situation is this. The Congolese Government shows itself concerned about mercenary bases it alleges exist in Angola. But it is a fact known to the whole world, including of course the present Government of the Congo, that Portugal makes it a point of honour not to employ or deal with mercenaries. On the other hand, it is equally well known that mercenaries are to be found in the Congo and are employed in the Congolese Army. 35. We, on our side, have never done anything, and Will rigorously abstain from doing anything, that may endanger or disturb the peace of the Congo. But, as admitted here by the Foreign Minister of the Congo, the Congolese Government has not conducted itself, and does not appear prepared to conduct itself, in the same manner towards us. Our peace is being disturbed from the Congo. 36. Whatever the point of view, Portuguese sovereignty in Angola is a fact. Whatever the political opinions held by the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it has no right to disturb our peace or to assist those who disturb our peace. Al1 human beings have an equal right to peace and a11 have an equal duty towards others in this respect. Violence and aggression are no longer regarded as admissible means of solving international political differences. The strict observance of the rule of law is indispensable in a11 international relations. In this context, the bases actually existing in the Congo to disturb the peace in Angola are as condemnable as the mercenary bases would have been, had any existed in Angola or elsewhere, to disturb the psace of the Congo, The existence of anti-Portuguese bases in the Congo is, however, a fact avowed by the Congolese Government itself. On the other hand, the exis- 38. When no evidence is produced, as in the present case, the word of the Portuguese Government should be considered sufficient and should be accepted. Furthermore, in the present case appropriate assurances have already been given to the Congolese Government, first by the Portuguese Ambassador in Brussels, then by a spokesman of the Portuguese Foreign Ministry, and latterly, aft;er the complaint was filed, by the Foreign Minister of Portugal himself in a public statement, and 1 have reiterated his assurances. Frankly, Portugal may not be expected to do more than this in such matters. We may not be expected, every time a fanciful accusation is made against us, to throw open our territoxies for investigationwithout a corresponding gesture on the part of our gratuitous accusers who, moreover, axe themselves seriously distuxbing our peace. 39. Nevertheless, in order to place our good faith beyond question and in proof of our spirit of COoperation and continued goodwill towards the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we would be prepared to permit an investigation of the alleged existence of mercenary bases at Henrique de Carvalho and Vila Luso, if the Democratic Republic of the Congo showed its goodwill and spirit of co-operation by allowing an investigation of the anti-Portuguese bases existing in its territory. If suoh a proposa1 is acceptable, details could then be worked out by the Security Council in consultation with both sides. 40. 1 believe I have answerecl the allegations of the Foreign Minister of the Congo and made clear the position of my delegation not only in regard to the Congolese complaint but also in regard to this debate. However, 1 reserve my delegation’s right to intervene again, should we deem it convenient.

The next speaker on my list is the Minister for Community Development and National Culture of the United Republic of Tanzania. 1 now cal1 on him to take his place at the table and address the Council. 43. The Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republio of the Congo, Mr. Justin-Marie Bomboko, told the Council on 50 September E1302nd meeting], the full story of the nakecl aggressfon committed by Portugal, a primitive European State supported by some big Powers, members of NATO, and their allies. Every- ,body knows hcw bankrupt Portugalls economic status is and has been since the days of Vasco da Gama. Without receiving huge sums of money and without being assisted by the teohnical knowledge pertaining to the operation of military equipment, Portugal would be too weak and backward to dare to attack any Afrioan countries. 44. Portugal alone is too weak to be able to maintain brutal colonialism, even for one day more, in the face of a revolt by the African people who have for a long time been subjected to the Portuguese fascist empire. There is no doubt in our minds that Portugal has survived in Africa for more than five centuries simply because it is a puppet and a tool of much greater forces of evil, which for a11 these centuries have conspired to invade Africa and to plunder its wealth, both human and material, for the benefit of individuals and the monopolies of the Western world in particular and for Western nations in general. 45. It a11 started during the slave trade, when millions of sons and daughters of Afsica were transported and, through their sweat and blood, much prosperity came to countries like Britain, Belgiumand the United States of America. It is from the African territories under Portuguese colonialism that muoh of the slave labour for the monopolies in Rhodesia and Scuth Africa is created. Thus, for example, economic relations between Mozambique and South Africa have for many years been governed by the Mozambique Convention of 1928, whfch provided for the recruitment of workers from Mozambique for the South African gold mines and under whtch the Treasury of Mozambique reoeived annual payments in the form 46. ‘In retir’ti for the right to recruit workers-whomwe would like to term nslavelabourersfl-SouthAfrioa guaranteed the transport through Lourenço Marques of a fixed percentage of its seaborne imports into the Transvaal area. Although revised in 1964, the -basic provisiens of the Mozambique Convention remain substantially the same, although the area for which recruitment may be undertaken has now been extended to include the Orange Free State as well as the Transvaal. 47. It is universally known that the forces of evil which carried out the slave trade and spread colonialism and imperialism, these forces of racial discrimination and exploitation, have established their last bastion in the southern part of Africa as represented by the apartheid Republic of South Africa, the racist régime in Rhodesia and Portuguese colonialism. These forces are bitterly opposed to the African revolution which has been recognized the world over and which is bringing to Africa political emancipation and economic progress. The centuriesold conspiracy against Africa still finds Portugal a ready tool and ally. Thus the aggression against tbe Democratic Republtc of the Congo, which we know is equally aimed at the other independent African States, finds Portugal in the forefront, just as it has been in the case of many other evils and crimes which have for too long been committed against Africa and its peoples. 48. The forces of evil which today use Portugal as their tool for conspiracy against Africa include some of the powerful oompanies and monopolies, with their interlocking directorates, operating in the southern part of our continent. Tl;ey have the full hacking of their counterparts, the raoialist and imperialist elements in Europe and America. It is not surprising, therefore, that there is ample evidence of the recruitment of mercenaries in Rhodesia, South Africa and many parts of the Western world. In this conspiraoy against Afsica, the forces of evil are able to buy men like Tshombt! who are prepared to sel1 Africa, We view Tshombé as another tool in this conspiracy of aggression against Africa. No wonder he co-operates SO closely with the Portuguese and fraternizes with the fasoist and racist rggimes. In Tanzania today, TshombtS has become the watchword for intrigue, treachexy, skillful deceit, untrustworthiness, political assassination-in short, a11 evil. This is the man whom the forces of evil employ for a11 their‘ olandestine subversive activities in Afriea. Tanzania, together with many independent African States, cannot tolerate TshombtS on its soil, and we will do a11 in our power to prevent this traitor from realizing his aggressive plans made jointly with the Portuguese 49. It is our contention that the aggressive attitude of Portugal against the Democratic Republic of the Congo is yet another clear piece of evidence of the extent to which the forces of evil Will go in order to perpetuate their bastion in the southern part of Africa. Portugal has from time to time committed aggression against a11 the independent States neighbouring the African territories subjected to Portuguese colonialism. In Tanzania, for example, there have been many violations of our air space, and on 12 March 1963, an armed Portuguese aircraft came as far as Dar es Salaam. The members of the Security Council might like to know that that airplane still remains there, confiscated. My delegation reported this and many other incidents to the United Nations and to the Seourity Council. This harassment and intimidation by the fascist Portuguese colonialists continue. The whole world is aware of reported shiploads of Portuguese troops bound for Africa. There has been a massing of troops in Mozambique, Angola, Cabinda and so-called Portuguese Guinea. We in Tanzania are fully aware of these aggressive Portuguese manœuvres near our border. In fact, Mr. President and members of the Security Council, you may be interested to know that 1 personally travelled to the border of our country on my usual duties before I came this way, and I witnessed with my own eyes the burning, the bombing and the devastation which are going on in Mozambique, Our brothers in Senegal, Zambia, Guinea, Congo (Brazzaville), and the Democratic Republic of the Congo-Congo (Kinshasa)-have repeatedly drawn the attention of the United Nations and the Security Council to the aggressive activities of Portugal. Now we have another act of aggression against the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The case has been ably presented by the Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, We fully endorse the charges against fascist Portugal and draw the attention of the Council and the world at large to these intolerable acts of aggression which Portugal and those behind it have committed against Africa for too long, 50, Tanzania is fully aware that in our unflinching struggle against the forces of colonialist, imperialist and racist aggression, we now have the overwhelming support of the majority of Governments and peoples all over the world. Many individuals and organizatiens-even in those countries such as Great Britain and the United States which have benefited SO much from the colonialist and racist aggression and ex: ploitation in Africa-we know are making sacrifices and are in active solidarity with the African peoples, who have taken up arms in order to liquidate Poi%l- 51. Tanzania and the rest of Africa are encouraged to note that French security forces took timely action and arrested some of the mercenaries who were busy training for their subversive activities againsti the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, We hope that this encouraging action by the French security forces Will be extended to curbing a11 the forces of evil which are working against Africa. 52. May 1 be allowed to quote from The New York Times of 20 September 1966: *The round-up of a ring reoruiting white mercenaries for Africa has brought in a former Congolese Cabinet minister, a French adventurer and a retired colonel of the United States Air Force. , . “Men seized in a pre-dawn raid Saturday on a camp in southern France said they had been told they would take part in a coup d’État in the former Belgian Congo, financed by the ousted Premier Moise Tshombe. The exiled Mr. Tshomb6, who lives in Madrid, said he knew nothing about it.” 53. There is more than ample evidence of the international aggressive conspiracy against Africa by the forces of evil as represented by Tshombe, the mercenaries and the Portuguese fascists. 1 have pointed out earlier that impoverished Portugal derives part of its strength from the NATO military system. Portugal is a member of NATO and has access to NATO military plans, experience and equipment. Al1 the lethal weapons used to massacre African populations and intimidate independent African States are supplied by NATO. This has been proved in Angola, in Mozambique, in so-called Portuguese Guinea and in Cabinda, and by the planes which have entered our air space. Only recently, Portugal has obtained at least seven B-26 bombers from the United States of America, even though it is alleged that this transaction was illegal. 54. 1 must first go back and repeat what 1 said about the sad sight which 1 witnessed in Mozambique as 1 was on our border: that maybe these planes are the ones which are now massacring the African people in Mozambique by their bombings. The revealing story of the transaction of the B-26 bombers was reported in The New York Times of 22 September 1966 under the caption “Defendant in illicit expert of bombers to Portugal says CIA backed sale”. It is clearly pointed out in that article Chat these bombers were destined for Portugal’s aggressive activities in Africa, it is lGCE5titre: “Le responsable bombardiers 55. Tanzania and the other independent African States have irrevocably committed themselves to the struggle for the total liberation of Africa. Thismeans that one day a11 Africa Will liquidate Por’cuguese aggression once and for all. The African freedom fighters have inflicted resounding blows against Portuguese aggression in Angola, Mozambique, socalled Portuguese Guinea and Cabinda. Tanzania and the Organization of African Unity, through its African Liberation Committee, stand firmly beside these heroio freedom fighters. Like the distinguished Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Tanzania and a11 Africa hereby reiterate th& there oan never be any compromise on the question of Portuguese colonial and fascist aggression in Africa. Africa has sacrificed enough in sweat and blood to the enrichment of the oolonialist and imperialist exploiters. Tanzania and Africa were even made to sacrifice for the defeat of Hitlerism and Fascism in general. The hour has now corne when Africa must sacrifice in order to eliminate the bastion of colonialism, imperialism and racialism found in the southern part of our continent and which uses Portuguese fascism as a tool of aggression against independent African States. There cari be no doubt that in this struggle African nationalism Will emerge triumphant. 56. Tanzania, therefore, together with the other independent African States, calls upon the Security Council once again to condemn the age-old Portuguese aggression in Africa and in this particular case the aggression against the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Mercenaries and Tehombé must stand condemned by this Council and progressive forces a11 over the world. Tanzania seizes this opportunity to cal1 upon members of NATO to re-examine their consciences in view of the great responsibility they bear for the Portuguese aggression in Africa. It is impossible to convince us and the African people that NATO is for human freedom when in fact there is every evidence that NATO and many of its members are highly responsible for the survivalof racism in South Africa and Rhodesia and for the Portuguese fascist aggression. 57. It is the hope of my delegation and Africa in general that, unlike the International Court of Justice, the Security Council Will rise to the occasionand take every possible step in order to terminate man’s inhumanity to man syrnbolized by Portuguese fascism and aggression, the mercenaries and Tshomb8. For our part, we are sure that the pa2h we have chosen in the struggle against Portuguese aggression will lead VS to victory, freedom and dignity for the con- 59. General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), on the granting of independence to colonial oountries and peoples, is fully applicable to allportuguese colonies. Portugal ought to pack bag and baggage and go begging from other rioher European oountries, 59. sur l’octroi coloniaux est pleinement nies portugaises. aller 60. We likewise want to salute the heroic struggle of the freedom fighters in Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea, whose total suocess against the colonizers is already assured by the unchanging laws of history. Such wars of national liberation have the full support of the overwhelming majority of Member States and peoples the world over. 60. des combattants bique et en Guinée dite portugaise; contre par guerres réserve et des peuples du monde entier. 61. The Security Council oannot fail in its cluty to conclemn the Portuguese Government for its aggressive practices. Portugal’s behaviour in Africa runs counter to the United Nations C%arter and definitely constitutes a threat to international peace and seourity within the meaning of Chapter VII, of the Charter, 61. devoir, gais pour ses pratiques Portugal de la Charte des Nations une menace contre nales au sens du Chapitre 62. Tanzania, and Afrioa, Will follow the deliberations of this Council with keen interest, and hopes that the Council Will not fail Africa. 62. rations espérant Afrique.

Before we hear the other speakers on my list, 1 cal1 upon the representative of the United States of America, who has asked to speak in exercise of his right of reply. 63. d’en venir je donne la parole pour l’exercice

We have corne to this Council to consider a complaint which has been filed by the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, There has now been injected into that complaint a statement by the representative of Tanzania, a Cabinet Minister, to which 1 have listened with great interest. 1 should like to address myself to him very briefly, because he has made some statements in reference to my Government, and 1 should like to enlighten him about the faots concerning which he has spoken. I do SO in a spirit of friendship, but also in a spirit of accuracy, because 1 think it is very important that, when a statement is made, it be made bath in the spirit of friendship and in the spirit of aocuraoy. 64. de l’anglais]: examiner la sentant de la Tanzanie, vient j’ai donc m’adresser certaines et je tiens à lui apporter faits d’amitié, crois ration, et avec un souci d’exactitude. 65. The Foreign Minister of Tanzania has referred to a matter which is not new in this Counoil: that is the question of arms supplied to Portugal by the United States. The position of my Government is orystal-clear on this, and there should be no doubt about it. It has been stated here by me; it has been stated by Mrs, Anderson in the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly; and there should be no question in anybodyls mind as to what it is or as to 65. Le question de la fourniture Unis, tement doute B cet égard, Mme Anderson Commission y avoir 67. There bas been an attempt, as we have told this Council, to smuggle-contrary to our laws-some B-26’ s out of this country without proper legal aufiOriZation; that is correct. But 1 think it should be Pointed out-as we have done in this Council and as 1s 8 matter of public record-that the individual involved has been indicted by my Government for an illegal action and is standing tria1 for violation of the 1aWS of the United States. The only involvement OffiCiEilS of the United States Government, therefore, bas been in prosecuting a malefactor acting against the laws of the country, and that prosecution is being pursued vigorously by my Government. We do not intend to allow our laws to be violated and we do intend vigorously to prosecute any such violations. 68. 1 do not wish to repeat what I have said to this Council on a previous occasion, namely, that we’have forbidden the shipment of any arms to Portugal for use in the Overseas Territories. That has been a policy of the United States for a number of years and one which the United States Will continue firmly aclhere to. If there are violations we intend-as we have done in the case mentiened-to see to it that our policy is adhered to. 69, Finally, the United States is. a member of NATO. We are not ashamed of that. We think that it is an alliance that prote& not only the freedom of our. country, but the freedom of the world. Any implication that the policy of Portugal in Africa bears any relation to NATO is not, 1 think, a correct one. NATO is concerned with the defence of the North Atlantic area, an area which does not embrace the Portuguese African Territories. The policies of Portugal in Africa are a different matter, concerning which 1 bave spoken in this Council. My statements in that connexion are also a matter of public record in the Council. 1 think that it ought to be very clearly understood l$t what we are talking about here today, and 1 believe that when accuracy is maintained it will be olear that the case which the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Tanzania mentioned is clearly covered by a prosecution which is a matter of public record, We would invite scrutiny of that record by anybody in terms of the application of our laws and our position

1 now cal1 on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Tanzania, who, 1 take it, wishes to exercise his right of reply.

Thank you, Mr. President, for allowing me to say just a word about what has been said by the representative of the United States. 1 am sure that if he reads my statement properly he Will observe that 1 mentioned that the transactions in question were said to be illegal. 1 did not say that they were carried out by the Government as such. 74, 1 should like also to say that 1 am not very surprised at his seaction. Again, if one reads my statement, one Will not be very surprised at this kind of reaction. My delegation hopes, as it has stated, that those existing forces, oalled the forces of evil, which support Portugal Will be effectively controlled or suppressed. We hope that before the aircraft and ammunition for Portugal are delivered, that great country which is the United States will be able to prevent the transaction. The same applies to many other Member States. 75. We in Tanzania know very well, as 1 have already said, that in those countries-in the United States, in the United Kingdom, and even in Western Europe-there are a great many organizations and individuals opposed to Portuguese fascism in Africa and imperialism in general, but we shall be convinced about the total commitment to African freedom on the part of Member States only when we see that there is control of armaments intended for Portugal, a member of NATO, when we are suxe that there are no leakages in oontrol and no behind-the-scenes, .- co-operation ivith Portugal, such as we know do exist at present.

The next speaker on my list is the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Burundi. 1 now cal1 on him to take his place at the table and to address the Council.

1 am grateful to you, Mr. President, for giving me the floor. The reason for which the delegation of Burundi has requested an opportunity to speak in this important forum in the debate on the complaint brought by the Democratic Republic of the Congo against Portugal is fourfold. First, as a neigh- 75. In my statement of 29 September 1966 in the General Assembly debate, 1 referred to the Congclese problem when speaking of the policy of apa&heid; 1 said then: “Logically it is to be feared that the contagion of apartheid will carry beyond these pockets of privilege”- South Africa and Rhodesia-nspreading its infection throughout Zambia and then passing on to Katanga, The progress of the mercenaries recruited in these areas for service in: the Democratic Republic of the Congo marks the path of the invasion which, unless we are careful, threatens to realize on the racist level the anoient dream of Ceci1 Rhodes-from the Cape to Cairo via Katanga, One centre of subversion has just been rooted out at Kissangani, thanks to the determination of President Mobutu.” Later 1 added: “With the connivance of international financial groups, to whom”-in the words of Lieutenant- General Mobutu-” a grain of copper is worth more than a black man’s head, a veritable arsenal of war is stored on the Congo-Angola border, whilst mercenaries are recruited in Europe, Rhodesia and South Africa with the blessing of the bloodthirsty State of PortugaLn And 1 concluded: “The lhreat is not merely to the DemoCratiC Republic of the Congo. Every African is involved; it is our future which is at stake in the Congo’. Its victory is our victory and its defeat our defeat.“l( 79. Even before learning the actual charges brought by the Congo (Kinshasa), by aux solemn and unequivocal denunciation of Portugal’s acts of provocation we indirectly endorsed the substance of the Congolese oomplaint against Portugal, The challenge: thrown out by P&&gal to the Congo was morë than a mere threat to the peace; it was a declaration of war against Africa, 80. As 1 said earlier, the fate of Burundi is closely bond up with that of the Congo; it cannot remain impassive before the danger which lurks at its gates. As I said, there are too many bonds linking the two oountries-centuries of history, common interests I/ Officia1 Records of the General Assembly. Twenty-first Session, Plenary Meetings 1423rd meeting, paras. 220 and 221. 81. Since the Organization of African Unity condemned the armexationist and racist policies of the Portnguese usurpers, Burundi has not only refused to establish diplomatie or consular relations with Portugal, but has even gone SO far as to break off economic and trade relations-relica of the colonial régime-with that Power. It has also barred from its territory a11 Portuguese nationals, aircraft and ships. 82. Ever since the Congo acquired a regime and a leader worthy of it-a leader who, for the first time, has dared to assail the impregnable fortress, the, powerful stronghold of the foreign monopolies-financial circles have stopped at nothing in their attempts to organize subversion in the country. Provided that the turnover of the powerful capitalist companies is safe, the sufferings, privations and blood of the Congolese people have no value in their eyes. 83. Since the tragic events of the Katangese secession, of painful memory, Burundi has always aligned itself with the legitimate authorities of the Congolese central Government. In order to demonstrate its support, Burundi did not limit itself to practising a benevolent neutrality vis-à-vis the legitimate authorities in the Congo; of its own accord, it barred from its airport a11 aircraft coming from or going to Lubumbashi, the former Elisabethville. 84. TO ensure the suocess of the fou1 play which Portugal is resorting to against the Democratic Republic of the Congo, international financial circles have found themselves a man of straw, outlawed by the whole of Africa, a traitor to his country, Moise TshombB. 85. Portugal Will doubtless try to represent its aggression in the Congo as a reprisal for the support given by the Congo to the Angolan Government-inexile of Mr. Roberto Holden. In law, Portugal will assert the false principle of territorial integrity, in accordance with the fiction that Portugal’s Overseas possessions are an integral part of its territory. AS the Congolese Minister for Foreign Affairs ht%.~ said most eloquently, the irreconcilability of the opposing positions is total and absolute. 86. Against the Portuguese fiction, condemned by history, de jure and de facto, Africa sets up the prinoiple of Bacy, that is to say, its right under natural law as under positive law, to self-determination. That principle is solemnly affirmed in the United Nations Charter and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which recognize, on the one hand, the right of peoples to decide their own future and, on the other hand, the fact that a11 human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. In that 87. The facts are there. The peoples have taken up arr-ns to oppose deception, lies and persecution and to break their chains. Holden has taken his stand; the whole nation is up and fighting. 88. In spite of the many condemnations by the General Assembly of its policies in Africa, Portugal, scorning the principles of the Charter, of morality, of the religion which it professes and of humanity, continues to persecute, stifle, exploit and massacre peoples whose only crime is to want freedom. That is why 1 expressed the wish in the General Assembly that Portugal, in accordance with Article 6 of the Charter, should be expelled from this Organization. Portugal cannot invoke a right which it constantly disregards. Hence, any accusation in the fcrm cf a counter-claim by Portugal, aimed at demonstrating that the Democratic Republic of the Congo is vfolating the principle of good neighbourly relations or of non-interference in Portuguese affairs, beccmes meaningless in fact and groundless in law. 89. The interests of the Angolan people require that the whole of Africa support their struggle. As a member of the Organization of African Unity, it is the duty of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, like’ a11 members of that regional and continental organization, to apply the principles of its Charter, These Princip!e s are, as everyone knows, consonant with the principles of the Charter of the world Organizatien, which recognizes their full validity in international law, The Organization of African Unity has recommended that a11 its members recognize the Angolan Government-in-exile and give it all the moral and material support it needs. 90. In giving refuge to the Angolan Government-inexile and providing it with every support, the Kinshasa Government has only been fulfilling its obligations under the Charter of the Organization of African’ Unity. Moreover, no legal charge cari be brought against it by a dishonest partner which does not respect the rules. In its defenae, as we might have expected, Portugal confined itself to denying the facts. Accord@ to Portugal, there are no mescenaries in Angola, The whole story is, therefore, the fruit of the Kinshasa authorities’ imagination. Nevertheless, the recruitment and maintenance of mercenaries by the Portuguese authorities is a matter of comnion knowledge, of which international opinion as a whole is fully aware. Only Portugal seems to be unaware of it. 91. Portugal, under-developed as it is, could not by itself undertake at one and the same time a colonial war and a war to reconquer the Congo and Africa. It would not have sufficient men, means or spirit. That is why it needs the support of other countries. Members of the Security Council Will perhaps realize 92. This venture of the reconquest ofAfrica, starting with the Congo, is a reality of whioh every member of the Organization of African Unity must be fully aware. The fate of each one of us is linked up with the fate of the Congo, and there Will be no peace in Africa SO long as Vorster is in Pretoria, Smith in Salisbury, and Salazar on African soil. 93. Burundi requests the Security Council to ensure peace in Africa by attacking the evil at its source and calling upon the Portuguese Government to evacuate ils colonies, put an end to the colonial war it has been waging for years and use the resources it is now wasting for the advancement of the Portuguese people. 94. 1 do not wish to try the patience of my iisteners. 1 shall therefore merely bring out the following four points. 95. First, Portugal’s responsibility in the recruit-, ment, maintenance and training of mercenaries in the African territory of Angola has been fully established’ and cannot be arbitrarily denied. In that regard,‘the delegation of Burundi believes that Lisbon’s attitude in this matter could degenerate into a casus belli and that any aggression directed from that territory against the lawfully established institutions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo would constitute not merely an act of hostility but a declaration of war against a11 States members of the Organization of Afrioan Unity. In such an event, the Government of Burundi would give its full support to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 96. Secondly, a number of Western European oountries bear responsibility in this connexion as accessories. The delegation of Burundi draws the attention of the countries concerned to the threat to world peace eonstituted by such trafficking. It requests the Governments concerned to take sanctions not OnlY against the recruiters of mercenaries but also against the persons recruited. 97. Thirdly, the delegation of Burundi, together with the Kinshasa Government, requests the Security Council to take note of the fact that Portugal’s attitude constitutes a threat to peace, not only in the Democratic Republic of the Congo but throughout Africa. It asks the Seourity Council to condemn Portugal for its brazen interference in Congolese affairs. 98. Fourthly, the delegation of Burundi asks the Security Council to take the necessary steps toensure that legislation is adopted making the use of mercenaries for purposes other than the maintenance of interna1 public order an international crime, 101. It might be wondered why certain African States whioh do net seem, a priori, to be involved in this matter have felt it necessary to speak on it. 1 therefore wish to inform the Security Council that the Central African Republic intends in its statement to lay stress on two types of consideration. 102. Fixst, there are those considerations which directly affect it. I must stress that the Central African Republic has not acted solely out of the spirit of solidarity which, on the level of fundamental principles, has undoubtedly rallied a11 the independent States of Africa-1 might even say a11 countries of the world which have a sincere desire for peace and freedom-to the cause of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 103. Our action was also motivated by the fact that because of our geographical position, it is OUF imperative duty to keep a close eye on events in the Congo. Need 1 remind you that we have over 1,300 kilometres of common frontier with that country? Many of our people are linked by family ties, with a11 that this implies in terms of human relations, Then there is another factor which we cannot disregard: the serious disturbances which have followed one after another in the Congo since its independence have also had unwelcome repercussions in our frontier regions, in particular an increased influx of refugees and acts of provocation by Congolese rebels. 104. As you will note, Mr. President, a11 that does not inean a peaceful life for the Government and people of Central Africa, for whom observance of the rules of good neighbourliness is, however, a primary concern. That is why my coüntry remains firmly convinced that a11 States Members of the United Nations, inspired by the same spirit of goodwill, cannot but hope with us for a return to calm-to an absolute and lasting calm-in the Congo. 105. On a more general level, 1 wish to state frankly the views and opinions of the Central African Republic on the complaint before the Security Council. After taking cognizance of the complaint dated21 Septembes 1966, SO lucidly presented here by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and after hearing the statements of the xepresentative of Portugal and the other speakers, my delegation is more firmly convinced than ever that Portugal’s aotions in the matter before this important body unquestionably constitute brazen, and even 106. 1 repeat, our indignation is great. Moreover, 1 do not think 1 shall lay myself open to charges of interfering in the domestic affairs of the Congo if 1 State that, as Mr. Bomboko SO eloquently explained, the abject of the plot-which was fortunately thwarted, thanks to the vigilance of the central Governmentwas to bring back to power a Congolese with a sorry reputation, who would have lost no time in resuming his shameful acts of complicity in the grim policies applied by Portugal in its African territories. 106. Je rep&te que notre indignation est grande, Aussi, je ne pense pas pouvoir btre taxé d’immixtion dans les affaires intgrieures du Congo si je déclare, comme l’a si bien expliqué le ministre Bomboko, que le complot (heureusement mat8 gr9ce a la vigilance du Gouvernement central), visait & réinstaller “au pouvoir” un Congolais de triste rgputation, lequel aurait vite fait de reprendre avec le Portugal ses actes éhontés de complicité? dans la politique n6faste Pratiqu&e par ce dernier & l’égard de ses territoires africains. 107. It would be wasting the Council’s time to describe here how Portugal has carried out its duties towards the United Nations and in respect of human rights. The Security Council will, doubtless, have constantly in its mindls eye the true image of that country, which-and it is unfortunately not the only one-continues to defy a11 the fundamental principles of the Charter and ignores the many resolutions adopted concerning its administration of the African ’ territories which it shamelessly treats as an integral part of its metropolitan soil. 107. Ce serait faire perdre du temps au Conseil que (de depeindre ici le Portugal l’accomplissement nisation des Nations Unies et des droits de l’homme. Le Conseil de s6curit6 aura sana doute constamment & l’esprit l’image de ce pays - il n’est pas le seul, helas! - qui continue 2 d6fier tous les principes fondamentaux de notre charte et foule aux pieds les nombreuses &olutions de son administration qu’il considère cyniquement comme faisant partie intégrante de son sol m6tropolitain. 108. The Central African Republic considers it infinitely regrettable that disturbances of the kind that now concern us are still occurring in the Congo, just when that country, which has already suffered SO much, has acquired a Government that is both dynamic and realistio and has resolutely set about the real task of national recoirery. 108. La République centrafricaine infiniment de ceux qui nous pr6ocoupent se produisent encore au Congo, au moment précis oit ce pays, qui a d6jà tant souffert, et r6aliste à la fois, un gouvernement qui s’est attelé r&olument national. 109. Treize d’ao6t dernier, m’ont permis de visiter,non seulement la capitale Kinshasa, mais encore certaines villes de l’int&ieur. que le peuple congolais a entièrement confiance en son gouvernement dont il suit avec une profonde satisfaction les diverses r8alisations. Le ministreBomboko n’a pas exagéré lorsqu’il a déclar8 que ce peuple, las des troubles graves connus sous les gouvernements ant&ieurs, ne demande plus qu’a vivre en paix. 109. In the thirteen days 1 spent in that country last August, 1 was able to visit not only the capital, Kinshasa, but certain towns in tha interior as well. 1 thus had the opportunity of noting that the Congolese people have full confidence in their Government, whose various achievements they follow with deep satisfaction. Mr. Bomboko was not exaggerating when he said that his people, weary of the serious disturbances they have lived through, underiprevious GoVernments, ask only to live in peace. 110. L’Organisation décourag8 et ne fera jamais rien pour decourager des œuvres aussi salutaires et des aspirations aussi legitimes , C’est la raison pour laquelle la Republique centrafricaine Conseil de sécurit8 plainte de la RBpublique démocratique du Congo, en condamnant sans Equivoque les ingerences coupables et les actes d’agression du Portugal. 110. The United Nations has never discouraged and never will discourage such laudable endeavours and such legitimate aspirations, The Central Afrioan Republio therefore feels it has good reason to hope that the Security Couimil Will reoeive faqourably thecomplaint of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and unequivocally condemn Portugal’s unpardonable interference and acts of aggression. 111. Le PRESIDENT (traduit de l’anglais): Je donne la parole au représentant de la République dkmooratique du Congo qui desire exercer son droit de r8ponse. 111, The PRESIDENT: 1 cal1 on the representative of ‘the Democratic Republic of the Congo, who wishes. to exercise his right of reply. 112. M. Congo): AprBs avoir entendu l’intervention du reprgsentant du Portugal, je suis convaincu encore davan- 112. Mr, BOMBOKO .(Democratic Republic of the Congo) (translated from French): After hearing the statement of the representative of Portugal, I am 113. Flrst, the representative of Portugal said that the Lisbon Government had disarmed and imprisoned the former Katangese gendarmes. However, the truth is that when Mr, Tshombé came to power, these former Katangese gendarmes, officeredby mercenaries-includine: a certain Mr. Schramme, who is stilT in the Congotoday-re-emerged, well-equipped and well-armed. 1 wonder, therefore, whether the Lisbon Government, having confiscated the arms of the former gendarmes, did not return them to them on their departure. 1 even wonder whether it actually did imprison the mercenaries, since it is common knowledge that these mercenaries, these former Katangese gendarmes, were in Teixeira, where they engaged daily in military manOeuvres, in order to be able to corne and reconquer Katanga once the United Nations troops had left the Congo. 114. The representative of Portugal also spoke just now of technical assistance and even the supplying of arms and aircraft, but failed to mention that this was material bought with the money of the Congolese people and stored tn Angola by Mr. Tshombé. We have here, for the benefit of the Council, a full list of this material, including the aircraft. Even today, there are three T-6 aircraft and a DC-3 at the Luanda base, a Super Cub 150 at the Negage base and, at the Luanda military base, a Fouga Magister, a Lockheed, a Dove and three or four other aircraft. When Mr. Tshombé saw that his power in Katanga was dwindling, he had a11 of this material taken and stored in Angola, with Portigal’s blessing, SO that it remained at his disposal. 115. The representative of Portugal said that this material was given up at the request of the Congolese Government. But it was at the request of Mr. Tshombé. The dates he mentioned coincide, in fact, with the arriva1 of Mr, Tshombé in Kinshasa. 18 August 1964 is the date on which Mr. Tshombg had this material brought from Angola where he had stored it. 22 Deeember 1964 and September 1965 are dates when Mr. Tshombé was in power. It is not surprising therefore if on those dates Lisbon was able to restore to its ally the material that was stored in Angola. We did not deny that. 116. If Portugal had really wanted to co-operate with the Unlted Nations at the time when the Secretary-General wrote to the Portuguese Government, why did it not disarm these troops and hand over to the United Nations the arms and material which had been transported to Angola? That would have solved the problem. However, Portugal kept this inaterial, awaiting the opportune moment-the departure of the United Nations troops from the Congo-when it could be used foran invasion of Katanga, That is a historical fact, but the Ltshon Government is trying by 118. The representative of Portugal clafms that it is the Government of the Congo that is employing mercenaries. But he forgets that here too a matter of historical fact is involved. Can he tel1 us how many mercenaries there were in Kinshasa before Mr. Tshombé came to power? There were none. The mercenaries came with Mr, Tshombé’s assumption of power; that is a historical fact well known to a11 members of the Council. The first mercenaries came from Angola and, subsequently, Mr. Tshombé recruited other mercenaries. We do not deny that we inherited a sorry legacy: we inherited these mercenaries, and we are in the prooess of settling this problem, because we are convinced that it is a serious one for Africa. 119. The representative of Portugal says that his country does not employ mercenaries. If that is SO, why did it maintain Schramme and other mercenaries in Angola, such as the one now in Kisangani, Denard? Does Portugal deny that these gentlemen were ever in Angola? 120. No, Sir, If you wish to defend a case, you must give us facts. If you want us to be able to believe what Lisbon says, there must at least be at the outset some evidence of your good faith. How is it possible to have confidence in a man who has deceived you and who continues ta distort the facts? 1 think that the President and the members of the Counoil Will now better understand our concern and misgivings. We ourselves consider that the representative of Portugal does not wish to speak tha truth here. 121. In speaking of his country’s rights in Africa, the representative of ‘Portugal accused us of using violence to settle the problems which confront US. If either of us should complain, it 1s the Congo. It is Portugal whioh is using violence in order to oppress peoples over whioh it has no rights whatsoever. What right has Portugal to use force in order to make the Angolans accept lts authority? Can it justify such a right? Only on the basis of a claim which is totally unfounded. The representative of Portugal said that we resort to violence, but could he tel1 US how many battalions PortugaI has right now in Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea? There are many of them, and what are they doing there if not trying to maintain the authority of Portugal, because the people in those territories do not accept Portuguese domination? If they did, Portugal would have no need of a11 those battalions and a11 those Young Portuguese who make the sacrifice of leaving home and family. We cari plainly see, however, that the peoples in the 122. I wished to make these few points, and I reserve the right, at the next meeting, to revert to the statements made by the representative of Portugal.

1 said at the 1302nd meeting, when this debate began, that 1 am reluctant to multiply replies and counter-replies. The Foreign Minister of the Congo said that he reserved his right of reply until he had read my statement. Nevertheless, he took the floor to make some semarks. 1 think if he had read my statement properly he would not have attributed to me the remarks which he said I made. 124. First of all, the Foreign Minister said that the elements of the Katangese forces who had been interned in Angola-I acknowledged that they had been interned, and 1 explained why and how they were interned-had returned to the Congo at the time when Ms. Tshombé was Prime Minister, that they had. returned fully armed. And he asked: If they were disarmed and interned-he said “mis en prison”, that is, “put in gaollf or “put in prison”-how did they return fully armed? 125, 1 said that they were disarmed and interned, Interned does not mean exactly that they were put in gaol, but 1 suppose that is a minor matter. However, they were actually disarmed and interned. When they went back, they took their weapons with them. And why? Because the Government which at that time was the legal Government of the Congo consented to take them back with a11 the belongings whioh they had taken to Angola, including their weapons. Their weapons were given back to them, and 1 suppose there is nothing wrong in that. 126. Next, the Foreign Minister said: What sort of co-operation was it if they bought the material from the Portuguese? 1 never denied that the Congolese Government or the Congolese authorities had bought ; the material. 1 mentioned facts and dates, The Foreign Minister said that those dates ooincide with ths accession to power of Mr. Tshombé. If he would take the trouble to read my statement, he would see that 1 said that the Congolese authorities asked us to co-operate in certain matters, to co-operate even in the sale of material-that it is a form of international co-operation. 127. But what the Foreign Minister forgot to say was that some of the dates 1 mentioned are very recent. And if he would take the trouble to read my statement carefully, he would see that 1 said that the present leadership of the Congolese Government is fully aware of, the co-operation we have given. Mr. Tshombé might have been in power as the Prime 129. Finally, he talked about oppression of the people of Angola. 1 wonder what he would have said if 1 had mentioned what was going on inside the Congo in many respects, 1 do not wish to talk about the internal affairs of the Congo, and 1 cannot but take exception tc his referring, tendentiously and falsely, to the interna1 situation in Angola or in any of the other Portuguese territories. We are not discussing matters connected with the complaint that the Minister himself brought to the Council.

1 again cal1 on the Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the exercise of his right of reply.

1 have no wish to start a dialogue between the representative of Portugal and myself, but 1 would like him to understand exactly what 1 said and not try once again to distort my words. dialogue une fois 8. transformer 132. When 1 Spoke of the material that was recovered from Angola, I was referring to material purchased frcm Portugal, to material purchasedby Mr. Tshombé during the secession. After the secession had been ended by the KJnited Nations, Mr. Tshombé removed that material and stored it in Angola. That was the material that was recovered, 1 do not think, moreover, that we purchased any aircraft from Portugal. They were our own aircraft, which Mr. Tshombé improperly stored with the Portuguese, and which we went to recover, 133. Secondly, when the representative of Portugal spoke about recent dates, he referred to dates relating to the dispute which still exists between Port& gal and ourselves concerning the material bought with Congolese money and stored in Angola for Mr, Tshombé. Portugal obstinately refuses to return that material to us. It is prepared to do SO only when Mr. Tshomb6 is in power. When Mr. Tshomb6 was” removed from power, Portugal kept that material, and that is the material we are trying to get back. c’est 134. I said that we have never bought aircraft from Portugal, and 1 believe that Portugal itself is trying to buy aircraft here, in the United States, through a third party-and here I quote the representative oi Tanzania-sa that 1 do not think that Portugal can be in a position to sel1 aircraft to us. par pense pas que le Portugal dre des avions, rép&e, du Congo. Ce matériel, 135. The material of which’1 spoke is then, 1 repeat, material belonging to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This material, whiçh Mr. Tshombé bought 136. Those n~‘k? th@ fRCtS, and 1 would net wish it to be bolieved here, as a result of what the representative of Portngal bas said, that we bught war m&.rfal from Portugal. 137. The PXIESIBENT: 1 bave no further speakers inscribed on my Hst for thiS afternoon. If there are no other representatives who wish to speak at this meeting, it will be necessary for us to consider the date and ttme Of OUr M?Xt meeting. 1 have understood from some members of the Council that they think tt might he well to leave the date open for the moment and thus to provide OCW~bn for further consideration and consultation, 1 bave received word thae there is one speaker who might wish to address the Council tomorrow afternoon, but I nevertheless think that it mlght bs to the convenience of that speaker as well as of other members of the Council if we permitted some further consideration to take place by consultation as to Ihe tlme Of OLU next meeting. 138. Therefore, If therc fs no objection from any membr of the Council, 1 would suggest that we do ConsuIt together and decide on our next meeting after such consultation. 1 do not wish that these should be any unreasonabls clehty, nor would it be the wtsh, 1 am sure, of any membr of the Council, but 1 do think we nsed some consultation together before we decide upon the best time to resume our debate. It was SO declded. The neetir$ x-ose at %5+0p.m. pr-& gu.S. 1.00 (or ec@valent