S/PV.1338 Security Council

It is with deep emotion that I must announce the death of Victor Andrés Belaiinde. 2. Latin America is in mourning: it has lost one of its greatest thinkers and one of its clearest, most 1uci.d and enlightened minds. But America’s sorrow is shared by the world, for Belafinde’s great personality transcended the bounds of his own country and continent to take on a dimension ofuniversality. 3. He signed the United Nations Charter at San Francisco and was Pxesident of the Seourity Council and of the General Assembly. He held the highest posts in the world and, in discharging a11 his many functions, he shone by his talent, his wisdom, his elolquence, his nobility, his style and expression, his serene energy and bis lofty calm. A truly exceptional man, he knew how to reconcile his ideals to the pressing realities around him. 4. When Belafinde spoke in the General Assembly of the United Nations he was heard in admixing silence and with an almost religious awe. Every one of his 6. As a professor of law, he was a brilliant teacher in both the Unitod States and France. 7. As the representative of Peru in the League of Nations and later in the United Nations he became, over the years, one of the most respecte& admired and beloved figures of this great world forum. 8. His life was completely devotea CO the problems of the international community. Nothing that affected the world was alien to him. As President of the General Assembly he said these prophetic words in 1959: ‘tour fathers lived in a world in which it was possible to choose between the advantages of peace and the dangers and psivations of war. Inour world, the worlcl of the atomic age, the alternative is different: peace Will ensure life and progress for a11 peoples, but war Will bring death and universal destruction. nti 9. He lived like an apostle and a soldier in the service of the international community. He was always the first to respond to the cal1 of duty and the last to leave the trenches. He was an example to the Young and an inspiration to the old. Yesterday he was hexe in this house fighting for the welfare of mankind. He died on his feet, a civilian hero, fallen in battle-a noble battle, without the roar of cannon, in which people crossed, not swords but thoughts, in seeking to bring about a better world. With his noble bearing and his majestic presence, he has perhaps left us as he himself would have wished. He gave tangible expression to the words of Ovid: IlCurn moriar medium solvar et inter OPUS~’ (May death surprise me in the midst of my work). 10. As President of the Security Council, 1 believe am expressing the grief of a11 my colleagues and the universal sorrow of the United Nations in proposing that we stand for a moment in silencein tribute to the memory of the distinguished departed. He used to preside with his customary ski11 and dignity over this very body. Its debates are now being conducted by the representative of a country whose people mourn the passing of a great American statesman and a true leader of the international community who died in the service of mankind. Ii. I invite the members of the Council to rise. Tha members of the Secrurify Council observed a mizxrie of siIenve in fribarte to m? memg~ of ikrY.-. v3-brkr AJld.r& Belaunde” ----- I/ &c i7;fficial Kec*,-~~; c>f ti,c C;eib.al A,-semhlv, Fourceexh Session, __..__. --.“_---.-_1 ---. -y Meedngs, 795ti1 meeting, para. 33. addressed to the President of the Security CounciI @/5488): Report of the Secretary-General (S/7611 and Add.1)

As Prlssident of the Security Council, 1 have received requests from the representatives of Cyprus, Turkey and Greece to take part, without the right to vote, in the. discussion of the item which has just been inclucied in the agenda. In accordance with our usual practice, I would propose, with the Council’s consent, that these representatives should be invited to take seats at the Council table in order to take part inour debate withoui; the right to vote. 14t the invitation of the President, Mr. 2. Rossides (Ivprus), Mr. 0. Eralp (Turkey) and Mr. A. Liatis (Greece) took places at the Security Council table.

?he Ca’uncil Will now resume its consideration of the questia’n of Cyprus. 1 should like to draw the Council’s attention to the report submitted on 8 December 1966 by the Secretary-General and circulated as Security Ccruncil document S/7611 and Add.1. A draft resolution sponsored by seven of theCouncil’smembers [S/7635] was distributed this afternoon.

The broad lines of the report which the Secretary-General has submitted to the Council, now uader consideration, show that limited progress has been made during the last six months towards stabilizing and settling the present situation in Cyprus. In tha words of the Secretary-General, Yhe persistence of the unsettled situation in Cyprus points forcibly to a further extension of the Force’s mandate” [S/7611, pa.ra. 1921. 15. The Argentine delegation must express its regret at the conclusions in this report because the reports which the Council received in March and June of this year had encouraged us to hope, though with many reservations, that significant progress would have been made before the end of 1966. 16, The Argentine delegation would like the United Nlations to do something more at present than extend the Force’s mandate; it should help Cyprus and its suffering people in this grave political crisis which has already lasted for three years. For this reason, W~L rend with particular attention chapter V of the report describing the mediation effort. Unfortunately, this chapter, which is the shortest in the report, tells us that the situation has remained unchanged since the beginning of the year, when the Secretary-General was prevented from renewing the functions of the Mediator, which had remained unfulfilled since the resignation of Mr. Galo Plaza, He then adds a sentence which sums up the existing difficulties: “During the period under review I have not found the prevailing circumstances to be conducive to an attempt at a r’esumption of the mediationfunction” [@., para. 1811. 18. In conclusion, the Argentine delegation wishes to express its support for the action which the United Nations is now taking in Cyprus and its confidence that the mediation and conciliation efforts Will help the people and the Government of Cyprus to attain the peace and Prosperity which they SO richly deserve and which they have unfortunately been prevented from enjoying fully since becoming an independent State.

The Soviet Union’s position on the question of Cyprus is well known. It has been explained repeatedly in statements issuedby the Soviet Government and in statements byits representatives in the Security Council and elsewhere. 1 should like to point out that this position still remains fully valid. 20. The Soviet Union has always been in favour of settling the Cyprus question by peaceful means in the interests of thepeople of Cyprus andin order to reduce tension in that part of the world. 21. We proceed from the premise that the basis for the solution of the Cyprus question must be respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus and for the legitimate rights of both national communities. There is not and never could be any doubt that the solution of Cyprus’s domestic problems is a matter for the Cypriots themselves. It goes without saying that the Cyprus question must be settled without any outside interference. The Soviet Union strongly opposes any plans or attempts to settle the Cyprus question behind the backs of the people of Cyprus, in the interests of NATO. 22. We are firmly oonvinced that in order to ensure the genuine independence and integrity of theRepublic of Cyprus, a11 foreign troops must be withdrawn from its territory and a11 foreign military bases must be dismantled. 23. Today the Security Council is once again considering the Cyprus question in connexion with the report by the Secretary-General concerning the United Nations Operation in Cyprus from 11 June to 5 Deoember 1966. 24. In the draft resolution submitted by Argentina, Japan, Jordan, Mali, Nigeria, Uganda and Uruguay, it is proposed, inter alia, that the UnitedNations Peacekeeping Force should be stationed in Cyprus for a

Once again the Council is convened to consider a periodic report by the Secretary-General on the United Nations Operation in Ciyprus. 1 should like to express the appreciation of the Japanese delegation to the Secretary-General and his staff for the careful and thorough way in which it has been prepared and presented. 2’7. My delegation also greatly appreciates the continued services of the Special Representative, Mr. Bernardes, and of a11 the other personnel, both military and civilian, which constitute the United Nations presence in Cyprus. We owe our gratitude also to the Governments which have made their personnel available, as well as to those others which have supported the peace-keeping operation by voluntary financial cont:ributions, and 1 am pleased to state that my Government is among those which are contributing financially tlo the operation. 28. 1 believe it is obvious to a11 of us that the United Nations Operation in Cyprus has been, and continues to be, an essential factor for the maintenanceof peace and security in that area and for the peaceful solution o’f the complex and difficult problems that continue to beset it. My delegation also recognizes that under the present circumstances the stationing of the Force should be extended for an additional six months. 5!9. For these reasons, the Japanese delegation has joined in sponsoring the draft resolution which is now before the Council and which we hope Will be adopted unanimously. 30. In concluding my remarks on behalf of the Japanese delegation, may I express the very earnest hope that continued, determined and Go-operative afforts by the parties concerned during the next six months Will bring us closer to a peaceful solution of the problems involving Cyprus?

1 propose that we vote now on the seven-Power draft resolution [S/‘7635] which the members of the Council have before them. A vote was taken by show ofhands. The draft resolution was adopted unanimously.~ -2/ Sec resolution 231 (1966). 33, Having from the first taken a full part in the peace-keeping activities of the United Nations in the island, my Government remains of the conviction that it is essential ta continue those activities, in order that a peaceful and honourable settlement canbe found. Consequently, my Government Will continue to give its full support to the Secretary-General and to the Force in Cyprus. My Government agrees with the proposa1 that the mandate of the Force should be extended for a period of six months. The United Kingdom Will continue to provide a military contingent at its present strength and we shall meet a11 its costs. 34. On behalf of my Government, I also pledge further voluntary contribution of $1 million for each three-month period of tht/ new mandate. 35. Having given these assurances, and since it is not our intention at this time to enterinto any discussion of wider issues, it remains for me to do two things. First, since we have throughout madeour practical and positive contributions, we think that we are entitled to appeal to others to join with us in contributing to meet the costs of the Force, The deficit must be wiped out; we cannot be content with a situation in which the Council gives a mandate to the Secretary-General without assurances of sufficient funds to carry out that mandate. 36. Secondly, we wish to thankthe Secretary-General most sincerely for the thoroughness of the reports which he has submitted and, at the same time, to express to a11 those participating in the endeavours of the United Nations in Cyprus our gratitude and our admiration for the unrelenting, courageous and successful efforts made in carrying out their essential and honourable task.

1 now give the floor to the representative of Greece.

Thank you, Mr. President, for inviting me to take part in this debate on the question of Cyprus, and for giving me the floor. 1 Will avail myself of this occasion to make just a brief statement, avoiding anything that might be controversial, as is the general wish, as 1 understand it, of a11 members round this table, 39. When the Security Council, at its 1286th meeting on 16 June 1966, last consideredthequestionof Cyprus and adopted resolution 222 (1966) extending the mandate of the Force in the island for another period of six months, it also took into account a new element relating to the subject-matter under review, namely, the effort which was to be undertaken jointly by the Governments of Greece and Turkey to facilitate the achievement of an early, peaceful and agreed solution to the problem of Cyprus. In the resolution itself, the 40. Members of the Council would, therefore, expect to hear today from either or both of the two Governments engaged in these talks, throughtheir respective representatives invited to participate in this meeting, on the progress achieved in the Greek-Turkish talks to date, as well as on the stage these bilatesal contacts, exchanges of views and discussions have presently reached, and on the prospects opening thlsrefrom for the future. 41, Such expectation from the members of this august body appears the more justified since the Greek- Turkish dialogue on Cyprus has been going on for almost six months now, and one would reasonablyfeel that the time might be ripe for conveying to the Council. at least a general outline of what has been done and what remains to be done by Athens anal Ankara, 42. 1 must readily say that my Government fully understands and appreciates this view and is deeply conscious of its responsibilities towards the United Nations in this respect. Allow me, however, to explain thie reasons why we feel it is still somewhat premature to divulge anything substantive concerning the Greek-Turkish dialogue. 43. When the Foreign Ministers of Turkey and Greece met at Brussels early last June to agree on the main procedural aspects of the dialogue which was then to be initiated between the two countries, they decided th,at the dialogue should be confidential. They thought that this would be the proper course to follow if the projected talks were to be carried on smoot,hly and with the best possible chances of success. 44:. This decision was and still is, we believe, a wise one. It was not motivated-let me make this quite clear-by any sense of mistrust or any selfish consideration whatsoever. It was dictated by what was deemed to be in the best interest of the case itself artd of a11 concerned, Consequently, 1 feel confident that the members of this Council, judging from their own diplomatie experience and their knowledge of the various facets of the question of Cyprus and the circumstances surrounding it, Will concur that no useful and fruitful talks of this nature could possibly be conducted in public without running the risk of their giving rise to open and heated criticism and countercriticism, accusations and counter-accusations, invectives and recriminations piling up endlessly and at a constantly increasing tempo. 45. The Greek-Turkish talks, may 1 also remind members of the Council, caver not only the question of Cyprus but also other problems affecting the relations between Greece and Turkey, as is stated in the joint communiqué issued on 9 June 1966, after the two Foreign Ministers met at Brussels and agreed on th.e procedural aspects of the dialogue. 47. Another indication of the way in which the talks are going on is the lessening of tension in Greek- Turkish relations, to the mutual benefit of both countries as well as to that of the whole southeast European and eastern Mediterranean area. This is indeed an encouraging development, in contrast to the continuing deterioration marking those relations up to a few months ago. 48. While not wishing to convey any over-optimism about the Greek-Turkish talks and the prospects of reaching an equitable and lasting solution within a few more weeks or a few more months, 1 should like to stress that both Governments seem determined to do their best in order to achieve, as they have pledged to do, an early solution to the problem before us, On behalf of my Government 1 cari vouch that we are trying our best to this effect. 49. In a more realistic approach, may I remind you of the diflïculties, real or imaginary, intrinsic or marginal, actual or emotional, or even fictitious, whatever their nature, that surround the Cyprus issue. Al1 these contrarieties, whatever their nature, have to ùe dealt with and overcome. Moreover, pasterrors and fallacies must be corrected if we are to reach sound and solid ground on which to build the future. 50. On the basis of these data and considerations, 1 should like to express our appreciation to the Security Council for allowing us more time to pursue these efforts along the right course andin the right direction in which we are already engaged and intend to continue, 51. Before concluding I should like to express my Government’s gratitude to the United Nations for its continued assistance in the maintenance of peace in Cyprus, and for its precious contribution during the past three years in the search for an appropriate solution to the Cyprus problem. Our gratitude goes to our Organization, as a whole, and, in particular, to our Secretary-General and his assistants, both here at the Secretariat’s Keadquasters and in Cyprus, to his Special Representative in the island, Mr. Bernardes, and to the Commander of UNFICYP, Major-General Martola, who deserve special mention. 52. Our expression of gratitude is also addressed to the countries providing military, police and other

1 am speaking in thename of the delegations of Mali, Uganda and Nigeria. Al1 we wish to do is to stress the importance that our delegations attach to the appeal in paragraph 2 of this resolution. We are very anxious to see the objectives of the Security Council achieved in Cyprus. We are very anxious that they should be achieved very promptly and,, for that reason, we are very anxious that a11 the parties concerned should co-operate in genuine efforts to sec that complete normalcy is restored in that island and that this peace-keeping operation is terminated satisfactorily for a11 concerned.

1 should first like to express appreciation to our Secretary-General for his lucid and thorough report on the United Nations Operation in Cyprus. On the basis of this report we have again extended the mandate of UNFICYP for a further period of six months. 56. In thanking the Secretary-General and his able staff, I think it is appropriate at this time to recall that the Secretary-General has laboured long andhard in ‘carrying out his far-reaching responsibilities in this: situation. Ris report continues to illustrate the close and faithful execution of the Council’s mandate by the Secretary-General and by the Secretary- Gerreralls Special Representative, our former colleague, Mr. Bernardes, and by the men of the United Nations Force commanded by the very able Major- General 1. A. E. Martola. 57. In pur-suit of its efforts to restore normal conditions, we note with satisfaction that during the past six months UNFICYP has concluded an arrangement with the Government of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot leadership which has restored postal services in the Turkish sector of Nicosia and Lefka, and we congratulate and express appreciation to the Government of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriots for his COoperation. The efforts of the Force havealsoled to an agreement covering the method for processing and registering land transactions, This is a11 to the good. 58. With regard to the efforts of the Force to contribute to the maintenance of law and order we are, 59. We are also concerned about the Secretary- General’s supplementary report [S/‘7611/Add.l] which was issued on 13 December. The UnitedNations Force, manned by excellent contingents from Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, Finland, Ireland, New Zealand, Sweden and the United Kingdom has done a remarkably fine job of maintaining peace on the island, in the best tradition of the United Nations. We believe peace and order cari only be achieved by an even greater degree af co-operation with UNFXCYP. The importation of additional arms, in violation of the spirit and intent of Security Council resolution 186 (1964) of 4 March 1964, Will not achieve greater peace and security. On the contrary, their very presence cannot be other than a source of insecurity and strife. 60. We welcome the agreement of the Government of Cyprus ta allow UNFICYP to inspect those arms. We would hope, fur ther , that these arms cari be neutralized and this would occur if the Cypriot Government agreed to place the arms which have alseady arrived, under the continuing custody of the United Nations Force, 61. This Council has met today for the third time this year on the question of Cyprus. As others have noted, it has, for the tenth time since March 1964, extended the mandate of UNFICYP. Given the conditions on the island, my Government believes that these actions have been necessary, and that the stated objectives of the Councills resolution merit our moral and material support. But we must remind ourselves again of what the Secretary-General has pointed out to us, and what has been referred to by others-that the financial base for UNFICYP is a narrow anduncertain one. His semarks highlight the fact that this Organization cannot expect a peace-keeping operation such as UNFICYP to succeed, however dedicated and energetic its personnel, unless we collectively provide the required support. This is our obligation, not the Secretary-Generalls. The Council owes its appreoiation to those oountries-unfortunately, too limited in numberwhich have continued to support UNFICYP financially since its creation nearly three years ago. These countries have shown a high degree of responsibility in carrying out this vital UnitedNations peace-keeping function. 63. My Government, having voted for the resolution, feels that it must match its vote by a concrete demonstration of itS support for the resolution, and, therefore, 1 wish to announce that the UnitedStates pkdges $4 million towards the $9,675,000 cash budget for UNFICYP for the period 27 December 1966 to26 June 1967, Our ultimate contribution against this pledge Will, as in the past, depend on contributions of other Governments, and confirmation of UNFICYP’s cost es timates. 64. Our willingness to continue supporting UNFICYP is based on the need for the parties concerned to explore every conceivable avenue which may lead towards accommodation, and we have heard with interest what the representative of Greece has said, and we express appreciation too for what we have heard about the efforts of the Turkish Government in this connexion; likewise, we invite and welcome the good spirit of the Cypriot Government to the same end. 65. The responsibility of showing progress towards an agreed solution increases with the passage of time. For this reason, 1 believe, as others havepointed out, that the final paragraph of the resolution is most apposite to the situation and accurately expresses our expectation as to the future course of events. 66. 1 have adverted to the talks between the Governments of Turkey and Greece, and the Secretary- General has noted them. We share his hope that these talks Will be one of the means by which a peaceful solution cari be found. The fact that these talks have continued in secrecy for six months shows how seriously the two Governments take their responsibilities in attempting to settle this most difficult problem. This problem has seriously affected their relations for more than a decade; its settlement, we know, is not easy. Such a settlement needs time, and above a11 it needs peace on the island. This cari best be achieved if UNFICYP receives, as 1 have said earlier, the fullest co-operation of a11 parties concerned and, in particular, of the Government of Cyprus which has such a vital stake in this matter.

The nexi: speaker on my list is the representative Of Cyprus, on whom 1 now call.

We have before us the report of the Secretary-General for the six months just ended, which is a clear and comprehensive dooument presenting the current situation on the island. In this connexion, I wish to express my Government’s full appreciation of the constructive work UNFICYP 69. I avail mYSelf of this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Seoretary-General for dealingwith this problem *itb the directness, wisdom, ob jectivity and tact which cllaracterize him in a11 his dealings. 1 wish also to add our aPPreoiation fox the able and careful handling of the day-to-day affairs of this problem by his staff, both here and in Cyprus, and particularly to refer to the devoted services of Major-General Martola, the Commander of the United Nations Force, and Mr. Bernardes, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, whose consistent and patient efforts tO*adS a return to normality are worthy of special mention, 70. In looking over the report, we also have to look at the previous reports during the current year in order to get a true picture of the situation, Indeed, normalization in the relations between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots is no doubt the most important aspect of the problem, for progress in that direction means effective progress towards the solution of the problem. This, naturally, should be a vital factor in achieving a solution. An encouraging sign in the last report, with regard to normalization, is the agreement on the restoration of postal service8 in the Turkish sector in appropriate functioning under the Director of the Department of Posts, thus supplying the needs of the Turkish Cypriots iwithin the spirit of cooperation and unification, It is, therefore, aconstructive step towards normalization in the proper sense, 71. Another satisfactory agreement achievedthrough UNFICYP and the good services of the SpecialRepresentatiue of the Secretary-General is the agreement with regard to land records. Their restoration to the Government Department of Lands and Surveys now facilitates transactions in immovable property, both in respect of the Greek and the Turkish Cypriots. We hope that efforts in this direction, towards common public services, will meet with equal success in the near future. 73, Freedom of movement and oontact between the Greeks and Turks in Cyprus is, however, the mOSt important objective to be pursued towards a return to normal conditions of life, SO necessary for a spirit of goodwill and conciliation to prevail, which would realisticdly pave the way to a sound solution of the Problem. The report refers to such freedom of movement as “a prime consideration in evaluating the Progress of normalization” and it also states that “it remains one of the basic issues”. [S/7611, para. 108.1 73. In thi8 respect, one important element iS the approach of the people of Cyprus, as a whole-bOth the Greeks and the Turks-towards the idea Of normalization and reoonciliation. 1 8hOuld like to draw the attention of the Security CounCil t0 the ardent desire Of the bulk of the people Of the island, Greek and Turkish Cypriots alike, for a return to PeaCe and normality in their relations, as ha8 been repeatedly mentioned in the reports of the Secretary-General, and particuIarIy in the report of 10 mrch 1966: 74. In the subsequent report of 10 June 1966; the Secretary-General speaks of the “yearning and impatiftnce of the ordinary people of Cyprus for a full return to normal conditions” [S/7350, para. 1781. The Secretary-General then makes an appeal to the leaders in Cyprus to make an earnest effort in this respect. 75. Therefore, as far as Cyprus itself is concerned, independently of what happens outside, it is most important that the people of Cyprus, the Greeks and the Turlrs, are encouraged-not only allowed, but encouraged-to conciliate and co-operate in order that they may create the climate which is required for a solution to the problem. For, indeed, the problem itself cari only be solved by that spirit of conciliation whicrh will prevail in Cyprus. It is therefore to be hoped that something Will be done, and that every effort Will be exerted, from both sides in this direction. ‘76. As far as my Government is concerned,Ioan say that from the reports of the Secretary-General, itcan be :seen that it is doing a11 in its power to assist in this direction through rebuilding or repairing the houses of the refugees SO that they may resettle, by providing work and employment for them, and also economic assistance, 77. This return of the refugees, which they themselves desire ardently, 1s from many points of view a nacessary and positive factor. First, it Will help greatly towards normalization; seoondly, they themselves Will be relieved of the inevitable hardships of living under conditions of forced refugees in the enclaves. They Will also resume their occupations and earn an honest living, instead of depending on alms in a forced refugee status. Thirdly, they Will net Suffer psychologically from the stultifying mentality of being a refugee. 78. 1 cari assure the Council that we are doing a11 in our power to help towards the return and resettlement of the refugees to their previous villages and houses in an endeavour at reconciliation andprogress towards Paclification. Under these circumstances, we feel that, parallel to a11 the efforts that are beingmade to salve the problem of Cyprus, it is important to assist UNFICYP in its work towards normalization and reconciliation in tha Island. 1 say this in no other spirit than to point out that what is being done in respect of normalization is vitally important. I Will net, enter into any details on the subject because, as we a11 know, we do notwant to touoh upon anything that is controversial. I want to produce here everything constructive and helpful, and nothing controversial. w& the Government of C@rus, which has the responsibility for the maintenance and restoration of law and order, to take a11 additional measures necessary to stop violence and bloodshed in Cyprus”. It would be inconceivable for a Government or an independent State to be deprived of the right to have a policy force at its disposal. Nor could it be said that UNFICYP is functioning as a Cyprus police force, It was never conceived that Cyprus would be policed by IJNFICYP, neither is it their duty to do SO, nor is it provided for by that resolution, nor would it be consistent with the sovereignty and independence of Cyprus, which is recognized in the Security Council resolution itself. Furthermore, Cyprus always has to be ready to defend itself against any eventuality. General Assembly resolution 2077 (XX) adopted last year makes it abundantly clear that Cyprus, as a Member of the United Nations, is entitled to “full sovereignty and complete independence wfthout any foreign intervention or interference” and calls upon a11 States not to interfere in the affairs of Cyprus, but to respect its independence and sovereignty. 80. I therefore consider that any interference in the right of Cyprus to have its own police is of itself an interferenee and intervention in the interna1 affairs of Cyprus, and 1 therefore reject it as such. 81. The Government of Cyprus has stateditswillingness-as appears in the report of the Secretary- General--t0 show the representatives of UNFICYP the arms, and even allow them to inspect them and be given full details. That is done in a spirit of cooperation with UNFICYP, and not in a spirit of derogating from its rights as a sovereign State. 82. 1 must tberefore again emphasize that Cyprus has the right to have its police, particularly in these circumstances and this right is not to be disputed by any one. 85, 1 also wish to extend the sincere thanks of my Government to the countries who have SO long contributed, and continue to contribute, financially and with manpower, to the maintenance of the peace-keeping forcle. 86. Secondly , 1 wish to make a very brief remark in conn.exion with the statement just made by the representative of Greece. 1 fully associate myself withwhat he has said on thc question of the talks going on between Greece and Turkey. He has given a very thorough analysis of them. 1 agree with what he has said about the procedure being followed as well as about the goals that we have in mind. Secrecy, in cases like this, is essential. We have found through long experience that not “open covenants openly arrived at” but “open covenants seoretly arrived at” are casier to attain. 1 .would also like to express once again, in similar terms to those he used concerning his Government, that my Government has entered these talks imbued with. the full spirit of co-operation and goodwill, and our goal is that which 1 have outlined before: in other wor~ds, to find a solution based on justice and equity which takes into account the legitimate rights of a11 the :Parties concernod. 87, 1 would have liked also to avoidanycontroversial matters, as the representative of Cyprus said at the begi.nning of his remarks, but 1 find that we do not Often agree on what ,is and what is not controversial, 88. Briefly, 1 should like to refer to a few points. He mentioned, for instance, the possibility of a spirit Of conciliation between the peoples on the island. 1 agree with him entirely that that is desirable and woulà, in turn, create conditions in which peace could be obtained more easily. But, as is evident from the many pieoes of correspondenoe received from the leaders of the Turkish community, they, too, desire COnCiliatien, but in full regard for their legitimate rights, as was SO aptly referred to by the Soviet Union rePresentative in his intervention. 89. Normalization is also desired byus; but normalization must be understood to mean normalization under law,, Normalization cannot mean the Perpetuation Of the unlawful. 90. Reference was made to the situation which recently developed in Cyprus as a result of the influx 91, It has been claimed that this large supplyof arms is intended for the normal duties of the Greek Cypriot police. The Council may, perhaps, be aware of instances anywhere in the world where police are equipped with rifles, Sten guns, armoured cars and, if the Press reports are to be acoepted, bazookas and tanks. 1 am not aware of any suoh instance. That these arms are intended fox the purpose of renewed pressure against the Turks of Cyprus there cari be no doubt. Nor cari there be the slightest doubt that such a purchase ofweapons of mass destruction is a flagrant violation of the letter and spirit of resolution 186 (1964) as well as other appeals by the Security Council. 1 neecl do no more than quote from a passage of a previous report of the Secretary-General to which reference is made in the addendum to his present report. In his report of 10 September 1964, the Secretary-General states: “My view, as expressed in my report of 15 June, continues to be that while there is no doubt that a sovereign Government normally is entitled to import and/or manufacture arms, the question as regards Cyprus is whether at the present time and in the present circumstances the importation and manufacture of arms by the Government of C@rus is consistent with the letter and spirit of the Seourity Council resolution of 4 March.” [S/5950, para, 38.1 92. It is interesting to note that in the very next paragraph of the same report, the Secretary-General refers to assurances given by Archbishop Makarios to his Special Representative that “the heavy wcapons imported would be used only for the defence of the country against foreign invasions and not in the interna1 conflictsw. Subsequent reports of the Secretary-General are full of incidents in which the very heavy weapons were used to strike terror into the hearts of the Turkish citizens of Cyprus, 93. In defence of such provocative violations of Security Council resolutions, thepleaof act of Government has been raised; it had been raised in the past and it was raised here again. It has been said that any Government has the prerogative to import arms. 1 have explained in the past and 1 should like to mention once again that such a plea, under the present circumstances, oannot be held valid. 94. The Government of Cyprus has exercised the prerogative of a sovereign Government by consenting freely to the dispatch of a United Nations peacekeeping force to Cyprus. In sodoing, it has voluntarily limited its sovereignty to the extent that it cari no longer exercise so-called acts of Government which are incompatible with the mandate of that Force and which in fact endanger the Force itself. 96, The civil war in Cyprus has erupted under Gircumstanoes which 1 do not want to go into at this late hour SO as not to raise more controversial questions,

The representative of Cyprus has asked for the floor in exercise of the right of reply.

I wish to make a reply to wlhat has been said by the representative of Turkey. 99. The representative of Turkey admits that they are against normalization in the island and, therefore, they are working against UNFICYP’s efforts. He says they would understand normalization if that means -anid this is what is intended-a return to the Zurich and London Agreements and a return to the Constitution,, that is, the oddity of a constitution, which gives eight Turkish members in the House of Representatives the right to defeat the vote of forty-two other members. Those are the conditions on whioh they woultd allow the Turkish Cypriots to return to their normal occupations, to their houses andvillages to live normally; otherwise, they would oontinue tokeep them as foroed refugees in enclaves SO as to promote the hopeless and sinister idea of partition, That is what is really meant when they say they would acoept wnormalizationn only if it is restoration of the previous constitutional conditions. The members of the Security Council oan therefore see who is workingfor normalization and who is not. lOO,, The Speoial Representative of the Secretary- General does not aim at either side’s promoting its political position by normalization or at aohieving a solution to the problem through normalization-for that is what the representative of Turkey asked: that they should be allowed to return to the constitutional conditions whioh previously prevailed. The Force askrs only for normal conditions of life, as repeatedly stated in the report. And normal conditions of life mean that the Turkish Cypriots who are kept in the enolaves should be allowed to return to theix homes. 101. In this connexion, to prove that the refugees wan.t to return, it is enough to mention-and I have herse the numbers, names and other particulars-that fifty-three Turkish men, women and children bave escaped from the enclaves during the current year-I repeat, fifty-three have escaped-at the risk of being 102. Thousands of Turkish Cypriots are forced to live in the enclaves under the arbitrary rule of military officers from Turkey. Recently, one of those officers was killed during a revolt in one of the enclaves. 1 cari supply a11 the particulars, but 1 do not want to take the Council’s time. However, if this is disputed, 1 cari supply the details which are already well known; the details were published. These are the conditions in the enclaves. 103. Let the people live normally; let them go back to their homes and occupations instead of creating a financial problem by refusing them the opportunity to work as normal, decent citieens who want to earn their own livelihood instead of forcing them to be refugees, depending on the pittance that is sent from Ankara. These are not the ways in which to promote a political solution. They cannot achieve a political solution by violence against their own people. 104. As to the second point, the representative of Turkey spoke about arms. He quoted from the report of the Secretary-General in which the Secretary- General clearly said that it is an act of Government, it 1s the right of Cyprus to import arms. The Secretary-General did not say that it is contrary to the spirit and the letter of the Security Council resolution. IIe merely put a question mark. Opinions may differ. In my humble submission the Security Council resolution is clear and we cannot put to it any other explanation than the words that are spelled out in it. The words are very clear. The Government of Cyprus has the responsibility for the maintenance and restoration of law and order. Any Government that has this responsibility carries with it the right to have a police force at its disposa1 and the number and arms of that police force are a matter for the Government to decide. If there was any intent to curtail that right, it would have been spelled out in some way in the resolution. Even indirectly, there is no indication whatsoever, every indication is to the contrary. 105. 1 also want to point out that in Security Council resolution 186 (1964), the duties and responsibilities of the Govesnment are distinct from the duties and responsibilities of the communities. In paragraph 2 the Government of Cyprus is asked to do one thing and in paragraph 3 the communities are called upon to do something else. Therefore, the Government and the communities are contradistinguished. 106. Also, this appears clearly from paragraph 7, where it is stated that the Security Council recommends “that the Secretary-General designate, in agreement with the Government of Cyprus, and the Governments of Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom, a mediator, 107. Furthermore, the Government of Cyprus has shown its full co-operation with UNFICYP. It has been mentioned by the representative of Turkey that the Government of Cyprus has shown opposition to the Force and he referred to the report-I kindly ask the Security Council to bear with me-to see what the report says about the freedom of movement of the United Nations force. In paragraph 17, it says that UNFICYP personnel were denied “freedom of movement on twenty-six occasions, in ten of which they were threatened with weawns”. It goes on to say: “The most serious of these incidents occurred on 13 October, when a two-man Force patrol was interoepted and beaten by four Turkish Cypriot fighters while carrying out a routine patrol. The Force Commander made a strong protest to the Turkish Cypriot Ieadership . , . “A second serious incident occurred on 3 November lL966, when the members of a two-man Force patrol were manhandled and kicked by Turkish Cypriot f’ighters. The Force Commander again lodged a strong protest with the Turkish Cypriot leadership , , , II, [S/7611, paras. 19 and 20.1 108. The representative of Turkey does not mention any such case of using force against UNFICYP by the Government forces or by anyone who was fully armed and in a position to do SO, whereas the Turkish Cypriots, who are supposed not to be as fully armed, show their violence by attacking UNFICYP. The only thi.ng that was mentioned about the Government was that on one or two occasions they did not allow UNFICYP to go into certain areas where they considered it to be of military importance; itwas merely ciVilized talk saying: “You cannot go in here”. But afterwards they opened the road for them. 109. That is what is stated in the report. 1 would not have mentioned it if the representative of Turkey had not referred to this report about freedomof movement and 1 was obliged to read it in answer to him. 110. 1 understand that the President is in a hurry to proceed. 1 will certainly end presently, but it is not my fault if 1 have to answer questions that have been raised, out of no desire of mine. My statement was

1 thank the representative of Cyprus and wish to point out to him, and also to the representative of Turkey, that the Council is greatly pressed for time since this meeting has had to be fitted in between meetings devoted to the extremely urgent problem of Southern Rhodesia. Owing to the approaching end of the Force’s mandate on the island, the Council had to deal with this matter today, Moreover, the President, as representative of Uruguay, still has to take the floor. It is now 6.35 p.m, and we have not yet begun the debate on the question of Southern Rhodesia, which Will be prolonged and which is an urgent, painful subject of the greatest concern. 113. Having said this, 1 now give the floor to the Turkish representative, drawing his attention to what 1 have just said. 1.14. Mr. ERALP (Turkey): 1 assure you that I Will be brief, as usual, but there are one or two points which I have to specify. 115. 1 would have hoped that the Council be spared, at this late hour, the rehashing of the old arguments with regard to partition; the tune has really become unbearable. The Council has heard it ad nauseam. So 1 shall not go into a repetition of those arguments. 116. The representative of Cyprus mentioned the number of escapes from the enclaves. Of course, the Council is very well aware under what circumstances these enclaves were formed. The people have formed them SO that they cari defend themselves against further aggression from outside. We have had cases of Turkish villages attacked, surrounded by the forces of the Greek Cypriot police armed with heavy weapons and creating incidents. 117. IIe said that there were fifty-three escapees. Of course, the attitude of the Greek Cypriot administration is to turn the screw, SO that there Will be not fifty-three but 5,000 who will escape. But these people have made it clear on morethanoneoccasion that they prefer the freedom of the grave to the security of the slave. They are there, gun in hand, defending their rights, and they Will continue to do SO. Fifty-three escapes out of 50,000 is not very many. 118, On the other hand, 1 should like to ask Mr. Rossides why 7,000 Turkish people in Cyprus, WhO are ready to return to their homes in Kaimakli and Paphos, are not allowed to do SO. They are not allowed to because the Greeks have occupied their homes and they oannot go back, SO in the face of that fact, this magnanimity does not ring truc. 119. As for the relations between UNFICYP and the two communities, there are always incidents of violence here and there but they aie incidents which are isolated and happen only from time to time. On the II #SI Force patrols were prcvented from coming close to National Guard forward positions in the Kyrenia Range and were also prevented by the National Guard from using a track linking Lefka and Ambelikou, In addition, the National Guard screened off construction work south of Larnaca and did not allow the Force access to the site . , .ll Mr, Rossides dismissed these as military preparations which had to be kept secret, even from UNFICYP. But military preparations against whom? It has been proved time and again that these fortificationù are directed, not against any outside danger, but against the Turkish Cypriot positions on the island. 120. In other words, if things should get rough again the Greeks want to be in a fortifiedposition, and misgivings about these fortifications have been fully reflected in the report of the Secrctary-General. 121, Finally, 1 do not wish to go any fusther into the matter of the arms purchases; 1 wish only to register tfie ,satisfaction of my Government that further shipmenls have been stoppcd, and the hope of my Government that the supplies which have already been delivered Will be placed in UNFICYP custody.

1 give the floor to the representative of Cyprus.

The representative of Turkey states that the military reinforcement is against the Turkish Cypriots. It is a well-known fact that the Government forces are overwhelmingly superior to the forces in the enclaves. The reason why they do not clear the enclaves is not that they do net have sufficient forces to do SO; it is because they show restraint, because they want to co-operate with UNFICYP, and beceuse they do not want to cause bloodshed and fighting. SO the arms are neither needed nor intended for use against the Turkish Cypriots. It also appears in the report of the Seoretary-General that the fortifications are intencled for the coastal defence of Cyprus, which is continually threatened with aggression. This is also clear fromthe statement made by the Chief of the General Staff of Turkey when he said, after amphibious exercises and airborne operations on 3 August L966, that they would be ready to occupy the whole of Cyprus in twenty-four heurs, When Cyprus is threatened with outside aggression and invnsion, it has to prepare its defences. 124:. The PRESIDENT (translated from Spanish): Since there are no more speakers on my list, 1 shall now relinquish temporarily my office of President in orcler to speak as the representative of URUGUAY. 126. I stressed the need for tackling the substanceof the problem of Cyprus openly and frankly. WhenI said this, 1 believed, as 1 still do, that the situation on Cyprus Will not be solved by the presence of foreign forces, even if they fly the flag of the United Nations; on the contrary, it must be solved by the normal operation of the principle of self-determination. In the first place, the Cypriot people must exercise their constituent power, which is the very essence of sovereignty. 127. I believed then-and now, six months later, 1 believe this even more fismly-that Cyprus must take a decision as a sovereign State. As jurists we are obliged to draw a distinction between so-called constitutional charters and true constitutions which reflect t.he democratically expressed Will of the people. 128. Historically, charters wereinstruments granted ex gratia by sovereigns to their vassals. Constitutions, on the other hand, are iuridical instruments chosen by the Will of the peopïe to govern their country’s destiny. Although Cyprus has been recognized as independent by the United Nations and by more than sixty States and although it is internationally autonomous, it nevertheless lacks one of the attributes required by General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) because its people have not yet exercised their constituent power, an essential attribute of sovereignty. Six months ago, we voted to extend the mandate of the United Nations Force [resolution 222 (1966)], as we have done again today, in order to preserve the peace. We realize that, in SO doing, we are doing our duty by contributing to the political and social stability of the island. 129. We must also express our gratitude to the Powers which are generously contributing to the upkeep of the Force and we pay a tribute to the Force for ably discharging its mission to ensure the tranquillity of the Cypriot people. This does not, however, absolve us of the duty-especially since in a few days we shall cesse to be a member of this Council-to stress one aspect which we consider fundamental. A country is not truly independent until it has placed its independence on a constitutional footing through the direct exercise of the sovereignty of its people. 130. Mr. Sanchez Viamonte, the learned Argentine professor, writing on this subject teaches us: “It is a common errer to cal1 a constitution a charter, an epithet which is often disguised by the addition of such adjectives as magna, or fundamental; technically, however, a charter is always a royal or seigniorial concession to subjects or vassals. A constitution is a fundamental law which a people gives itself. Strictly speaking, Cyprus has The foregoing quotations arefrom an unpublished work by Professor SBnchez Viamonte entitled Soberania y Consti.tucionalismo en Chipre, whose concluding passage reads as follows: “1 affirm that Cyprus Will exercise its sovereignty only through the system of constitutionalism. Not only is it empowered to amend the charter of colonial origin, but it may also repeal it in toto, just as it also has the right to adopt a constitution and through it a political and social system in keeping with its spirit, its legitimate interests and its aspirations. 11 131. It is for these valid reasons that Icannot merely vote in silence for this further six-month extension and a few days later leave the Security Council with a clear conscience, as if 1 had done my duty by merely voting that the United Nations Force should continue to prevent disturbances on the island. 132. Before 1 leave this august international body 1 must at least reiterate the words 1 said in June of this year: “1 hope that in the coming six months we shall achieve a political, legal and institutional solution for the problem of Cyprus. 1 hope that we shall not 133. Nor should 1 like to leave the Security Council without correcting an ambiguous reference in a United Nations document which drew attention to the similarity between the situations prevailing when my country became a constitutional republic and when Cyprus attained independence. 134. The existence in both cases of international treaties relating to the attainment of autonomy by both Cyprus and Uruguay has given rise to some confusion which 1 should like to, and indeed must, set right out of respect for historical accuracy and as a tribute the distinguished statesmen of my countrywhoframed our Constitution of 1830 in complete freedom. 135. The learned historian, Professor Juan E. Pivel Devoto, who is now my country’s Minister of Public Education, has said on this point: “The independence of the Eastern Republic Uruguay was recognized by the Empire of Brazil and by the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata when those Powers signed the Preliminary Peace Convention, which put an end to the war which had begun with the liberation campaign of 1825. The Convention was ratified by the signatory States and the instruments of ratification were exchanged Montevideo on 4 October 1828. “The new State, as a free and sovereign act, immediately proceeded to elect the representatives who were to form its Sovereign Constituent and Legislative Assembly. This election was held throughout the whole country in strict conformity with thelegal rules and procedures whch the revolution had laid clown in 1825. The Constituent Assembly was inaugurated at San Jo& on 22 November 1828. ‘Qn 10 September 1829, in the oity of Montevideo, adopted a Constitution which had been drafted, discussed and approved by the members of that sovereign body without the participation of any foreign agent. This point was explicitly brought out by the authors in the preamble of the Constitution: l . I. to the best of our knowledge and according the dietates of our conscience, we haveagreedupon, drawn up and adopted the present Constitution’. referring ta the Eastern Republic, article 2 states: ‘it is, and always shall be free and independent any foreign power’. The Constitution was solemnly promulgated in the city of Montevideo and in every town and village of the State on 18 July 1830. The powers conferred by the Constitution came into force immediately throughout the Republic. ” 137. I apOlOgiZe for having taken up SO much of the Cou.ncil’s time, but i could not have forgiven myself if 1 had let slip this opportunity of calling for a radical solution to the problem of Cyprus, whichwouldpermit the free eXerCiSe of its constituent power and which would weld into a single nation the various ethnie communities that make up its population,

1 would not have minded listening, even at this late hour, to a very learned discourse on the history of constitutional law by the representative of Uruguay, if he hadnot, unfortunately, during that discourse, painted a completely warped and one-sided picture of the real issues involved in the Cyprus problem. His discourse took as its theme, more or less, some remarks whichhe made on 16 June of this year, six months ago. At that time, 1 stated in reply: “1 shall not go further into detail, except to make o:ne clarification which 1 feel 1 must make with ragard to the statement of the representative of Uruguay. The representative of Uruguay is comp’aratively new to the meetings of the Security Council on the question of Cyprus. However, if he rfeads the previous records he will find that 1 have amply clarified the two points which he mentioned , . *If [1286th meeting, para. 129.1 139. 1 note with deep regret that in the course of these last six months the representative of Uruguay bas not read attentively the replies to the assertions he made then and which he has made this evening. 1 refuse to be drawn into an altercation with the President of the Council at this late hour. 1 cari only express my satisfaction that most members of the Council happen to be much better informed as to the real issues involved in this unhappy dispute.

Speaking again as the representative of URUGUAY, 1 should like to say just a few words to explain that 1 wa;s expounding concepts and doctrines. 1 know the facts, but it is with respect to the application of legal prinoiples to these facts that 1 differ with the Türkish representative. 141. There is no disagreement between us about the facts, There is a disagreement of principle, doctrine and concepts between us which cannot divide us even though men have very deeply rooted ideas on matters connected with the essence of law, justice and duty. 142. 1 follow the example of Unamuno, that WiSe Basque: NI am tolerant of ideas and intolerant of behaviourfl. Tolerant as 1 am of ideas, 1 respect the position taken by the Turkish representative, but I maintain my doctrinal position in full. Mr. A. Liatis (Greece), Mr, 0. Eralp (Turkey) and Mr. 2. Rossides (Cyprus) withdrew. Question concerning the situation in Southern Rhodesia: letters dated 2 and 30 August 1963 addressed to the President of the Security Council on behalf of the representatives of thirty-two Member States (S/!i382 a nd 5/5409): Letter dated 5 December 1966 from the Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/7610)

In accordance with our earlier decision [1331st meeting], 1 invite the representatives of Zambia, Senegal, Algeria, Pakistan and India to take the places reserved for them near the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. J. B. Mwemba (Zambia), Mr. Diop (S‘enegal), Mr. H. B. Azzout (Algeria), Mr. Amjad Ali (Pakistan) and Mi-. G. Parthasarathi (India) took the places reserved for them near the Council table.

The members of the Security Council Will recall that when 1 first introduced the draft amendments [S/7630] to the United Kingdom draft resolution [S/7621], 1 did declare [1335th meeting] that the co-sponsors of the draft amendments did not claim to have a monopoly of wisdom by any manner of means, and that they were prepared to be guided and advised in any subsequent deliberations with a view to making their amendments more effective and more acceptable to everybody concerned. This has, infact, takenplace already and there have been quite intense consultations with the cosponsors and the members of the Security Council, as well as Members of the United Nations outside the Security Council. 147. A perusal of those modifications-or, rather, amendments to our amendments-which 1 propose to read ta you will show that, although we have not been able to concede every point which has been put to us, yet we have determinedly gone a very long way to meet OUI critics and to adopt measures whioh have been suggested to us. 148. 1 should Iike to repeat once again that these proposals are being put forward SO as to agree as much as we cari with the proposals which have been put to us by other members of the Council, and by members outside this Council; it is out of deference to these opinions and because we felt that we should do everything possible to gain general acceptance on the points which we made, that we havefoundit necessary 150,, The sponsors have completely recast the first amendment SO that the new version will read: “Deeply concerned that the Council’s efforts SO far and the measures taken bv the administerina Power have failed to bring the rebellion in Southein Rhodesia to an end,“. That is the only change which we have effected in the preambular part of the draft resolution. 151. The proposed new paragraph 1 has been slightly recast SO that it Will read: “Determines that the present situation in Southern Rhodesia constitutes a threat to international peace and security;“. This, we feel, is more in keeping with Article 29 of the Charter on which it is based. 152. The proposed new paragraph 4 has also been recast, SO that it Will now read: ttCalls upon the United Kingdom to withdraw a11 o:ffers previously made to éhe illegal régime and to make a categorical declaration that it Will only grant independence to Southern Rhodesia under majority rule;“. Members Will note that what has happened thereis, in fact, the reversa1 of the order of these two requests which we made to Britain. This is a double-barrelled request, as you Will note, and a11 that we have clone is to reverse the order for the purpose of emphasis. Again, this was in deference to superior draftsmanship, whi.ch was suggested to us by some of our colleagues. 153. The proposed new paragraph has been recast to read: “Reminds Member States that the failure or refusa1 by any of them to implement the present resolution shall constitute a violation of Article 25 of the Charter;“. In deference to advice which has been given to us by our colleagues, we have found it necessary to leave out the last four words, tlcalling for appropriate action”. This does not mean that we regard appropriate action as unimportant, but we feel that we should wait until the measures that are recommended in the draft resolution have been tried and until they have been shown to be ineffective. 154. The proposed new paragraph 12 has been changed to read: “Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council on the progress of the implementation of the present resolution, the first report to be subrnitted not later than 1 March 1967;“. The only change, really, is the additionof three words “On the progresstl. This again was in deference to better draftsmanship and SO as to allay some of the 156. Before 1 close this short address, 1 should like to say that the sponsors and the African group that they have the honour to represent feel that considsration of this matter should be brought to an end as soon as possible. We are most anxious that a vote should be taken, preferably tomorrow-in fact, not later than tomorrow. We know that certainevents have taken place which might, perhaps, delay consideration of this question for some hours, but we feel that it should be dealt with as soon as possible, and that it should be finalized by tomorrow. 157. 1 should like to explain why we attach such importance to the finalization of the consideration of this matter. The representative of the United Kingdom, in his intervention yesterday j1337th meeting], did draw the attention of the Council to the importance of bringing this question to a conclusion at the very earliest date. He said that he wished to emphasize that it is not only one of great importance but one of great urgency. And you, Mr. President, in your intervention did share his views, 1, for one, also nearly took the floor to associate myself with the views that you expressed, but I did not succumb to that temptation. 158. Our fears have been gravely enhanced by the developments that have taken place in Britain and in Rhodesia. It appears to us now that certain important people in key positions in Hritain are having second thoughts and feel that everything should be done to go back again to the offers that were made by Prime Minister Wilson to Mr. Ian Smith, We feel that the sooner a decision is taken by this Council the bette??, SO as to forestall any such unfortunate developments. 159. My delegation does not need to emphasize once again what we have felt from the very outset: that these talks about talks were most unfortunate. 1 think I should be voicing the view of a11 three co-sponsors when 1 say that we felt that what came out of these talks was an extremely dishonourable surrender on the part of Elritain to the rebel régime. If this is what the people in Britain are now talking of reviving, of going back to, then we feel that the sooner we make a decision here the better. But developments are SO disturbing that one begins to wonder whether, even after this sort of resolution-perhaps with a few amendments-has been adopted, the door Will ever be closed to these interminable discussions with Ian Smith. 160. 1 should like to read to you the statement which forms the basis of our fears. It appears in The Daily Telegraph of Monday, 12 December 1966. The heading is “Four daysl grace on Rhodesia”, meaning that the British have once again given Rhodesia four more days of grace. There is a sub-heading: t’Smith’s plan to adopt Ttger reforms”; and another sub-heading: “Wilsonls watch on UN deadline”. The report itself reads: “The immediate reaction from Whitehall was by no means discouraging, but it was pointed out that Mr, Smith ‘Will have to move fast’l’-ttwill bave to move fast n is a quotation, I fear, from some very responsible quarters- “if the second thoughts he is reported to be having are to resolve the crisis. Eit:her by a publicly announced decision or a message to Mr. Wilson, he must make his intentions known to the British Government within three or four days. This is because the United Nations Security Council will by then, it is estimated, have reached its decision on the British-sponsored resolution oalling for mandatory sanctions.” Then there is a sub-heading: “Door ‘net bolted’ If; and another sub-heading: “Withdrawal of offer”. The text continues: “Assuming the resolution is passed, the Government considers itself bound by the Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ communique of last September to withdraw a11 proposals for a constitutional settlement, including the one worked out in Tiger. Even then, the door against renewing negotiss with Mr. Smith would not, in Britain’s view, be locked and bolted.” 1 think that that last sentence is perhaps, “the most unkind tut of a11 “. Some of us begin to wonder whether it is worthwhile continuing this sort of exercise. 1 would suggest that we are entitled to someexplanation as to whether that is really the view that is held today by Britain or by the British Government. 161. Some of the negotiations which have been going on bletween the sponsors and the British Government have-and I am not revealing anything terribly confidential-shown a certain dragging of the feet, and that has not been very encouraging. That is why we feel that, in the circumstances, the best we cari do is to go ahead and put the matter to the vote, corne what may. 1 do feel that the time has corne for some clear indioation of where the British stand, 162. Lord CARADON (United Kingdom): 1 waited to 6ee whether there were other speakers who wished ta take part in the debate tonight, but 1 gather that there are no more speakers listed for this evening. 1 merely wish to say to the representative of Uganda that my delegation is perfectly ready to continue the debalte in which we are engaged tomorrow, in accordance with the time-table which, 1 think, is agreed. We shall then have an opportunity of pursuing the Points which he has raised this evening. The meeting rose at 7.2Sp.m. Litho in UN. Price: $U.S. 1.00 (or equivalenc