S/PV.1560 Security Council

Today the Council continues its discussion of the agenda in document S/Agenda/l560. The first speaker on the list for today’s meeting is the representative of the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen. I invite him to take the place reserved for him at the Council table. 1.

Before we proceed to the consideration of the question before the Security Council, I should like to remind members that at the 1558th and 1559th meetings of the Council it was decided to invite the representatives of Guinea, Senegal, Mali, Saudi Arabia, Mauritania, Algeria, Liberia, the United Republic of Tanzania, the People’s Republic of the Congo, Yugoslavia, Mauritius, the Sudan, the United Arab Republic and Ethiopia to participate without the right to vote in the Council’s debate on this question.

Mr. President, may I take this opportunity to extend to you my warm congratulations on your being President of this esteemed and dignified Council of the United Nations for this month. I am sure you will succeed in guiding the Council’s deliberations very effectively and SUCcessfully. 2.’ In addition, letters have today been received from the repres.entatives of the People’s Republic of South- 8. I wish now, on behalf of my Government and myself, to offer heartfelt thanks and sincere appreciation to the Chairman and the members of the Special Mission1 of this Council for the great effort they exerted in producing an immediate factual report [S/10009 nrzcl Add.11 concerning the armed invasion carried out by the colonialist rCgime of Portugal against the progressive and sovereign State of Guinea. 9. The factual report of the Special Mission of the Security Council reveals the aggressive motives and colonial aspirations which the Lisbon clique has for a long time entertained and which have been put into p.ractice against all frgedom fighters, and national, progressive, democratic States in Africa in particular and the world in general, in defiance of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. It is time for this esteemed Council-the Council to which has been given the mandate by all Member States of maintaining and preserving peace and security-to take at once adequate and firm action in accordance with Articles 41 and 42 of Chapter VII of the Charter. 10. My Government professes a policy of decolonization, liberation, and full recognition and acceptance by all nations of the fundamental dignity and equality of all peoples. All these aims and principles are deeply enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. We must regretfully acknowledge that there is a flagrant discrepancy between the present international situation in which we find aggression everywhere in the world-the most recent case, which we aredebating now, committed by a well-known old colonialist and imperialistr&gime, Portugal-and the sacred principles of the Charter and of international law that should govern cordial relations among States. I believe that this situation is one of grave concern. The aggression which Portugal launched against a progressive sovereign State, a Member of the United Nations, can be resolved only if this Council exercises its responsibilities honestly and completely, in order to stop the aggression at once and expel the State of Portugal from this world body for having committed a series of aggressive actions in defiance of the spirit and the principles of the United Nations Charter. 11. The United Nations has not only advocated “peace, justice and progress”, but adopted this as its slogan for its twenty-fifth anniversary, thus announcing its objectives as it embarks on the next phase of its existence. The prime form of injustice still prevalent in this world is the denial of the right of selfdetermination to peoples under colonial rule, the right formally endorsed ten years ago by the General Assembly in its resolution 1514 (XV), adopted at its fifteenth ’ Security Council Special Mission to the Republic of Guinea established under resoWion 289 (1970). 12. My Government, on 22 November, immediately after Guinea declared that its national territory had been the object of an armed attack by Portuguese militqy forces, issued a statement made by my Prime Minister, His Excellency ‘Mi; Mohamed Ali Haitham, which was circulated in document S/9997 on 23 November 1970. I quote from that document: “ . . 9 the imperialist aggression against Guinea reveals the bloody methods of the new imperialist aggressive stratkgy as evidenced by the current ferocious military aggression against the sovereignty and independence of the African State of Guinea. This aggression . . , is not only directed against the progressive rdgime in Guinea but also against all liberated and progressive r6gimes in the three continents of Asia, Africa and Latin America. It also represents a grave escalation of tension by the imperialist forces led by the United Stated. The present open military invasion launched by the imperialist forces against an independent State is also closely linked with the over-all American strategy of aggression in Viet- Nam, the Middle East, the Gulf and Arabian Peninsu!a, including Southern Yemen.” 13. In conclusion, my deiegation wishes to stress earnestly that the Council must take strong action regwding this issue of aggression by Portugal, and we cow sider that any ordinary resolution that may be adopted in order to minimize the seriousness of this case will be an encouragement to the aggressor to commit further aggressive acts that undoubtedly will be a menace to the peace and security of States, My delegation believes that this Council must think very seriously about punishing Portugal, the aggressor, by expelling it from this Organization, and must consider applying measures in accordance with Chapter VII, Article 41, of the Charter, which include complete interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, tele graphic, radio and other means of communication, and the severance of diplomatic relations. 14. Finally, my delegation wishes to state that this Council should consider giving strong support ta the liberation movements in the Portuguese colonies in Africa, particularly in Guinea (Bissau), Angola and Mozambique.

Thank you for your statement and for the kind word5 about me. I call on the representative of the Peopfe’s Republic of the Congo. 17. Having taken cognizance of the report of the committee of five, entrusted by the Security Council with the task of obtaining information in the Republic of Guinea for purposes of rendering an accourit in the most objective manner possible of the circumstances under which, against Guinea, a member State of the Organization for African Unity and a Member of the United Nations, there was perpetrated the most heinous and disgraceful colonialist aggression of our time, can there be any further need to postpone action? It seems to me that there is no room for philosophizing in so grave and manifestly obvious a situation. The facts are there, patently, in their brutal nakedness, in their blinding evidence, 22. That is precisely the unequivocal position of the People’s Republic of the Congo, of our popular institutions and of our Head of State, President Marien Ngouabi. 23.. We already know that the oppressed peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America must first and above all rely on their own strength, because in this tragic trial, in this nightmare which our brothers in Conakry, the indomitable, lived with such heroism, were it not for the long tradition of struggle of the people of Guinea, united as one around its chief, the President, imperialism would have achieved its nefarious objectives. 18. The peaceful people of Guinea has once again been the target of Portugal’s criminal aggression, which, in its insane obstinacy and narrow blindness, it ceaselessly wages against independent Africa. The results of that aggression you already know: the people of Guinea and all Africa mourn today for scores of their best sons, brutally torn away from the victorious land of Guinea. These African heroes are thus added to the already long list of our martyrs, of the victims of the bloody history of colonialism and imperialism. On behalf of my people and the Government of my country, I here wish to pay a respectful tribute to those patriots, now gloriously enshrined in the history of the liberation and reconquest of African dignity. 24. We know that today the United Nations forces are more hypothetical than ever, and we are determined to take fully into account the saying that a people without weapons is a people of slaves. 25. I said earlier that this problem concerns the international community. Can one indeed allow to go unpunished each day the hideous crimes committed by Portugal against the peoples and the States of Africa? We are told-and I believe I have read it-that Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter provides that the Members of the United Nations must refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or the political independence of any State. 19. The problem that brings us together today is not at all a new one knocking at the door of the Security Council. For are not the records of the Council filled with facts all bearing the imprint of Portugal’s backward policy of aggression and of the constant violation of the territorial sovereignty of African States by Portugal? Senegal, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the United Republic of Tanzania, the People’s Republic of the Congo, Zambia, Guinea-and this list is not complete-all these States bear the shameful marks of the barbarous acts committed by that little Portugal, encouraged by its guardian angels in NATO to remain in the heart of Africa as the bridgehead for a most backward form of colonialism that not only keeps African peoples under its yoke but, what is more, even dares to attack the sovereignty of our States. 26. We are glad to adhere to these beautiful principles, but it is not sufficient to proclaim a principle; it must be carried out in practice. Yet, every aggression-and I say every aggression-committed by Portugal against our continent assumes here in regard to the United Nations the character of a tolerated event, and it is not without reason that the envoys of that country, assured of impunity, preen themselves in the corridors of this building with complete scorn for the United Nations. No, that has to change. When one has acquired a bad habit, one must decide to give it up. Now that the lines of the crime committed by the fascist Government of Lisbon have been clearly drawn, now that we have the proof of Portuguese aggression against the people of Guinea in the most ff agrant violation of the Charter, what will the Security Council do? 20. This problem is not exclusively a problem for Guinea; it is a problem which wounds us all deeply, all of us Africans, in our dignity as human beings and as free men. It is likewise aproblemfor the international community. The African countries, which international reactionary forces are actively trying to bring into dispute with one another, already know that their indepen- 28. The roots of the Portuguese cancer are to be found first in the obstinacy of Portugal;in this twentieth century, in subjecting the peoples of Guinea (Bissau), Angola and Mozambique to the colonial yoke. The other root of the evil resides, as members know, in the logistical and financial support which certain great Powers, permanent members of the Security Council, lend to the success of that criminal undertaking. 29. Despite the imperialist counter-offensive which desperately tries to falsify the truth in a thousand ways, in particular by semantic cunning in a press with a one-track mind; we are convinced that it is not easy in a matter such as this one to get to the essence of the truth. Those newspapers can, in their distortions, multiply their extravagant accounts so as to sow groundless doubts among the uninformed, But this will not change the consistently aggressive nature of imperialism. 30. Honourable members of the Security Council, you who are vested with the redoubtable mission of guaranteeing international peace and security, Africa ha’s always come knocking on your door so that energetic measures would be taken against the racists of Pretoria, Salisbury and against the Portuguese colonialists, in order to put an end to the threat of that unholy trio weighing over our continent. You have always sent us on our way giving us lollipops to console US. But today Africa, aware of its future potential and of its numerous voices in the concert of nations, can no longer be content with that type of half-measure. We can no longer continue to tolerate that unfinished independence, ever threatened by the racist bastion in the south and by Portugal. 31. The Republic of Guinea has sustained immense, unwarranted damages-in its property, in its flesh and in its sovereignty. Africa, which is identified with the cause of Guinea, has been wounded in its fundamental rights. We come here to plead for justice before we take a firm decision on 9 December at Lagos.2

I thank the representative of the People’s Republic of the Congo for his kind words about me. 33. I now invite the representative of Mauritius to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. ’ Seventh Extraordinary Session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, held in Lagos from 9 to 11 December 1970. 35. On 23 November, the delegation of Mauritius, together with a great number of other delegations, addressed to the Council a communication [S/l0002 and Add.1) in which we dealt with the premeditated Portuguese armed aggression against the Republic of Guinea. Our attitude was based on the reports transmitted to the Security Council by the President of the Republic of Guinea and our brother, Ambassador Tour&, and we had no grounds for questioning the veracity of those reports. We were puzzled by the Council’s failure to respond positively to the request for assistance received from the Government of Guinea and the decision to send a fact-finding mission instead; but we could not criticize the Security Council for ascertaining all the facts of the situation before taking appropriate action. 36. I should like here to congratulate the Chairman, Major General Khatri, and the distinguished members of the Council’s Special Mission to Guinea for the efficient and speedy manner in which they have carried out their difficult and delicate mandate. 37. Now the report of the Council’s Special Mission to Guinea is before the Council and its conclusions corroborate what the Guinean Government has maintained all along about Portugal’s responsibility for the armed attack, against Guinea. These conclusions amount to an unequivocal indictment against Portugal. It is clearly stated that “the ships used to transfer the invading force to Guinean waters were manned by predominantly white Portuguese troops and commanded by white Portuguese officers” l;S/lOOOS, para+ 401, and that the invading force “consisted of units of Portuguese armed forces . . . as well as of a contingent composed of dissident Guineans trained and armed on the territory of Guinea (Bissau)” fibid]. 38. In his communication to the Council yesterday [s/10014], the Chargk d’affaires of Portugal simply denied that his Government had ordered, authorized or consented to any military operations against the Republic of Guinea, He failed to explain to the Council the appearance off the coast of Conakry, during the night between 21 November and 22 November, of ships manned by Portuguese sailors, one of which has been described by the United States Ambassador in Conakry as an EST-type vessel. The Portuguese ChargC d’affaires also failed to explain the presence of officers and soldiers of the regular Portuguese army on Guinm soil, engaging in a vain attempt to overthrow the legitimate Government bf Guinea and replace it with dissident elements, It also happened that one of the goals pursued by the invaders was, on the one hand, to destroy the leadership and the headquarters of the movement which has been struggling to liberate the people of Guinea (Bissau) and Cape Verde from Par- 39. The conclusions of the Special Mission are based on irrefutable facts, including the testimony of a number of diplomatic representatives accredited to Conakry and statements by prisoners, particularly prisoners Lopes and Sampaio. We wonder whether the Government of Portugal would go as far as to deny that Lieutenant Lopes and Chief Corporal Sampaio did not serve in the regular Portuguese colonial army. 45. The Security Council should face up to its responsibilities as the main organ created by the United Nations for the maintenance of international peace and security. It should also provide for any assistance that the Guinean Government may need as a result of the Portuguese aggression, which is an aggression against Africa, black Africa. 40. The report that General Antonio Sebastiao Ribeiro de Spinola, Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief, had visited the invading troops before their departure would seem to indicate that the operations had been ordered and authorized by the Government of Lisbon.

Thank you for the kind words about my country, spoken on behalf of the friendly country which you represent. 41. What occurred in the Republic of Guinea between 21 and 23 November amounted to a clear case of premeditated armed aggression carried out by Portugal against the Republic of Guinea, a State Member Of the United Nations. In the words of the Chairman of the Speciil Mission, the purpose of the Mission was fully to clarify the situation and enable the Security Council to take any further action it might consider necessary. Now that the report has been submitted and all the facts of the situation are known, the Council should act without delay. It should respond adequately to a clear case of aggression by a Member State against another Member State, basing its action on the relevant provisions of the Charter. The Security Council should take this opportunity of showing all Members of the T-T-Qed Nations that aggression does not pay. 47. I invite the representative of the United Arab Republic to take a place at the Council table. 48. Mr, EL-ZAYYAT (United Arab Republic): The United Arab Republic delegation is grateful to you, Mr. President, and to the members of the Council for having granted us the opportunity to participate in this debate, My Government has sought this participation not only to declare its solidarity with the great people and the Government of the Republic of Guinea, but also because it considers the issue before the Council today to be of universal and vital importance to all Members of this Organization and to the Organization itself, 49. To use the phrase of Ambassador Tour& the representative of Guinea, the latest aggression against Conakry was neither accidental nor isolated. The Government of the United Arab Republic has shown and will continue to show its solidarity with the people of Guinea and its great President, Ahmed Skkou Tour& We consider the attack on Guinea to be only one in a seiies of battles in the war being waged against all nations that are determined to live free and independent outside the imperialist, military and economic alliances. 42. It will not be sufficient strongly to condemn Portugal. Its criminal acts should not go unpunished; it should pay for all the damage caused by its treacherous armed attack. 43. Members of the Council are aware that Portugal is waging a colonial war against the people of Guinea (Bissau) whose struggle for liberation has been recognized as legitimate by the overwhelming majority of Member States. Now it appears more clearly than ever that this colonial war, like the war in Angola and Mozambique, is a threat to the neighbouring States, some of which are bound to lend assistance to the oppressed people in the Territories concerned. The Portuguese aggression against Guinea proves that this type of colonial war may result in a conflict expanding -to neighbouring States, should the United Nations ultimately fail to put an end to it. It is pertinent to recall once again that in the past Senegal has also been the victim of Portuguese aggression and that the facts of aggression could be traced to the war in Guinea (Bissau). Similarly, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the People’s Republic of the Congo, Tanzania and Zambia have suffered acts of piracy and aggression because of the wars that are raging in Angola and Mozambique. 50. TheUnited Arab Republic expresses its appreciation and gratitude to the brave citizens of Conakry and all the people of Guinea for winning this latest battle, winning it for us, for .a11 of us. We assure them that we consider their struggle. now and in the future to be a common struggle in a common cause. 51. When, on 22 November, the representative of Guinea brought his complaint before this Council, as cdntained in document S/9987, we did not think that the complaint needed verification. We are gratified, however, by the manner in which this Council and its President, as well as the Secretary-General and his ass; ?ants, have executed the decision reached by the Council on the same day [axdufion 289 (1970)]. 53. We know now beyond any doubt that the Government of Portugal, insisting on its centuries-long exploitation of vast territories if: Africa, found it-and perhaps will find it in &a iuiure-necessary not only to perpetuate its acts of intimidation and subjugation inside these colonies, but also to resort to further acts of aggression outside the occupied African lands in order to consolidate its occupation. Using the occupied lands as a base, it attacks the independent countries outside. Using the inhabitants and the resources of a part of occupied Africa, it attacks other parts. In order to perpetuate its occupation, it finds it necessary to commit other and fLIrther aggressions. This is indeed a familiar course. 54. The attack on Conakry last month was not only the latest in a series of attacks against the Republic of Guinea itself, not only the latest in a series of attacks by Portugal against Senegal, Zambia, Tanzania and other countries, but was one of the battles for the exploitation and domination of other peoples-Africans, Palestinians, Syrians, Jordanians, Egyptians, and indeed the peoples of Viet-Nam and other parts of Asia. 55. All these acts of aggression result from the conviction that violence does pay, that force will silence the struggle of nations, and that brutal, overpowering force, whether that of the aggressors itself or borrowed from its allies, is all that is needed in order to achieve the ambitions of those who can acquire the tools of violence, This philosophy must be shown to be bankrupt; it should never be allowed to prevail. 56. Paragraph 38 of the report before us shows that the objectives of the attack on Conakry last month were: (a) to overthrow the Government and to order the arrest, or even the murder, of one of Africa’s greatest leaders, President SCkou Tour&; (6) to install a puppet Government; (c) to strike a blow against the freedom-fighters who have gone into exile in Guinea or to fight in Guinea for their lands in Guinea (Bissau). A fourth objective was to release by force such men who, as a result of earlier aggression, were detained by the Government of Guinea-a repetition, it is obvious, of the action taken recently in North Viet- Nam by a great Power, the United States of America. 57. It is obvious that we are living in one world today and that if violence is allowed to be the basis of policy in one place it will also be the basis in others. Only when it is made clear that violence will fail will it be abandoned everywhere. It is obvious to my delegation 58. In the addendum to the report we see an account of a very interesting conversation between the representatives of Finland and Zambia on the one hand and one of the members of the Portuguese armed forces on the other. In a reply to the representative of Zambia who had asked whether he had been forced to be against the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and. Cape Verde (PAIGC) by the Portuguese authorities, he said: “Yes, several times. I had to participate in fighting against the PAIGC. That was not because of my own will. I’m in the army: I received orders, and I must obey orders. It’s not because I’m against the PAIGC.” 59. The Portuguese forces are, then, themselves the victims of this philosophy and policy of violence, They were ordered to fight. They will continue to be ordered to fight, to destroy and to kill. Their release, if they are taken prisoner, will be sought only to enable them to fight again, to destroy again and to murder again; to make further attempts to prevent nations from developing in peace and achieving needed progress for themselves and hence for the world, All this is done in order that the age-old process of exploiting the poor to increase the wealth of the rich should be perpetuated, in order that the vicious circle will continue in which the large colonial countries use that added wealth to acquire more and more tools of violence. 60. This Council will surely condemn the Government of Portugal without reservation. We hope that it will do more. We hope that the Council will decide that the people of Guinea should be compensated and that they should be quickly and adequately indemnified for the tremendous damage to property and life. We hope that Guinea, its President and its people, will in the end have the gratification of seeing that the aggression to which they have been subjected will awaken the United Nations and all its organs, including this august body, to the necessity of reflecting seriously about the implementation of the Charter-of all its Chapters. The President, Government and people of Guinea would certainly be gratified if the present a& gression made the Council see to it that all the Chapters, including Chapter VII, were applied; to see to it that the Council’s decisions and resolutions were not taken as mere empty statements not to be heeded and to be thrown back in the face of the community of nations. We hope, therefore, that besides the condemnation, 61. The Government of the United Arab Republic hopes that, in the light of this unqualified condemnation, the Government of Portugal itself will not try again to see if it is not in its own interest, and in the interests of the peoples of the world, to put an end to its colonial existence in Africa, thereby freeing itself from the need to take any further aggressive action in order to silence those freedom fighters that are asking it to put an end to its colonialism.

I invite the’ representative of Yugoslavia to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

I should like to express to you, Mr. President, and the members of the Security Council the appreciation of my delegation for making it possible for me to participate in the-proceedings of the Security Council and to present the views of the Yugoslav delegation on the extremely important issue at present under consideration. At the sametimel wish to pay a tribute to the Security Council Mission for having completed with great speed and efficiency the task entrusted to it and for having prepared the report contained in document S/l0009 and Add.1, the addendum to which sets out in a documented and dramatic manner the actual consequences of the armed aggression of the Portuguese colonialists against the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Guinea. 67, In the opinion of the Yugoslav delegation it is obvious that we should draw some very important lessons and conclusions from this merciless act perpetrated by the armed forces of Portugal and its mercenaries, conclusions which may have far-reaching and long-term consequences. First, the brutal act of aggression against an independent and free country, a State Member of the United Nations, must be called by its true name. This is not a mere incident, or unrest, or an in-esponsible act by unauthorised persons. IS it POSsible to term as an “incident” or as an obscure, vague and accidental attack, an attack that was preconceived and organized, executed in the utmost secrecy in darkness upon the capital city of an independent and 64. The brutal and unscrupulous plan and the action perpetrated at the time, of which there were many civilian victims, among whom were the family of a Yugoslav doctor whose innocent little daugher was killed by the perfidious mercenaries, speaks very clearly of the moral donduct of the aggressors and those who had designed their action, The news of the perfidious and impudent ,aggression perpetrated by foreign troops and mercenaries has aroused deep indignation in Yugoslavpublic opinion, The President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, in a special statement which was also circulated as Security Council document S/10000, stressed that the armed interventionist incursion into Guinea constitutes a flagrant violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter and that once again we are confronted with a shameless violation of the most elementary norms of international conduct in an attempt to prevent the people of Guinea fom being independent and from deciding in a sovereign way on the course of its internal social and economic development. sovereign country? Is it possible to qualify as “irresponsible behaviour ” or as “unauthorized action” an order to kill, in this barbarous attack, the Head of State of an independent country? 68. Secondly, this action and also some recent experiences demonstrate that regrettably often, due to tolerance and various influences from outside, aggression against an independent and free country is concealed and camouflaged. Aggression in these times of ours is no longer conducted in the normal way: clear and previous declaration of war adopted by the legal and authorized organs acting in conformity with the constitution of the State declaring the war, as had been a classical example in the not too distant past and in the history of wars and aggressions. Actions, like the aggression against the Republic of Guinea and the attack upon its capital, Conakry, are comparable only to the methods and atrocities committed by Hitler and his allies during the Second World War. Actually the United Nations was established precisely because of the victory over the forces of fascism and nazism. The United Nations, furthermore, was created for the explicit purpose of preventing the recurrence of such brutal actions, repressions and tyranny and to save succeeding generations from the repetition of horrors 65. Guinea and the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) were the objectives and victims of this aggression because the Republic of Guinea has stood in the front ranks of the anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist struggle from the very first days of its independence, while the national liberation movement of Guinea (Bissau), as a consistent representative of the freedom-loving aspi- 70. Fourthly, the aggression against Guinea is an ominous indication of what can happen tomorrow in the African continent unless Portuguese colonialism is definitely erased from the face of Africa. This armed attack of Portugal against the Republic of Guinea demonstrates the fact that Portuguese colonialism is not only obstructing the liberation of the people of Guinea(Bissau), AngolaandMozambiqueandis waging colonial wars in Africa, but that it also threatens the very existence of those African States that have already attained their independence. What happened two weeks ago in Conakry could happen tomorrow in any other capital city of an independent African State unless the reactionary forces of colonialism and racism are completely eradicated from the African continent. 71. As was rightly pointed out by the head of the delegation of the Republic of Guinea, Minister Ismael Tour&, in his dignified and dramatic statement on 26 November 1970 in Conakry, at the first meeting of the Special Mission of the Security Council: “This is proof of the fact that Portuguese colonialism kills blindly and cynically and that the problem is not only for Africa: it should be of concern to the whole international community.” 72. Fifthly, since this matter is of vital interest to the entire international community, the eyes of the entire African continent and world public opinion at large are focused at this moment upon the United Nations and upon the Security Council. The aggression of Portugal against the Republic of Guinea constitutes a challenge to the United Nations itself, to the very foundations upon which our Organization rests: the Charter of the United Nations. Up to now, Portugal has been condemned by a series of resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly for its aggressive acts; but Portuguese colonialism is not only continuing the war against the people of Guinea (Bissau), Angola and Mozambique, it is also committing savage and brutal acts of aggression and this is of crucial interest to the international community as a whole as well as to the future of Africa. Consequently, in the opinion of my delegation, the Security Council’s deliberations on the aggression do not merely constitute another routine session which is to come up with yet another routine resolution at the end of the debate; it constitutes a test case for the Security Coun- “[to) determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression and I . . [to] decide what measures shall be taken in accordance with Articles 41 and 42, to maintain or restore international peace and security”. 74. Furthermore, we must bear in mind the fact that the aggression has not terminated and that the danger to the integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Guinea continues to exist. The Security Council has at its disposal a whole range of actions pursuant to Articles 41 and 42, as well as whatever is essential for undertaking effective action with a view to suppressing aggression, which is one of the most fundamental aims of the United Nations, as defined in Article 1 of the Charter. 75. In view of the persistent violations by Portugal of the decisions of our Organization, my delegation feels strongly that if there is a repetition of such an act it will be necessary to explore the possible implementation of the provisions of Article 5 of the Charter; that is, should Portugal continue to defy the United Nations by persisting in its aggressive policy, that country should be suspended from the exercise of the rights and privileges of membership. 76. We also feel very strongly that Portugal should compensate the countless victims of aggression and should also reimburse the material losses caused by its armed forces in Guinea. 77. My delegation hopes that the Security Council will this time fulfil the expectation of the international community and that it will live up to its time-honoured task on this occasion.

I invite the representative of Mali to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

It seems to be agreed that in the United Nations and in particular in the Security Council, the importance of a question is measured mainly-if not solely-by the number of meetings devoted to it and by the length of the debates, which are likewise all too often procedural rather than substantive. It also seems to be agreed that the ,seriousness of a problem is evidenced only by our reiuctance to assume our responsibility for finding a just solution in conformity with the principles of the Charter of our Organization. My delegation earnestly hopes that, for once, this custom will be 80. In view of what I have just said, and after the speakers who have preceded me and stated irrefutable facts, I should simply like to recall the statement made by the Government of the Republic of Mali which, on receiving the news of the aggression against the People’s Republic of Guinea, said that the people of Mali in their entirety regarded themselves as in a state of mobilization and placed themselves immediately at the disposal of the people and Government of the Republic of Guinea; for, in the eyes of the people of Mali, the Portuguese aggression against Guinea is directed against all Africa. 8 1. At the request of the Head of State of Mali, current President of the Organization of Senegal River States, a sub-regional body of West Africa, a meeting at the foreign Ministerial level was held at Conakry immediately following the Portuguese aggression to take joint measures to meet the situation, at a time when the Portuguese and their mercenaries still harboured the mad illusion that they could break the militant faith of our brothers and sisters in Guinea. 8.5. The PRESIDENT (trnlzsfnred from R~rssian): I invite the representative of Senegal to take a place at the Council table.

Mr. President, at the 1558th meeting held on 22 November last, I had the benefit of speaking before this Council because of the kind indulgence of its members. My Government is very grateful to them and wishes to express its gratitude once again. 82. It should also be recalled that all Africa, from the very first day of the Portuguese aggression against Guinea, expressed its solidarity with the people and Government of the Republic of Guinea and is giving them its support and assistance. Such solidarity with and assistance to the Republic of Guinea have been displayed throughout the world by all progressive countries devoted to peace and justice. As the representative of Algeria has said, the complaint brought before the Security Council by Guinea is a complaint by all Africa against Portugal, We are thus before YOU not as lawyers pleading a case but as accusers of Portugal and all those who give it direct or indirect assistance, enabling it to maintain its bdious COlonialism, and to commit aggression against independent African States, Members of our Organization. 87. On behalf of my Government, I should also like to express my gratitude to the President of the Security Council for the month of November, my friend Ambassador Tomeh, who, swiftly and thanks to the effective and energetic co-operation of our dynamic Secretary- General and with the collaboration of that month’s President of the African Group, my friend Mr. Mondjo, was gaod enough rapidly to set up a mission which was able to proceed to Guinea to make the findings which are now known. 88. On behalf of my Government, I should also like to pay a tribute to the members of the Special Mission for their work, which was done with much speed and objectivity at Conakry. 83. The facts have been sufficiently and eloquently established by the representative of the Republic of Guinea, our brother El Hadj Abdoulaye Tour& and the speakers who preceded me. For more than ten Years, we have attempted to alert the Council and international opinion to the misdeeds of Portuguese colonialism in Africa. Unfortunately, the innocent victims arId the material damage done in Angola, Mozambique, Guinea (Bissau), as well as in the independent African neighbours of the Portuguese colonies like Zambia, the United Republic of Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the People’s Republic of the Congo and Senegal, have not always sufficed to impelI the Security Council, which is responsibIe for the maintenance of international peace and security, to take adequate measures to put an end to Portuguese colonialism, which constitutes a permanent threat to peace. 89. I have not come here before the Council this afternoon to aggravate an already serious situation or for pure political propaganda or demagogy, nor to launch slogans which are now so well known in the United Nations that serious people now listen to them with mere indifference. That which can serve the cause of a country which is seriously threatened in its integrity and sovereignty is the effective support given it by peoples that feel real solidarity with it. No one here can fail to know of the friendly and brotherly relations which have long existed between Senegal and Guinea. My President, Leopold-Sedar Senghor, has described President Ahmed Sekou Tour& as an African man who has a tyrannical love for Africa. That is why, immediately after the attack against our sister Republic of Guinea, with my colleagues of the Organization of 90. The Mission of the Security Council which went to Guinea has collected important testimony. I personally regret that this testimony has not yet been translated into my working language. Nevertheless, the delegation of Senegal, which went to Conakry immediately after the events, was able to place the events in their real context. I should now like to quote to you from the pronouncement which President Ahmed SCkou Tour6 spoke before the delegations to the Organization of Senegal River States-Mali, Mauritania, Guinea and Senegal: “Since Sunday, we are the victims of Portuguese aggression. This aggression, organized from Guinea (Bissau), is not only intended to destroy freedom in Guinea but is also intended to destroy freedom in Africa. With our weak means we are meeting the challenge to obtain a final victory, because our defeat would be the defeat of Africa, but in particular the defeat of the Organization of Senegal River States.” 91. Later, President Ahmed SCkou Tour-C, speaking as a responsible man, denounced certain malicious foreign observers who wanted to see in the events of Conakry the manifestation of an internal opposition supported by certain brother countries. Mr. Sdkou Tour6 has categorically refuted the information given by a foreign press which described a quarrel allegedly opposing Guinea and certain brotherly neighbouring countries. Fortunately, we all know the facts. Happily, the reaction of the responsible people in Guinea was swift and the aggression was repelled. 92. As regards the Organization of Senegal River States, I would ask your indulgence while I read out the communique it published: “After having been received in audience by President Ahmed Sikou TourC, as commander-in-chief of the Guinean armed forces, the Council of Ministers of the Organization of Senegal River States met in an extraordinary session at Conakry on 24 November 1970 under the presidency of Mr. Daniel Cabou, Minister for Industrial Development of the Republic of Senegal, Acting President of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of Senegal River States. “The delegation of the Republic of Guinea was composed of Mr. Ismael Tour& a member of the National Political Bureau, Minister for Finance and head of the delegation, and of Mr. Damantan Camara, Mr. Kassoury Bangoura and Mr. Camara NCne Khaly Kondetto, respectively Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Minister of Justice and Minister of Scientific Research. “The delegation of Mali was composed of Captain Charles Samba Cissokho, member of the ComitC “The delegation of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania was composed of Dr. Mamadou Tour&, Minister for Planning and Rural Development, head of the delegation, Mr. Hourda and Mr. Ould Mouknass, members of the National Political Bureau, and Mr. Sidi Mohamed Diagand, respectively Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Industrialization and Minister of Mines. “The delegation of Senegal was composed of Mr, Amadou Karim Gaye, Minister of Foreign Affairs, chief of delegation, and Mr. S. E. Lamine Diallo, Ambassador of Senegal to Conakry. “The Council of Ministers, after having heard an introductory report presented by the Executive Secretariat of the Organization of Senegal River States and registered the information brought to its attention by the delegation of Guinea, in addition to information it had received directly from the Head of State of Guinea, reports and information regarding the situation resulting from the aggression perpetrated by Portugal against the Republic of Guinea, “Notes that the city of Conakry has, since Sunday, 22 November 1970, been the subject of an armed aggression unleashed by Portugal, which has taken the form of bombing the city and landing troops and foreign mercenaries from foreign ships; “Condeelmrs with the utmost energy this barbarous aggression, perpetrated against the Republic of Guinea in defiance of all international laws and the principles inscribed in the United Nations Charter; “Sulutes the heroism and faith of the people of Guinea, its party, its Government and its army; ’ ‘Resolves as follows: “Zt congratulates and encourages the people of Guinea in their prompt and vigorous action, which permitted them to repel most of the forces of aggression and to hold in check the vessels that made incursions into the territorial waters of the Republic of Guinea; “piously bows before the civilian and military victims of that unspeakable aggression; “Znvites all freedom and peace-loving nations, as well as all the progressive forces throughout the world, forcefully to condemn such treachery, which threatens peace in Africa and in the rest of the world; “Unreservedly supports the initiative to convene as soon as possible the Council of Ministers and the Committee of Defence of the Organization of African Unity to examine the grave situation resultingfrom the attempt to invade the Republic of Guinea by the colonialist Portuguese forces; “Unreservedly supports the brother people of Guinea in its just struggle against Portuguese colonialism and imperialism; “Decides to extend to the Republic of Guinea, besides military and political support, every kind of assistance in the trials it is undergoing, which constitute a precedent fraught with threats to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all African States;

I thank the representative of Senegal for his kind words about the Security Council and its President. “‘Decides to maintain contact so as to study and consider any further concrete common measures that developments may require in the situation resulting from the aggression of Portugal against the Republic 100. The next speaker is the representative of Mauritania, and I now invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. of Guinea,”

Mr. President, alphabetical order sometimes arranges things well, and this time particularly so. My delegation is indeed happy to see the Council, at a time when it is discussing a question so vital to us, presided over by a statesman and a diplomat as eminent as yourself and who, in addition, represents a friendly country whose contribution to the liberation of peoples does honour not only to the socialist countries, but to all countries that are really concerned for peace and justice. I should like, through you, once again to thank the Security Council for allowmg me to take pcart in this debate. Lastly, I should like to pay a special tribute to the Chairman and members of the Special Mission for the courage and objectivity which they showed in their investigation. 93. I wished to read this communique so that it might appear in the official record of this meeting. 94. Let the Security Council not tell itself that all is over now. It is necessary for all countries that cherish justice and freedom to remain vigilant. Why? You will understand when I shall have read a despatch from Agence France-Presse, dated 28 November at Bissau. It reads as follows: “General Espinola, the Governor and Commander in Chief of the Portuguese armed forces in Portuguese Guinea, affirms, in connexion with the Government of the Republic of Guinea, led by Mr. Ahmed Sekou Tour& ‘For me, the downfall of the present regime is a question of time. The Governrnent of S6kou Tour6 is unpopular and, therefore, it will end by inevitably crumbling as a result of a popular counter-revolution.’ ” 102. My delegation had the opportunity from the outset [1558th me&kg] to express its indignation at the unspeakable aggression of which the sister Republic of Guinea has been the victim and to assure that country of the full and complete solidarity of the Government and people of Mauritania, At that same meeting on 22 November 1970-the first the Council devoted to this question-we expressed our certainty that the facts brought to our knowledge by the Government of Guinea were authentic and that the measures necessary in such circumstances should be taken without delay, measures which, for that matter, are expressly stipulated in the Charter. To our great regret, the Council thought fit to act otherwise. AS I have said, this is a despatch from Agence, France- Presse. 95. After that statement, which events have fortunately proved to be untrue, is there still among you, with whom 1 have worked here in the Council, anyone who can say that the abortive invasion of Guinea was not prepared by Portugal? 96. I have already had occasion to say it: the friends of Portugal must decide to throw Portugal out of their organization, NATO, in the same way that they were prepared to do so with Greece, which, havingsensed the trend, hastened to take the decision upon itself to withdraw from the association. 103. Today the Council has irrefutable proof of Portuguese aggression against the Republic of Guinea. Neither the embarrassed denials of the colonialist and fascist Portuguese authorities nor the dilatory manoeuvres of certain countries can change the facts establishing the authenticity of that aggression. 9’7. What I fail to understand is that when there is a question which affects Europens among themselves, they do not hesitate to use every means to remedy the situation; whereas when it is an event which concerns Africa, Europeans are content with using words such as “warns”, “deplores” or “condemns”. This is something which deserves to be pondered by all of us. 104. In this regard, the Council should not content itself with a condemnation or with sanctions provided to that effect by the Charter. We believed that proper reparations should be exacted for the damage-both material and human-sustained by the Republic of 105. The time has come to give an example to all who defy the sovereignty of African and Asian States and would reduce them to the status of docile clients, to those who overtly and cynically threaten the freedom and independence of the States of the Third World. For our part, we say to them that the time has passed when they could attack us with impunity. The unanimous solidarity with Guinea displayed by all the African States-and I say by all-as well as by most countries of the Third World, on the occasion of the aggression of which it has been the victim, shows the futility of the efforts of those who still try to keep us in a state of servitude to which they believe we are doomed for ever. 106. The victory won by the heroic people of Guinea is a victory for all the peoples of the Third World and is also a victory for all peoples that cherish peace and justice. We would have wished to share this victory with our Organization. Unfortunately, it rejected this honour by refusing to heed the moving appeal addressed to it on 22 November 1970 by President SCkou Tour& 107. My delegation thinks it is time for our Organization, and in particular for that organ which has the heavy responsibility of maintaining and preserving peace and security, to learn once and for all from the tragic events just experienced by Guinea. For, as I already emphasized in my last statement before the Council, all the potential confidence that our small States have placed in our Organization may be permanently undermined if it remains deaf to our appeals.

I thank the representative of Mauritania for his kind words about the Security Council and about me personally. 109. Speaking as the representative of the SOVIET UNION, I should like to make the following statement on behalf of my delegation. 110. The Security Council is considering a criminal act of armed aggression by Portugal against an independent sovereign State, the Republic of Guinea. The facts of the case are well known. On the night of 21 to 22 November, a naval landing force of regular Portuguese armed forces, together with mercenaries, was dispatched from the territory of the Portuguese colony of Guinea (Bissau) and, under cover of darkness, committed an act of unprovoked aggression condemned by every rule of international law and an underhand attack against the city of Conakry, the capital of the Republic of Guinea. “The Soviet Government categorically condemns the criminal acts of the interventionists and their protectors, which are a challenge to the African States and to all peoples struggling for national independence.” 112. The Soviet Government demanded that the imperialist aggression against the people of Guinea be brought to an end forthwith and that the aggressors withdraw immediately from the territory of that independent State. 113. Considering this event objectively, in the light of the present international situation, one cannot fail to agree with the main argument put forward by nearly all speakers in the Security Council, the representatives of the countries of Africa and other continents, to the effect that the armed attack by Portugal-a member of the NATO military bloc-was an attack on the whole of Africa. The representative of Algeria, Mr. Yazid, said that the complaint by Guinea concerning the Portuguese act of aggression is a complaint by the whole of Africa. It is also well known that in United Nations circles the piratical attack evoked the following reaction: “Outraged Africa ,clamorously condemns imperialism and colonialism”. 114. The representative of Liberia justly likened the aggressive policy of the Portuguese colonialists in Africa to the action of a mad dog biting everyone it meets [1559th meeting]. Portugal’s madness is the madness of imperialism and colonialism departing from the historical scene under the staggering impact of the national liberation revolutions in Africa, Asia andLatin America. 115. History teaches that the obsolete classes and socio-political systems departing from the historical scene under the impact of the popular revolutionary struggle offer furious resistance, unscrupulously using any sordid and odious means of fighting. They have the desperation of the doomed. 116. By considering and condemning the acts cfaggression by the Portuguese colonialists, the Sect& Council thereby performs an important historical action. It condemns the policy of imperialism in its entirety as a policy of aggression and war. Imperialism and colonialism are in the dock, as a socio-political system condemned by history and cursed by all mankind. Imperialism brings death and destruction, SOWS fear and causes unbearable suffering to the peoples of Africa and other regions of the world. The impunity with which aggressive acts in various parts of the world are perpetrated or supported by the imperialist forces encourages the colonialists to perform similar acts against newly independent States. The aggressive palicy of imperialism casts a shadow over the entire present-day international situation, gives rise to tension 117. All these acts of imperialist aggression against sovereign States and freedom-loving peoples have one and the same aim-to overthrow the progressive popular Governments which, as the representative of Guinea has stated, are leading the peoples of their countries along the path of non-capitalist development, and to place at the head of those nations corrupt puppet regimes from the ranks of the imperialist lackeys, ready to betray and to sell wholesale and retail the interests and wealth of their countries and peoples and to be loyal and true servants of international monopolistic capital. This aim of the Portuguese aggression is also confirmed in the official report of thesecurity Council Special Mission. The Belgian teacher Mr. Lange informed the Mission in Conakry that the Portuguese mercenaries who seized him during the attack on that city told him that their aim was to carry out a coup d’etat in Guinea and place at the head of that country a Guinean.general living in Europe. 122. in assessing the behaviour of the Portuguese colonialists, the newspaper confined itself to hinting to Portugal that, in the act of aggression against Guinea, it used methods which were clumsy and inappropriate to modern times, With obvious knowledge of the subject, the paper advises Portugal on the methods it should use to maintain and perpetuate its colonial domination over the African peoples. Thus, an organ of United States monopolistic capital has no intention whatsoever of advising the Portuguese colonialists to vacate the African continent immediately; on the‘contrary, it merely advises them to change tactics and methods in order to justify and perpetuate their colonial rule and racist-fascist tyranny over the African peoples. 118. What must be done? What measures must be taken? The answer is to be found in the recent statement by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mr. L. I. Brezhnev, on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of Soviet Armenia, which was reported in Pravda in 30 November 1970: “Combined action by the freedom-loving, antiimperialist forces to ward off aggression is the best means of sobering the adventurist hotheads in the imperialist camp and preventing the outbreak of new ‘local’ wars and their escalation into a threat of war to all mankind. Life has convincingly demonstrated the truth of this.” 123. For the Soviet Union, for all the friends of Africa, for all those interested in strengthening the independence of the African States and for those who realize that this is certainly not the first but simply, another act of aggression by the Portuguese colonialists against Guinea, there was from the beginning no doubt at all that in this case another premeditated act of imperialist aggression had been committed by the Portuguese colonialists against the independent Republic of Guinea. The absurdity of Portugal’s unsubstantiated denials of the charges brought against it by the Government of the Republic of Guinea was obvious from the very outset. Only a handful of members of the Council found themselves able to cite these Portuguese statements and to question the statements by the Government of the Republic of Guinea. Those who attempted earlier or who are now attempting to defend the Portuguese aggressors are in a clearly difficult position. Even The New York Tilnes is now compelled to recognize this. In its edition of 4 December 1970, it made a very eloquent admission: “Several Western diplomats said privately that it might prove difficult for Portugal’s allies to defend her cause.” 119. It will be recalled that in its resolution 289 (1970) of23 November the Security Council clearly and firmly sided with the victim of the aggression. It demanded the immediate cessation of the armed attack against the Republic of Guinea and the immediate withdrawal of all external armed forces and mercenaries together with the military equipment used in the armed attack against the territory of the Republic of Guinea. 120. Thus, despite the clear opposition from a narrow-minded group of delegations, the Security Council proved equal to the situation by adopting a resolution calling a halt to the imperialist aggression against the Republic of Guinea. Nevertheless, as is patently obvious, this was only a preliminary, interim resolution. The Soviet Union, together with the African and Asian States which are members of the Security 1 Council, has insisted from the very outset that the Security Council should categorically condemn POrtugal for its aggression against the Republic of Guinea and take appropriate effective measures. 124. Thus, the report of the Special Mission of the Council on Portugal’s armed attack on the Republic . 125. It is quite obvious, however, that the aims of the imperialist aggressors were even more far-reaching. The statement on the aggression by the colonialists against the Republic of Guinea which was adopted at Berlin on 2 December 1’970 by the participants in the Conference of the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty contains the following comment: “The aggressors also counted on arresting the liberation struggle of the peoples of Guinea (Bissau), Angola, Mozambique, South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia which are striving to break loose from the clutches of colonial and racist oppression and to determine their own destiny themselves. The Portuguese colonialists, in committing an armed attack on the Republic of Guinea, have acted as the shock force and as the tool of the imperialist forces and of all those who covet the wealth of the African continent. Portugal would never liave ventured to take such an impudent step without the knowledge and support of the imperialist forces which are arming that country and directing its policy, including its attempts to deal with the national liberation movement.“” This assessment fully coincides with the statements made here by many representatives of African countries. 126. The report of the Special Mission and its addendum contain numerous concrete facts and figures testifying to the direct participation of Portuguese regular armed forces in the aggression against the Republic of Guinea. 127. The report and the facts contained in it completely discredit the Portuguese colonialists’ attempt to obliterate the traces of their crime against the Republic of Guinea and to dissociate themselves from it. Portugal’s role in the new act of aggression ag&nst Guinea has been fully exposed. Consequently, the experiment of establishing this type of Security Council Special Mission and of sending the Mission, rather than individuals, to the scene of the aggression has yielded positive results. The overwhelming majority of delegations, and above all those of the Afro-Asian countries, a Subsequently circulated as document S/10032. 129. The Sp’ecial Mission has submitted to the Council a full and comprehensive report. The Council should express its appreciation for the considerable amount of important and, one might add, historically significant work done by the Special Mission, which consisted of the representatives of five States members of the Security Council-Colombia, Finland, Nepal, Poland and Zambia, representing all the geographical groups in the United Nations. 130. The essence of the conclusions contained in the Special Mission’s report is to be found in the following cle<ar-cut statement: “The invasion of the territory of the Republic of Guinea on 22 and 23 November was carried out by naval and military units of the Portuguese armed forces, acting in conjunction with Guinean dissident elements from outside the Republic of Guinea.‘” [SllOOO9, para. 41 .J 131. The unmasking by the Special Mission of Partugal’s aggression against Guinea has united the overwhelming majority of African countries in a noble upsurge of fraternal solidarity. Thirty-seven of them sent a joint special letter to the Security Council calling for categorical condemnation of this aggression and the adoption of forceful measures against the aggressor [S/l0002 and Add.11. A number of African and Asian delegations expressed a desire to participate-and are participating-in the Security Council’s consideration of this important question and in its condemnation of the aggression. 132. In this connexion, it must also be noted that Africa is justifiably expressing its disillusion and dissatisfaction with the ineffectiveness and the inability 133. It is also appropriate in this connexion to draw attention to the fact that in the First Committee, at the commemorative session of the General Assembly, the drafting of a detailed document on the strengthening of international security was very protracted. We must accelerate the completion of this work and make those who are engaging in delaying tactics stop hindering the preparation and adoption by the General Assembly of a decision on such an important issue as the strengthening of international security, which concerns all peace-loving States Members of the United Nations and all States of the world. 137. The point at issue is beyond dispute, The fact of Portugal’s criminal aggression against the Republic of Guinea is confirmed by the official report of the Special Mission which visited the Republic of Guinea. The Security Council has already taken steps to halt Portugal’s aggression against Guinea. It is now the Council’s duty to adopt firm measures against the Portuguese aggressors. 138. In supporting the just demand of the Republic of Guinea and of many other African and Asian States, the Soviet delegation urges that the decision to be taken by the Security Council should include clear and unambiguous provision categorically condemning the Portuguese Gdvernment’s aggressive acts against the Republic of Guinea. 134. The information in the Special Mission’s report about the nature of the landing-craft available to the Portuguese colonialists, as well as other facts in the report, clearly confirm that the Portuguese armed forces and Portuguese mercenaries that attacked the sovereign State of Guinea also carried weapons from the NATO arsenals. The Security Council must also consider this aspect of Portugal’s aggression against an African country, as pointed out by a number of representatives of African countries in their statements before the Council. 139. The Soviet Union urges the Council, as an immediate and urgent measure, to apply the sanctions envisaged in Article 41 of the Charter to Portugal for its aggression against the Republic of Guinea. We specifically have in mind measures such as the complete interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio and other means of communication, and the severance of diplomatic relations. Such action by the Council would fully accord with the Charter and with those provisions of the Charter which are to be applied to an aggressor. 135. The imperialist aggression against Guinea graphically demonstrates the urgent need for the speedy and complete liquidation of colonial and racist regimes and for the elimination of the threat which coionialism represents to the peace and security of the African peoples. It is becoming more obvious than ever that, until there is no longer a single colonial rkgime or colonial bridge-head on the African continent and until all troops have been withdrawn and all colanial military bases dismantled, the peaceful and independent existence and the development of the African States will be in danger. 140. The Soviet Union considers that, if the measures provided for in Article 41 of the Charter do not produce the proper results and if Portugal persists in its acts of aggression against African States, the urgent need will arise for the adoption against Portugal of the measures provided for in Article 42 of the Charter-namely, demonstrations, blockade and other operations by air, sea or land forces of Members of the United Nations. 136. In this connexion, I should like to quote the following paragraph from the statement on the aggression by the colonialists against the Republic of Guinea adopted by the participants in the Conference of the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty, which clearly sets forth the position on this question of the countries in the socialist community: 141. The Soviet delegation also gives its firm support to thejust demand of the African States that the Security Council should decide to make Portugal pay compensation to the Republic of Guinea for the material damage suffered. By the adoption of such a measure the Council, as the United Nations organ with primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, will be fulfilling its duty in the defence of the Republic of Guinea, a sovereign State and Member of the United Nations. It will be taking measures to punish an imperialist aggressor, administering a fitting rebuff to the colonialists and helping “The participants in the Conference decisively condemn the aggression against the Republic of Guinea and other criminal acts by the imperialists and neo-colonialists. They reaffirm their solidarity with the just struggle of the Guinean people and all African peoples for freedom and progress, and for the full implementation of the United Nations Decla- HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS United Nations publications may be obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout the world. Consult your bookstore or write lo: United Nations, Sales Section, New York or Geneva. COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS DES NATIONS UNIES Les publications des Notions Unies sent en vents dons Ies librairier et les agences dipositaires du mande entier. Informez-vous aupr&s de votre libreirie ou odressez-vous 6: Notions Unies, Section des venles, New York ou GenBve. 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