S/PV.1728 Security Council

1 should like to explain the vote of my delegation on the resolution that the Council adopted at this morning’s meeting. By adopting that resolution, the Council has once again extended the mandate of the United Nations Force in Cyprus, thereby demonstrating once more the willingness of almost all its members to see that peace obtains in Cyprus. 20. My delegation has read with keen interest the concise report of the Secretary-General, There are several passages in the report which give us encouragement and hope. But there are some passages which remind us that the road to a solution of the problem of Cyprus is not going to be an easy one and therefore calls for the most unremitting efforts in that direction. 25. Finally, my delegation wishes to express its appreciation to the Secretary-General and his collaborators, notably Mr. Roberto Guyer, the Under-Secretary-General, Mr, Osorio-Tafall and Major-General Prem Chand, for the efforts they continue to exert in the maintenance of peace in Cyprus and for assisting the Cypriot people in deciding the future of their country. 21. On the side of hope, we note that the situation has remained quiet during the period under review and that there have been few incidents. We note also that the observation of the cease-fire has been satisfactory but we realize that, in the general context of the situation in Cyprus, that cannot mean much. However, that there exists an atmosphere in which efforts towards peace-making have a better chance of succeeding, is a fact whose significance we cannot underestimate. We hope, therefore, that this opportunity will be put to good use by both parties. 26. Mrs. Jeanne Martin CISSE (Guinea) (interpre&tim from French): The Security Council has suspended its debate on the question of the Middle East. However, its attention is still directed to the Mediterranean, to the island of Cyprus, which is another hotbed of tension and a potential threat to peace and security in that same part of the world. 27. For more than nine years, the Security Council has been meeting at regular intervals to consider the reports of the Secretary-General’ on the operations of the United Nations Force in Cyprus. The extension of the mandate of the Force has become a necessity which confronts us in the quest for an agreed solution for the maintenance of peace and security in this part of the world where feelings run so high. Thus the Security Council has, for the twenty-third time, once again prolonged the mandate of the Force. 22. Last December almost all the members of the Council were unanimous in welcoming the reactivation of the intercommunal talks, thanks to the initiative of the Secretary-General. My delegation shares the belief that he expresses in paragraph 82 of the report that “the reactivated intercommunal talks are the best instrument for achieving a satisfactory, lasting and agreed solution based on the concept of an independent, sovereign and unitary State with the adequate participation of the two communities”, 28. The Secretary-General’s report in document S/10940 and Corr.1 on the development of the situation in the island over the past six months, give us grounds for some hope as to the favorable outcome of the intercommunal talks, We have noted with satisfaction, on the positive side of the report, the relative calm over the period under review, with few incidents between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, which will unquestionably help the atmosphere of the talks. It is reassuring, therefore, to note in paragraph 79 of the report that the “talks have been conducted in a constructive manner” and that in the view of the Special Repro sentative of the Secretary-General “there appears to be a good possibility that a substantial measure of agreement may be reached on questions of principle”. With the constructive approach on the part of both parties evidenced so far, we have no doubt that they will also undertake the patient work that is obviously needed to bring the negotiations to a satisfactory end. 29. Nevertheless, although real progress has been made on questions of principle, several important problems are still outstanding, as may be seen from the Secretary-General’s assessment of the situation, particularly in Chapter III of his report entitled “Activities towards a return to normal conditions”. 23. I stated earlier that, in reading the report, one comes across certain passages which serve as a reminder that the search for a solution is not an easy task. I was referring to such passages as the one in paragraph 60, which is not untypical. It states that: “during the period under review there has again been no significant further progress towards a return to normal conditions”. This underlines the fact that, despite all the encouraging signs of progress that have 30. One is often tempted to believe that, despite the resumption of the talks, the two communities, Turkish and Greek, are still diverging and in fact are moving further and further apart, rather than coming closer together. My country, which is very devoted to the principles of freedom 3 1. We share the view of the Secretary-General when he writes in paragraph 82 of his report that ‘&the reactivated intercommunal talks are the best instrument for achieving a satisfactory, lasting and agreed solution based on the concept of an independent, sovereign and unitary State with the adequate participation of the two communities”. As the Secretary-General has so clearly put it, the quest for a concerted, just and lasting solution to the problem of Cyprus rust be based on the idea of an independent and sovereign Cypriot State that will guarantee the equal rights of the two nationa components. We hope that the forthcoming talks will go forward in a spirit of conciliation and mutual compromise and with a will on both sides to arrive at a satisfactory solution in the direction of the national unity of the Cypriot people. 32, It is with this hope that my delegation supports the recommendation of the Secretary-General in paragraph 97 of his report, that the mandate of the Force in Cyprus be extended, and has accordingly voted in favour of draft resolution S/l 0946, 33. Before concluding this brief statement I should like to associate myself with the preceding speakers, the members of the Council, in expressing my great appreciation to the Secretary-General for the unremitting efforts made by him and his representatives in order to safeguard peace and harmony in Cyprus.

The delegation of Panama voted in favour of draft resolution S/l 0946 for the following reasons, 35. Ever since the General Assembly adopted resolution 2077 (XX) of 18 December 1965, of which we were co-sponsors, we have advocated unity for the Cypriot nation without any interference or intervention of any kind and without any limitations of any kind. 36. The solution of the. problem, in our opinion, must be sought with a view to Cyprus becoming a united, indivisible land where the rights of minorities are recognized and guaranteed. 37. Ever since the groundwork was laid in 1968 for the talks which are being pursued today, we have always believed that it was important to find in Cyprus a plan for a free, independent and united State. We hope that with every passing day the threat of a military confrontation will diminish and that very soon freedom of transit throughout the entire island will be guaranteed indefinitely and without restrictiops so that Greek .and Turkish Cypriots may be reconciled and live in peace.. 39. The conciliatory words of the representatives of Cyprus, Turkey and Greece this morning have been a source of great satisfaction to us. 40, My de!egation understands this problem particularly well because Panama, like Cyprus, was forced to accept a trust regime imposed on us to guarantee our independence, which was at variance with all forms of morality and principles of international law. 41. We congratulate the Secretary-General on his report which describes United Nations efforts over the past six months in support of peace in Cyprus. In particular we point to the excellent job done by the Under-Secretary- General, Mr. Roberto Guyer. 42. I wish to conclude this explanation of our vote by saying that we are aware of the economic and other difficulties which the Secretariat has had to confront and, on behalf of the delegation of Panama, we express our thanks for the co-operation provided by all those who have assisted in the case of Cyprus.

I wish to congratulate the Secretary-General on the presenta. tion of his report, contained in document S/10940 and Corr.1. This is a very precise and enlightening report and has proved very useful in our deliberations. 44. We would also express our appreciation to the Under-Secretary-General, Mr. Roberto Guyer and to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Osorio-Tafall, for their important,work, and to the Commander of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus, Major-General Prem Chand, on that Force’s efficient services. 45, Security Council Resolution 324 (1972), adopted on 12 December 1972, extended for six months the stationing of the Force in Cyprus, in the hope that by that time sufficient progress would have been made towards a finat solution of the problem, to make it possible to remove the Force from the area or reduce it considerably. 46. From this report it is clear that, while there is a more propitious atmosphere at the present time, we are still very far from a situation which can be considered satisfactory. The maintenance of the status quo which has been more or less achieved over the past six months is not a sufficient guarantee for peace and security on. the island. Suspicion and fear continue to exist between both communities and there are obvious economic differences aggravating tension. Although *it might seem encouraging that the Greek Cypriots have been overcoming the problem of unemployment, in the Turkish community unemployment continues to be an acute problem. The same can be said about services, The Turkish Cypriots must still deal with the shortages which put them at a disadvantage as compared 47. Furthermore, we should like to point as an encouraglng sign to the fact that intercommunal talks have taken a constructive turn and that there has been goodwill on the part of the parties, showing a desire to reach agreement, which should lead to the results which the entire international community is anxiously awaiting. It is obvious that we are still very far from a concrete solution ensuring peace and security in the island of Cyprus, but the goodwill of the parties concerned and the presence of the United Nations in the area indicate that the first steps which have been taken will lead to a satisfactory conclusion I 54. The Soviet Union firmly opposes any attempt to infringe on the sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus or to settle the question of Cyprus without consulting its people, to the detriment of their vital interests and to the advantage of outside imperialist forces. In that connexion, the Soviet delegation would like to repeat once again that the USSR continues to insist that, in order to guarantee the independence, integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, all foreign forces should be withdrawn from its territory and all foreign military bases on its territory removed. 55. Cyprus is located near one of the “hot spots” in international relations, the Middle East region, where the risk of a new armed conflict is stilf present. It is our hope that the examination of the situation in the MiddIe East in the Security Council, the first stage of which has only just ended, will help to make a significant contribution to the establishment of peace in that area and, as a result, to the establishment of favourable conditions guaranteeing the peaceful existence of States in the eastern Mediterranean, 48. Peru has friendly ties with Cyprus and with Turkey and Greece, and the Cypriot problem has received our close attention. We earnestly hope that it will be solved in such a way as to guarantee the independence and protect the special features of this bicommunal nation, Those are the reasons why my delegation voted this morning in favour of draft resolution S/l 0946.

I should now Iike to take the floor as the representative of the UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS. - 56. Cyprus is also situated very close to Europe. It is quite natural that the state of affairs on that formerly troubled continent should have a very direct influence on the situation in Cyprus. In that connexion, we may note with satisfaction that the favourable trend towards the relaxation of international tension on the continent of Europe is, in the eyes of all the peoples of the world, transformed into an irreversible process of strengthening collective security and co-operation among all the countries of Europe. This was once again demonstrated by the success of the preparatory work for the convening of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. We are convinced that the Conference will also make a significant contribution to improving the situation in the Mediterranean. 50. In connexion with the Security Council’s adoption of the resolution on the Cyprus question, the Soviet delegation would like to state that the Soviet Union has always based and continues to base its position on the view that this problem must be settled by peaceful means in the interest of reducing tension in that vital area, and in the interests of all the people of Cyprus. 51. The Soviet delegation has more than once stated in the Council the position of the Government of the USSR on the situation in Cyprus. We have noted that a settlement of the Cyprus problem must be based on the respect for the freedom, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus, a State Member of the United Natiorts which has pursued and still pursues a policy of peace and non-alignment with military blocs. 57. The Soviet delegation views in a positive light the information relating to intercommunal talks provided in the Secretary-General’s report on the situation in Cyprus for the period 2 December 1972 to 31 May 1973. One cannot disagree with the general conclusion of the report that the best means of achieving a peaceful, generally acceptable settlement of the Cyprus problem is the renewal and continuation, in a positive spirit, of the intercolnmunal talks, The USSR delegation hopes that the talks will make it possible to overcome present difficulties and will end successfully, in the interests of the people of Cyprus and of the strengthening of peace in the area, . 58. The report contains a recommendation that the presence of the United Nations Forces in Cyprus be extended for a further six-month period, in order to guarantee norma conditions which will make it possible for the intercommunal talks to continue, The Soviet delegation‘ did not object to the adoption of a Security Council resolution extending the presence of the United Nations 52. The Soviet delegation remains firmly convinced that the more rapid normalization of the situation in Cyprus, the strengthening of its, security and the extension of equitable co-operation with other countries will lead to a further improvement in the international standing of the Republic and will permit it to play an even more significant role as an important factor in stabilizing the situation in the eastern Mediterranean, As is well known, the Government of Cyprus and its President have many times affirmed their adherence to the ideas of peace, security and mutual co-operation with other States. It is .quite obvious, and may be stated with conviction, that that position has found and will continue to find broad support and solidarity on the part of all peace-loving forces and of international public opinion. 59. Speaking again as PRESIDENT, I should like to state that we have now come to the end of the list of speakers on the Cyprus question, We shall now hear those who have asked to speak in exercise of the right of reply. 60, I call on the representative of Cyprus.

I wish to thank aI1 the members of the Security Council who have participated in this debate and expressed their support for the independence and sovereignty of Cyprus, and also for non-intep vention and non-interference in its internal affairs. 62. It is gratifying to realize that this is a situation where a small country has the support of the United Nations and where the role of force is diminishing in the prospects for the development of that country. This is an achievement of tbe United Nations which, in spite of all its difficulties, is real and true. 63. Now I should like to say a few words to my colleague and friend, the representative of Turkey, with regard to some of his remarks. This is not intended to be contra. versial but merely an elucidation of certain points, 64. First of all, with regard to the question of federation, my statement was very clear on this. I said that, in the view of the highest legal authorities, it could not apply to Cyprus. Therefore it is not a question of choosing or not choosing federation, because federation does not apply, and if it were to be applied it would be a constitutional oddity, incompatible with the realities and therefore bound to fail. Consequently our position is that we want to have a solution which is compatible with the constitutional norms and territorial realities of the situation and therefore be workable, Federation can neither apply nor function because there are no separate territorial entities, That is why it was agreed-indeed it was agreed repeatedly by the Turkish side and I have the reports here-that it was to be a unitary State. I believe that untiJ now it has not been disputed that it is to be a unitary State, 65. With regard to the reference td ‘statements which might endanger the future and the continued independence of Cyprus, I wish to place on record that the policy of Cyprus over the years, in the United Nations and outside, is well known to be the pursuit of a peaceful and lasting solution on the basis of sovereign and independent state. hood and, in the particular instance,, the pursuit of the intercommunal talks to their successful conclusion on the basis of the sovereign, independent and unitary State of 67. Reference has been made by the representative of Turkey to equal partnership. What is required and what the Turkish Cypriots fuUy enjoy is equal citizenship. But equality of partnership between 82 per cent and 18 per cent of the population is a very difficult concept to understand. I do not say that we do not want to be generous to the Turkish side, but to demand a complete equality of partnership in a ratio of I8 to 82 seems to me a little extravagant. What we want, as I have stated, is of course equality of rights of citizenship. If there is any discrimination in Cyprus it is discrimination, at the present stage at least, against the Greek Cypriot majority and in favour of the Turkish Cypriot minority. That discrimination is evident from the very fact that, as has been stated already, the majority does not have complete freedom of movement in the island. Many roads are closed to it because of the Turkish enclave, whereas the Turkish minority can move all over the island without any obstacles. 68. What is the cause of all this trouble in Cyprus? The cause is the continued policy of separatism, As to the motivation for this policy, that is something I shall not enter into now. The fact remains, however, that because of this policy, the Turkish Cypriot community is suffering. They are the pawns in a policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership, and because they are pawns in that policy they cannot look after their own interests. We see that the report of the Secretary-General of May 197 1 says that: “It would , . , be difficult to utilize fully and rationally the human and other resources of the island if the present trend towards separate economic development is maintained”. /S/l 0199, para. 41.1 We therefore see that the separate economic development is maintained in the cause of separatism, which prevents the Turkish Cypriot people from participating in the economic Progress of the island. They are kept outside it by the force of these circumstances. In spite of that, they are given every opportunity by the Government to participate and both the 75. These efforts of the Government of Cyprus are sufficient indication of its intent to proceed seriously and effectively with normalization, elimination of confronta. tion and conciliation with a view to solving the problem, The solution, of course, is a matter for the talks and we hope that the appropriate spirit will prevail towards arriving at a workable and lasting solution. 69. My friend referred to the fact that the share of United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) assistance is disappointingly low. I see from the report that the Turkish Cypriot participation and student enrolment at the UNDPassisted Higher Technical Institute and Hotel and Catering Institute is still “disappointingly low” [S/10940 and CW.1, para. 611. This is because they will not participate, They are free to enrol, but they do not. Why do they not? Because they are still under the shadow of the separatist idea, and they cannot move forward towards doing that which would be to their own benefit.

1 call or1 the representative of Turkey,

I shall try to be very brief. 1 am in a rather difficult position because in some ways 1 am in total agreement with my friend, Ambassador Rossides, and on some points I am-as he would expect and as, 1 suppose, members of the Council would expect-in total disagreement. I am happy to say that 1 am in agreement when he says-solemnly I hope-that the permanent independence of the island is the main objective of his “Government”. That, of course, is a very good thing to hear here and is what we are all striving for. ‘Sometimes 1 have thought that we were the only ones who were for this permanent independence. I have a reason for that, as I said this morning, and 1 know that Mr, Rossides will take exception to these statements of mine. Of course, it is hard for a simple man like me, who is trained as a civil servant and is in the habit of attaching great value to statements by public figures, not to believe what he hears when the highest officials in a State proclaim that, after all, their ultimate aim is something else than the permanent independence of their State. 70. That is why the Secretary-General has repeatedly painted out that it is necessary, in the interests of all and particularIy the Turkish Cypriots, to have an integrated economy. But they refuse. And here, in the report again, another aspect is pointed out with regard to public services, My colleague said that the Turkish Cypriots are not given the public services to which they are entitled. But the report explains the reason why. It says that “normalizing public services in the area under Turkish Cypriot control is linked to the attitude of the Turkish Cypriot leadership concerning such matters as the maintenance of the military status quo and the freedom of movement of Greek Cypriot civilians”. [Ibid., para. 94.1 71. If there is no freedom of movement, how can the Turkish Cypriots get the proper public services? It is not only very difficult but virtually impossible. That is why, if they were to allow freedom of movement, they would certainly get all the public services they may be missing now, although the Government does everything to supply the electricity, for instance. Here we have it that the Government supplies electricity and water for all its citizens, despite the fact that most of the taxpayers do not pay their electricity and water bills. And it runs into millions of pounds that are not paid, and yet they supply them, But when they do not allow the employees to enter, then it is not possible to do it. 78. I believe that out of the 132 Members of this Organization, the high officials of 131-I do not want to name names-would shudder at the idea that some day the independence of their State would come to an end. But I cannot help it. 1 have documents before me here, but members need not worry because I will certainty not quote them. However, in case’they are interested, my delegation is at their disposal to provide ample proof of what 1 mean when 1 say I consider certain declarations as a threat. But I am pleased and really thankful to hear my colleague saying that that does not mean anything really, and that in fact what the highest authorities in Cyprus mean is a permanent independence of their island. I am pleased to hear it. 72. In a previous report, mention was made of the Kanli K&y dam. It was interesting because it marked the first time, since the outbreak of the disturbances, that the Turkish Cypriots agreed to allow a Government official into the main Turkish Cypriot enclave north of Nicosia, to supervise work done with the building materials provided by the Government. 79. Now I come to some points of disagreement, and I am really going to be brief about them, I disagree when Mr, Rossides says that the highest legal authorities are of the opinion, for instance, that the adoption of the form of federation is impossible. Not, I repeat, that 1 am for federation or for any other form, because first of all my legal background does not give me the authority to speak here for or against any form of State. People in Cyprus are discussing precisely this point, Whatever they agree upon will be something for us to respect, But I just cannot accept the idea that any form of State or any form of constitution is to be set aside as an impossibility because some people think it is impossible. I therefore beg to disagree on this point, 73. Therefore, from the reports one can see there’ is a definite effort at separation, preventing matters from developing in a way that would help the Turkish Cypriot community. 74. The other aspect I should like to mention is the importance of elimination of confrontation. If we look trough the reports, we find that, at least for the last eight 81. The other point of disagreement is when we come to the discussion of the problem of partnership. But this again is a question for the people on the spot to decide. The only thing I remember is that Cyprus is an atypical, historical phenomenon. It has been created, if I am not mistaken, on the basis of this equal partnership and the equal partnership to our mind means that the two communities have an equal say when it comes to the State’s policy as a whole, to its future, to its independence, to its territorial integrity, to its defence, to its foreign policy and so on and so forth. 82, For the rest, of course, the normal application of the rule of law in any State would prevail, I hope that the constitution will see to it and, of course, one cannot ignore the fact that there are two distinctly separate communities which, as everybody knows, and as I am sure that Mr. Rossides would also agree, have had different national aspirations, and therefore a kind of autonomous development is to be expected. That is why there has been trouble in the past and that is what we want to prevent in the future through a more workable constitution. 83. Now we come again to the question that we have so long discussed across the table with my dear friend Mr. Rossides: the question of whether the Turkish community’s diffidence in taking part in the economic life, the social life and so on of the island as a whole is due only to the fact that some politicians on the Turkish side-that is what is meant-wish it that way. I do not think that it is that easy to remove the fears of a community which has had some reasons to feel that fear. That is why the troops are there, They are not there just because of a whim on the part of the United Nations or of anyone in particular in Cyprus, Conditions have so developed that it is only thanks to the presence of the United Nations troops that life has become livable there. 84. Mr. Rossides has used the words “the shadow of the separatist idea” fpara4 69 above/. I think that this shadow is a result of the shadow of more serious events, a shadow which I hope-and this is why I should like again to finish on a note of optimism-will be removed as a result of the very serious, very businesslike, very genuine and very sincere efforts that no side, no interested party, spares to obtain a workable solution of the problem. 85. Therefore, I think that basically we are again in agreement with Mr. Rossides. What we both mean to say is that there has been a difficult situation. I am not dwelling on the reasons for it. This situation, it is to be hoped, will end when the two sides which have lived through lt see a better way of doing things and find a better constitutional framework for their future national life.

I call on the representative of Cyprus. “community leadership discourages the Turkish Cypriot population from engaging in personal, commercial or other contacts with their Greek Cypriot compatriots, from applying to government offices in administrative matters, or from resettling in their home villages if they are refugees”. [S/6228 of 11 March 1965, para, 55.1 88. They are discouraged from any commercial contacts. They are not afraid of commercial contacts. They are discouraged from applying to the government officers in administrative matters. Further, they are discouraged from doing anything normal-not out of fear, but because it is a policy, as I said before. Also, I have already stated on a previous occasion that there is a list of punishments inflicted upon the Turkish Cypriots for disobeying this order not to have any contacts with the Greeks: “Those who disobey the order with a view to having trade connexions with the Greek Cypriots shall pay E25 Ss., or should be punished with imprisonment. , . , A fine of $20 will be imposed on those who have any dealings with Greek Cypriots or those who buy from Greek Cypriots goods which they could get from the Turkish Cypriot sector”. [1568th meeting, para. 173./ 89. So it is obvious that this is not a question of fear. It is a question of policy. And what is the aim of that policy in keeping the people of Cyprus divided and separated? It is left to the imagination. There must be some particular political aim. It has transpired in the past in very official statements. Therefore, we cannot but note that this present policy is carried out, in spite of everything, in order to keep separation, keep up strife, prevent conciliation, prevent the elimination of confrontation, and in order to do everything to keep the people of Cyprus apart. And when we come to the negotiating table, proposals are made again of such extremist separatism that discussion becomes difficult. It would not be difficult for these talks to come to a successful conclusion. They started in 1968 and, after some time, came up against the impossibility of performance, extreme separatism and excessiveness in separatism. 90. All these things are not fear. There is something else to it. To say that it is fear and that therefore it is impossible to apply the constitution does not make sense. But again I .wish to end with optimism and to express the hope that reason will prevail in the talks, so that we may have a solution that is workable and that separatism, whatever its reasons or motivations, will be abandoned. 91 I I say again that the Government of Cyprus is sincere in its conduct of the negotiations for the independence of Cyprus, But that does not mean that the ingrained feelings and aspirations of the people, whose Greek history extends back 2,000 years, should be regarded as a crime, or that

I call on the representative of Turkey, 100. Members of the Council will recall that, at its tenth regular session, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity adopted an important resolution on the crisis in the Middle East, deciding that a delegation of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of a number of States should come to set forth in the Council the feelings and concerns of all Africa on this grave situation and the threat it posed to peace. Like my colleagues from Nigeria, the United Republic of Tanzania, Algeria, the Sudan, Kenya and Guinea, it is under that sacred mandate that I address the Council.

I apologize for speaking again. 95. I wish only to say that this debate has shown that when there is action there is reaction, without qualifying either the actions or the reaction, The Council may rest assured that when there is no action there will be no reaction. And vice versa, I suppose. 96. Therefore, to end on a note of optimism, let us hope that the people whose duty it is to put an end to this unfortunate situation in the island will achieve success in the not too distant future. 101. With great concern, the entire world has closely followed events over the past few years in certain areas of the world, The recent cessation of the most terrible and devastating war of our time, the war in South-East Asia, was welcomed with great relief and hailed by the entire world. Mr. Rossides (Cyprus), Mr. Olcay (Turkey) and Fife. Parmyotacos (Greece) withdrew. The situation in the Middle J&t: la) Security Council resolution 331 (1973); fb) Report of the Secretary-General under Security Council resolution 331 (1973) (S/10929) 102. Another outstanding event which continues to come up in regional and international talks and meetings is the development of the Israeli aggression of 5 June 1967 against neighbouring Arab States.

I should like to recall that yesterday, at its 1725th meeting, the Security Council heard me read a telegram from the President of Chad, His Excellency Mr. Francois Tombal- We, and decided to accede to his request and, as an exceptional measure, give the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Chad, Mr. Baba Hassane, the opportunity to make a statement on the situation in the Middle East at today’s Council meeting, following completion of the consideration of the Cyprus question, In taking that decision, the Council took into account the fact it had been intended to, suspend the examination of the situation in the Middle East at yesterday evening’s meeting, as was in fact done. 103. At the request of the Arab Republic of Egypt, an African State concerned by the conflict disrupting the Middle East, the Security Council was invited to review the political and military situation over the past six years and the efforts undertaken and pursued by both the international community and Governments to put into effect the peace settlement decided upon by the Council in its resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967. We hope that that subject will be the essential point before us and that Israel will not divert attention in any way that will work against proper consideration of the subject by the Council. 104. The report of the Secretary-General /S/10929/, submitted under Security Council resolution 33 1 (1973), is a detailed and comprehensive account of United Nations efforts to bring about a settlement of the Israeli-Arab conflict. I should like to congratulate the Secretary-General and his Special Representative on the work they have done in difficult circumstances The document clearly reports that, if the six years which have been marked by tireless efforts of the United Nations to establish a just and lasting peace have revealed anything at all, it is that Israel’s policy of colonial expansion and the systematic refusal of the Government of lsrael to co-operate with the Organization have been the obstacle which any efforts towards peace have encountered. Such a negative attitude by a Member of the Organization deserves serious consideration on the part of the C&nciI. 98. fn accordance with that decision of the Council and if there are no objections, I intend to invite the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Chad, His Excellency Mr. Baba Hassane, who is here in the Council chamber, to take a place at the Council table and to make a statement on the situation in the Middle East. At the invitation of the l+esident, Mr. %aba Hassane (Ghad) took a place at the Council table.

Mr-. president, first of all I should like to discharge a two-fold duty. I wish to thank you and the members of the security Council for allowing me, by way of an exception, to t&e part, without the right to vote, in the debate on the [The speaker read paragraphs 1 to 3 of resolution 242 (196 7)./ 106. As the report of the Secretary-General indicates in paragraph 45 in particular, the parties to the conflict, with the exception of one State, accepted that resolution, It goes without saying that the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces to the positions occupied before June 1967 constitutes a fundamental and preliminary step to any peaceful settlement in the Middle East. 107. The activities of the Special Representative of the Secretary.GeneraI, Ambassador Jarring, as well as the meetings which were held on the question of the MiddIe East in 1971 by the representatives of the four major Powers permanent members of the Security Council-the United States, France, the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom-to agree on a joint interpretation of the reso. lution referred to and on a joint formulation of the general provisions for a settlement, found themselves at an impasse and perceived that it was impossible to reach any result at all. 108. The African States, members of the Organization of African Unity and Members of the United Nations, concerned by the conflict in the Middle East, wished to make their modest contribution to a settlement. To that end, they set up a committee made up of 10 heads of State under the chairmanship of Senegal, The committee went to Israel and Egypt with the mandate to promote a peaceful settlement of the confIict and to safeguard the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. The result of that mission appears in paragraph 96 of document S/10929, We read there, among other things: “Both parties I tad renewed their acceptance of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and were ready to resume indirect negotiations under the auspices of Ambassador Jarring. The mission came to the conclusion that the success of renewed negotiations could be regarded as assured, if the practical application of the concept of secure and recognized boundaries did not oblige Egypt to alienate part of its national territory and that it was necessary to obtain Israel’s agreement to the putting into effect (without territorial annexation) of arrangements offering sufficient guarantees to ensure its security.” 109. We know that Israel, using dilatory manoeuvres, refused to take a positive and unequivocal stand. The same is true concerning the request made to it to follow up on the aide memoire of 8 February 1971 from the United Nations Mediator /S/l0403 of 30November 1971, annex 11. That aide mdmoire received the unanimous support of the four permanent members of the Security Council: France, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and the United States. 111. The search for an agreement among the parties was the subject of various initiatives. Members will recall the unsuccessful attempt by the United States to reach a provisional agreement on the reopening of the Suez Canal, as called for by United Nations resolutions. The year 197 1, like the preceding years, was marked by a lack of progress towards a settlement of the conflict in the Middle East, However, in resolution 2799 (XXVI) on the situation in the Middle East, the General Assembly at its twenty-sixth session expressed itself as follows: [The speaker read paragraphs 4 to 7 of resolution 2799 (XXV’)./ 112. It is deplorable that no progress of the kind advocated by the United Nations has been made. The Secretary-General confirmed this in his report of 15 Sep. tember 1972 to the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly, when he stated: “In spite of our continued efforts, it has not been possible to make any substantial progress. As can be seen from published statements of the parties, an agreed basis for discussions under Ambassador Jarring’s auspices does not seem to exist at the present time”. [S/10792, para. 5.1 In view of that failure, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2949 (XXVII), which it decided to transmit to the Council for appropriate action and, furthertnore, reaffirmed its resolution 2799 (XXVI). 113. In the light of the information that we have available and of our study of the report of the Secretary-General under examination, it can be safely said that all efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement of the conflict have been impeded, not to say thwarted, by the Israeli Government. The Organization has not been able to act effectively. There has not even been a beginning of a satisfactory solution to any aspect of the problem. The cease-fire has been violated on a number of occasions by the Israeli armed forces. One need only refer to paragraph 10 of the report to see this. It should be pointed out that, in the absence of an equitable and accepted settlement, the cease-fire is bound to remain precarious and unstable. 114. In this situation it is to be noted with great concern that, in spite of many resolutions of the Organization of [The speaker read paragraphs I to 3 of resolution 242 (1967)./ 106. As the report of the Secretary-General indicates in paragraph 45 in particular, the parties to the conflict, with the exception of one State, accepted that resolution. It goes wjthout saying that the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces to the positions occupied before June 1967 constitutes a fundamental and preliminary step to any peaceful settlement in the Middle East. 107, The activities of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Ambassador Jarring, as well as the meetings which were held on the question of the Middle East in 1971 by the representatives of the four major Powers permanent members of the Security Council-the United States, France, the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom-to agree on a joint interpretation of the resolution referred to and on a joint formulation of the general provisions for a settlement, found themselves at an impasse and perceived that it was impossible to reach any result at all. 108. The African States, members of the Organization of African Unity and Members of the United Nations, concerned by the conflict in the Middle East, wished to make their modest contribution to a settlement. To that end, they set up a committee made up of 10 heads of State under the chairmanship of Senegal. The committee went to Israel and Egypt with the mandate to promote a peaceful settlement of the conflict and to safeguard the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. The result of that mission appears in paragraph 96 of document S/10929. We read there, among other things: “Both parties i ad renewed their acceptance of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and were ready to resume indirect negotiations under the auspices of Ambassador Jarring. The mission came to the conclusion that the success of renewed negotiations could be regarded as assured, if the practical application of the concept of secure and recognized boundaries did not oblige Egypt to alienate part of its national territory and that it was necessary to obtain Israel’s agreement to the putting into effect (without territorial annexation) of arrangements offering sufficient guarantees to ensure its security,” 109. We know that Israel, using dilatory manoeuvres, refused to take a positive and unequivocal stand. The same is true concerning the request made to it to follow up on the aide memoire of 8 February 1971 from the United Nations Mediator /S/10403 of 30 November 1971, annex //. That aide memoire received the unanimous support of the four permanent members of the Security Council: France, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and the United States. 111. The search for an agreement among the parties was the subject of various initiatives. Members will recall the unsuccessful attempt by the United States to reach a provisional agreement on the reopening of the Suez Canal, as called for by United Nations resolutions. The year 197 1, like the preceding years, was marked by a lack of progress towards a settlement of the conflict in the Middle East, However, in resolution 2799 (XXVI) on the situation in the Middle East, the General Assembly at its twenty-sixth session expressed itself as follows: [The speaker read paragraphs 4 to 7 of resolution 2799 (XXVI).] 112. It is deplorable that no progress of the kind advocated by the United Nations has been made. The Secretary.General confirmed this in his report of 15 September 1972 to the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly, when he stated: “In spite of our continued efforts, it has not been possible to make any substantial progress. As can be seen from published statements of the parties, an agreed basis for discussions under Ambassador Jarring’s auspices does not seem to exist at the present time”. /S/ZO792, para. 5.1 In view of that failure, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2949 (XXVII), which it decided to transmit to the Council for appropriate action and, furthermore, reaffirmed its resolution 2799 (XXVI). 113. In the light of the information that we have available and of our study of the report of the Secretary-General under examination, it can be safely said that all efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement of the conflict have been impeded, not to say thwarted, by the Israeli Government. The Organization has not been able to act effectively. There has not even been a beginning of a satisfactory solution to any aspect of the problem. The cease-fire has been violated on a number of occasions by the Israeli armed forces, One need only refer to paragraph 10 of the report to see this. It should be pointed out that, in the absence of an equitable and accepted settlement, the cease-fire is bound to remain precarious and unstable. 114. In this situation it is to be noted with great concern that, in spite of many resolutions of the Organization of 115. The situation is not ideal either in the Arab territories occupied following the hostilities of- June 1967 by the Israeli army. The Security Council is in duty bound to call on the Government of Israel to rescind all action and to abandon all policies and practices affecting the population of these territories. It is also in duty bound to reaffirm that all action taken to create settlements in these territories, including Jerusalem, is null and void. 116. Throughout the past six years the entire world has seen that the true objective of the Israeli Government is not to seek the peace which we all ardently desire, but to do its utmost, with the complicity of certain major Powers, to pursue a policy of territorial expansion to the detriment of th’e neighbouring countries. While mediation has been offered in an attempt to find ways and means to bring about a practical settlement of the explosive conflict pitting the States in the area against one another, Israel, which was born by General Assembly resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947, relative to the partition of Palestine, is preparing plans designed to annex the occupied territories of Egypts, Jordan and Syria. The Minister of Defence of Israel declared his intentions unambiguously in his famous statement of 5 July 1968 when he said: 120. Article II, paragraph 1 (c) of the Charter of the Organization of African Unity, signed in 3963, rejected the principle of any territorial conquest by the use of armed force. The Assembly of African heads of State and Government at its last Summit meeting adopted a resolution stating that it “reaffirms. , , its active and total support for the Arab Republic of Egypt in its legitimate struggle to recover entirely and by all means its territorial integrity” /see S/10943 of 7Jurie 19731. It once again called for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli armed forces from all occupied African and Arab territories, 121. The Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Countries which met at Georgetown in August 1972 rejected the principle of territorial acquisition by the use of force and called for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the occupied Arab territories. “Our forefathers reached the frontiers which were recognized in the 1947 Partition Plan, Our generation reached the frontiers of 1949. But the generation of the six-day war reached Suez, Jordan and the Golan Heights in Syria. There will be new lines but they will extend beyond the Jordan, perhaps even to Lebanon and perhaps even to central Syria.” 122. African, Asian and Latin American voices-those of the third world-requested Israel to heed the voice of reason and called on that country to liberate all the territories occupied by force. 117. That is the true face of Israel and the truly appalling thinking behind its so-called policy of peace and good neighbourliness. The events which have occurred in the area since that statement reflect to what extent the Hebrew State is committed, in flagrant disregard of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, to its plans to annex territories which are at present occupied and to conquer new territories, The law of military conquest remains in force. As a member of the OAU and Member of the United Nations, we refuse to accept the fact that one State can occupy the territory of another by the use of force. 123. In the circumstances, how can we fail to take up the problem of the Palestinian refugees? I am convinced that most of the members of the Council will be of my opinion when I say that settling the conflict in the Middle East depends first of al1 on a settlement being found by the world Organization for the tragedy of the Palestinian people. 124. The origin of this situation lies in the injustice inflicted by the United Nations on that innocent people whose fate has been a constant source of concern to the international community. Many resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council have recognized the right of that people to recover their national heritage. I recall in that connexion the following resolutions: 2535 E (XXIV) of 10 December 1969, 2649 (XXV) of 30 November and 2672 C (XXV) of 8 December 1970,2799 (XXVI) of 13 December 1971 and 2949 (XXVII) of 8 December 1972, as well as the relevant resolutions of the Council all of which call for a just settlement of the problem of the Palestine refugees. 1 18, The United Nations is based on the proposition that war must not be a profitable enterprise. The General Assembly and the Security Council have on many occasions condemned the territorial conquest by one State of another by armed force. Right after the Israel-Arab conflict, the fifth special emergency session of the General Assembly highlighted the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force and called for the immediate withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the occupied territories. 125. In our opinion, all these resolutions contain certain gaps which need to be filled. All call for a just and lasting 1 19. Furthermore, other organizations adopted a similar position with regard to territorial acquisitions. The Charter 126. Permit me to mention here the echo of international support for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, which resounds throughout the world day after day and year after year. 127. The Palestinian people have seen and recorded the failure of the United Nations to act effectively to resolve the profound cause of its uprooting; now that people, which has suffered such humiliations, has taken the centre of the stage. Proof of this can be found in the brutal outbreak of acts of violence, terrorism in its many forms, hijacking of aircraft and so forth. 128. Referring to the situation in the Middle East, the head of an African State said in Washington a few years ago : “A new event has taken the centre of the stage since June, and that is the entry of the Palestinian people, Their will asserts itself day by day and the leaders of States will have to take account of their desires. “The Palestinian people now must really assume the responsibility for their fight to recover their rights in their own country and the kind of commitment which might lead to an end. Their ability to sacrifice and their maturity in this political and military struggle will largely determine the success of their struggle, which other countries have a duty to support. “A solution of the problem can be, properly brought about only with the participation and support of the Palestinian people.” 129. b Furtherm re, the last Summit Conference of the Organization 04 African Unity recognized that respect for the inalienable ‘rights of the Palestinian people was an essential element in any just and equitable solution, just as it is an indispensable element in any lasting peace in the area. 130. We are also in favour of the idea that the General Assembly and the Security Council should explore what they can do to give the Palestine Liberation Organization observer status. Why should this not be done? It might very well be a step forward in the search for an equitable solution if we associate the people directly concerned with the deliberations on matters which are of vital interest to them. 131. 1 invite members of the Council to meditate on these words, No one can ignore the existence of that people and its aspirations. NO force can bend their will, We believe that they are valid interlocutors in the quest for peace between Israel and the Arabs. 132. The Government of Chad is proud to reaffirm its support for the just cause of the Palestinians and their i2 134. Africa, for its part, has defined very clearly and unequivocally its position on the conflict in the Middle East. It: (a) Unreservedly supports the Arab countries in their just fight; (b) Draws the attention of Israel to the danger threatening the security and unity of the African continent as a result of its continued aggression and refusal to evacuate the territories of the State victims of that aggression and declares that the attitude of Israel might lead OAU Member States to take, at the African level, individually or collectively, political and economic measures against it, in conformity with the principles contained in the OAU and United Nations Charters; (c) Earnestly calls upon the big Powers supplying Israel with all forms of arms and military equipment and granting it moral and political support that enables it to strengthen its military potential, to refrain from doing so. 135. It is the hope of all of us that the Security Council will reach a constructive settlement rather than abdicate its authority and refer the matter to the General Assembly. It knows very well that the problems of security and war fall within its purview, whereas the Assembly has only powers of recommendation. The Council should be prepared to do its utmost to put an end to the present impasse. 136. From the statements made in the present debate by the parties concerned, the Council has doubtless noted the sincere desire for peace expressed by the victims of Israeli aggression and in particular an African country, Egypt, a founding member of the Organization of African Unity. The Foreign Minister of Egypt, Mr. El-Zayyat, stated in this body that his country accepted all the resolutions of the 140. Before closing the meeting, I should like to recall that the decision taken by the Council yesterday to suspend consideration of the question of the Middle East contains the provision that the suspension should be used for further reflection on the results of the discussion of the question in the Council, both by its members and by other representatives taking part in the consideration of the item. In the light of the Secretary-General’s report on the efforts undertaken by his Special Representative and also the statements which have been made by all States participating in the consideration of this question, the suspension could also be used for the holding of further informal consultations among members of the Council regarding further steps the Council might take. 137. As these deliberations conclude, the Security Council will doubtless bear in mind many aspects of the conflict in the Middle East, but two in particular are essential and await acceptable solutions: the continued occupation of African and Arab territories, a principle not recognized by the international community or the Charter of the United Nations, and the tragedy of the Palestinian people, a primary cause of tension in the area. The Council should require that Israel withdraw from those territories and, rather than just referring to them, should associate the people of Palestine in the negotiations with the parties to tha conflict. It seems to us that that is the path which would lead to a stable peace in the Middle East. 141. I should like to express the hope and wish that members of the Council will make active use of the suspension for these noble purposes, so that when it resumes its consideration of the item, the Council will have before it a draft of concrete and effective measures on which a decision can be taken which will guarantee a peaceful political settlement in the Middle East in accordance with United Nations decisions and taking into account the efforts and initiatives undertaken by the Secretary- General and his Special Kepresentative. 138. Before I leave the Council table, I formally request, as my colleagues have done, that the resolution adopted at Addis Ababa by the Assembly of heads of State of the OAU be considered a working document of the Security Council.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Chad for his very interesting statement and, in connexion with his last remark, I should like to inform him that the resolution adopted by the anniversary session of the Assembly of the The meetirig rose at 5,45 p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS unitad Natiow ptlbkatiau Iney be obtained fmm lBoomom and diatributom ttwn&out~world.~tyau- &ction,NewYorkorOmeva. or write to: United Nationa, S&a Litho in United Nations, New York Price: SW.% I .OO (or equivalent id other currencies) 7%822214anuary 1977-2,200