S/PV.1804 Security Council

Furthermore, I wish to draw the attention of members of the Council to documents S/11545 and S/11546, which contain the texts of two letters dated 25 October to the President of the Security Council by the representatives of Kenya and Mauritania, in which a request is made that the Council extend an invitation under rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure to Mr, Notil Mukono, Secretary for External Affairs of ZANU [Zimbabwe Aji.icNtt Ncttiotwl Union], Mr. T. George Silundika, Secretary for Publicity and Information of ZAPU [Zitnbctbw AJi+ccttt People’s Union] and Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, Chief Representative of the SWAP0 [South West AJ>icct People’s Orgtrtrizcrriott] mission to the United Nations. If I hear no objections I shall take it that the Council agrees to that request. I 10, This realizntion is not reflected merely in verbal condemnation of the South African Idgime, but is tending increasingly to take the form of effective measures to be applied against that regime. Indeed, whether it be a question of the violation of human rights, of legitimacy, or of the violation of the most sacred rules of the international community, the South African regime is by far the worst offender. 4. The first speaker is the representative of Upper Volta. 1 invite him to come to the Council table and to make his statement, Il. We should like to point out, indeed, that there has been no improvement in that ldgime since the United Nations first drew its attention to the continuing violation of the most fundamental human rights. The institution ofopwthid is a system designed and set up to make sure, by scientific means, that the non-whites continue to serve the white racist minority. Indeed, these non-whites-the blacks and the Coloureds-are virtually slaves, since they are constantly at the disposal of their masters, Over the years, ccpcrrthrid has become wors,e. Increasingly evil laws are passed, the sole purpose of which is to strip the blacks and the Coloureds of their fundamental freedoms of speech, association and movement. In South Africa we have lost count of the number of arbitrary arrests, hangings and imprisonments, The rape of young girls has become a current amusement of Vorster’s soldiers, while the opponents of uprpcrrtheid, primarily the black leaders, are hunttid dcwn, if indeed they are not already mouldering in some insalubrious gaol. 5, Mr. YACUIBOU (Upper Volta) (interprelaliort J>o~t Fresh): Mr. President, before dealing with the grave problem before us, a matter of concern to the whole of mankind, I should like first to associate myself with the previous speakers here in congratulating you, a worthy son of Africa, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council, at a time when it is discussing a problem so crucial for our continent, The United Republic of Cameroon, which you represent here, has always pursued an admirable African policy. Therefore, your presidency here today is no more than a deserved tribute to your own wisdom, and a symbol and a sign of the times-a sign that the peoples of the third world will increasingly make their voices heard in the discuss@ of matters that concern them. 6. It was on 27 September last that the Credentials Committee, in a historic vote, decided to reject the credentials of the representatives of the racist rkgime of South Africa, 12. At the time of the electoral masquerade of 24 April 1974, the National Party strengthened its representation in the South African Assembly, thus making its grip on the country complete. The bantustan policy has been accelerated, with the result that more than a million people have been forcibly transferred. South Africa has embarked upon an unbridled arms race. Supplementary appropriations amounting to 702 million rand, or about $912 million, have been voted for national defence purposes in the budget for the financial year t974/75. This all goes to show how increasingly ,dangerous the situation is becoming in this region, and the threat that it poses to international security. 7. On 30 September, the General Assembly furthermore adopted by 125 votes to l-the 1 being the vote of South Africa-resolution 3207 (XXIX) calling on the Security Council “to review the relationship between the United Nations and South Africa in the light of the constant violation by South Africa of the principles of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of buman Rights”, . 8, Those .two decisions are merely the logical outcome of the process, which began in 1970, of denying the representatives of Pretoria any right to represent the South African people. Decisions taken in previous years to reject the credentials of those representatives had been interpreted as severe condemnations of the policy of rrpwflwid and final warnings to the South African Government to desist from its racial practices, 13. As to the illegitimacy of that rBgime, no one can any longer have any doubt about it. One may indeed well wonder what credibility can attach to a Government-that is to say, the whites of that country-which has reduced 90 per cent of its population to slavery. Furthermore, there is :I11 increasing tendency for some people among the whites themselves to begin asking questions about lhc future of a rCgimc that ib retreating more and more inlo isolalionism. We understand that in this chamber ninny States. and by no means the least important, hx\vc 9. Those uppeats appear to have t’allen on deaf ears: there is none su deaf as hc who will not hear. The inlernational community is now beginning lo become aware of a m;dignant and evil phenomenon which Africans have long since been denouncing. The -14. And what about the continued violation of the most sacred principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and of the resolutions of the Security Council and3he General Assembly’? 15. Non-discrimination is a fundamental principle of the Charter. It is to be found in the Preamble, which reaffirms the faith of the peoples in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women. Rut what do we see? South Africa is continuing to disregard these principles with impunity, 16, It is within this context that the Gene’ral Assembly and the Security Council, each in its own field of competence, have adopted resolutions calling upon the South African Government to change its policy and to establish a more human and democratic Idgime, with due regard for the non-white mi\jority of its population, These appeals were not heeded, and if the members of the Council want to be completely enlightened all they have to do is refer to the excellent report of the Special Committee on Aprwtheid on the “violations of the Charter of the united Nations and resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council by the South African regime”, I 17. There is no further need, 1 am sure, to attempt to describe ~~pdwid. Since the beginning of the present debate, persons better qualified than I have already done so. The only thing that can be said is that no society can any longer tolerate a policy of this kind and no people can any longer put up with it. That is why we must all mobilize-and above all the Security Council-to fight this scourge which our socitty has already described as a crime against humanity. This policy does indeed constitute a crime to the extent that in its very essence it denies men equality with other men and also elevates racism to the status of a doctrin_ ___~~_~~ --.- ~~ 18. I say to the members of the -Council: this historic decision taken to entrust to you the consideration of the relationship between the United Nations and South Africa should be interpreted by you in the light of the global context in which the Assembly wished to place it. By voting by a very large miority to bring the problem of South Africa before the Council, the nations of the world demonstrated their faith in the honesty with which its members would take the decision. The questions which those nations wished to pose IO them are 1% If that is their reply, they must draw the necessary conclusions. They must no longer procrastinate and try to admonish a regime which scoffs at the Council’s decisio!ls and which is causing so much uncertainty in the wo:ld about the prospect for peace. The Charter must te applied, because it says verbatim in Article 6: “A Member of the United Nations .+Zc.h has persistently violated the principles contained in the present Charter may be expelled from the Organization by the General Assembly upon the recommendirtion~of~the Security Council.‘! ~~ ~;~ ~~~ 20. Some people say that certain members of the Security Council. because of their aowerful interests in Souih Africa, ‘will veto a draft &olution to expel that country. We are aware of this. However, we should like to draw the attention of those States to the double responsibility--l would even say complicity-which they would be assuming if they adopted that attitude. 21. Firstly, the consequence of their attitude-and an unfortunate consequence-would be that of making a laughing-stock of the Charter and thus considerablv weakining it and undermining thkprestige of the Organization. It would also lead us to question the true role of the Security Council, since, for the developing countries, the Security Council would in fact be rather a Council of insecurity to the extent thatthe prerogatives that it enjoys would not have been used for the benefit of peace and security in those areas. Furthermore, these countries must realize that millions of Africans and milliom. of other people throughout the world are--following these proceedings very closely. Are they going to disappoint them? In that case, they would be responsible for a dangerous situation of tension prevailing in the region inasmuch as the blacks of South Africa would have no other alternative but to conquer or die. Obviously, they would decide to conquer, in spite of the innumerable sacrifices that that would require of them. We are firmly convinced, however, that wisdom will prevail in this Council and that it will tread the path of justice at the expenseof shortterm economic interests. 22. As for the statements we heard here a few days ago from the representative of the racist regime of South Africa. they have offered us no new element which could detain Us for any length of time, unless it is the fact that they constitute a new insult and 28, Mrs. Jeanne Martin ClSSi? (Guinea) (itrterpwtutiot, fhu Frcwch): Mr, President, before 1 take up the hem before the Security Council I should like, on behalf of my delegation, to convoy to you, and through you to the members of the Council, my thanks for havh., L :n given the opportunity of participating, without the right to vote, in this debate. 29. It is a source of pride for my delegation to see a distinguished son of Africa, a national of a country with traditions of justice and peace, presiding over this eminent bodv of the United Nations at a time when it is consideiing one of the most burning prdblems of our time, one which has a direct impact on the security of our continent, Africa, Your qualities as an experienced diplomat lead us to hope that under your presidency the Security Council will be able to bring to the oppressed people of Azania the justice they have been awaiting for more than a quarter of a century. was not based on any racist ideology. In the final analysis, it is difficult to say whether this is not more ridiculous.than it is tragic, 30. On 30 September 1974, by its resolution 3207 (XXIX), adopted by an overwhelming mdority, the General Assembly, for the first time, called upon the Security Council to review the relationship between the United Nations and South Africa in the light of the constant violations by the latter of the priciplos of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human. Rights, 23. What we want, finally, is for crpurtlteid, the system of separate development, the racist ideology and the colonialist ideology to disappear from Soulh Africa. What we want to see in South Africa is a democratic State, headed by freely elected leaders, elected by the mdority of the population, and not a regime which comes from God knows whore and which has reduced 90 per cent of the population of the country to~slavery, s 24. No one can be deluded by the current policy of the South African rkgime, and the statements made by Mr. Botha do not encourage us to optimism. That is why it is imperative for the Council to take a firm decision, 31. At last, after 28 years in which the United Nations has repeatedly adopted resolutions ranging from appeals to warnings and recommendations of sanctions against the white minority regime of Pretoria, after 28 years of patience and in face of the universal rejection and repudiation of ~tpdwicl, the Security Council is mooting to consider the consequences of the arrogance of the Government of South Africa, which continues to defy the international community, undermining its moral authority year after year. 25. The racist regime of South Afi-ica is feeling the wind of change, It is throwing a little ballast overboard and is trying to have us believe that it is becoming more democratic, but its only purpose is to try to obtain some respite from the international community. Fundamentally, apartheid remains the doctrine of this r6gime. 32, Everything, or almost everything, that could be said abdut the policy of the racist minority of Pretoria has been said over the past 28 years but, unfortunately, the dimensions and the repercussions of the system are such that it is impossible to avoid repetitions, restatements and reminders. 26. Before concluding, Mr, President, I should like to thank you for giving me the opportunity to participate in your debate and to reaffirm once again that today we are determined to fight rrpnrtlwiti as yesterday 33. Ever since the United Nations was created, after the horrors of Hitlerite nazism, the signatories of the Charter have been fully aware that racism was a serious threat to international harmony and peace. Thus they adopted General Assembly resolution 103 (I), in which the General Assembly declared that it was in the higher interests of humanity to put an immediate end to religious and WC fought nazism and as tomorrow we shall fight imy ideology which would enslave mankind or any part of mankind. in anv case. thL black oeooles will fulfil theit destiny in the course of histori, $th or without the United Nations. It is for us and it is for the members of the Council to see to it that it is accomplished with the ilnited Nations. 34. Placed on the agenda of the General Assembly, ~the question of racial conflict provoked by South Africa’s policy of ~q.w/hcid has ever since been a constant source of serious concern to the international ~community, The situation regarding the policy of trprw//wic/ was to be marked by one of its most disturbing developments in the l96Os, when for the first time the Security Council was seized of the question by 29 African and Asian States Membeis of the Organization, It was asked to consider the situation resulting from the massacre at Sharpeville of unarmed and peaceful demonstrators against racial discrimination and segregation in South Africa, In the resolution adopted at the conclusion .of its consideration of the item the Council stated that the situation, if continued, might endanger international peace and security, and called upon the Government of South Africa to abandon its policy of ~/~trr//~citl and racial discrimination [wsolrrlio~~ 134 t/Y&J)]. 35. Despite this apprehension, well justified because it was strictly in line with reality, the growing awareness of this evil did not, unfortunately, induce the international community to take energetic action .against ccptrrtlteitl. 36. Today, even more than’in the past, a combination of considerations of strategy and international economic interests in the continent of Africa explains more clearly the abdication of responsibility of one and all in the face of this unmitigated evil and of the distrust, disdain and hostility expressed by the supporters of ~~pwtlwid and their refusal to act in accordance with the many resolutions adopted heretofore condemning this scourge. As we have already said, this attitude of the imperialists, which is one of unrelieved guilt, has in the course of time induced Pretoria each year to ‘adopt furthel discriminatory and humiliating measures, accentuating and worsening repression to the point where “the right to live” is nothing but ;I phrase and where the non-whites no longer have any possibility of protesting, even peacefully. or any legal means ot obtaining redress for the wrongs they suffer. 37. It would be well to recognize that all the measures so far recommended by the Organization ~~~IIIQ South Africa‘s policy of trpurdwid, whether we are speaking of arms embargos, economic sanctions 01 assistance lo the peoples of South Africa in theii 39. The peoples of Africa, supported by all peoples of the world who love peace and justice, have never ceased drawing the attention of the international community to the inhuman policy of qmrtheid of South Africa. Two particularly important recent international conferences in Africa land the third world-the Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African -Unity held at Mogadiscio and the Fourth Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Countries at Algiers-have published warnings on this point, have denounced trpartl~~id and once again have asked that urgent and effective measures shpuld be adopted to fight it. 40 The international community itself has never ceased to denounce cipctrtheid. It has never ceased to strive to find a solution to this execrable policy, The time for taking an energetic decision has come. 41. In placing the question of the racial policy of South Africa on the agenda of the United Nations for the first time in 1946, India, a country of the third world, aimed to introduce democracy and Justice into the legislation of the racist minority Government. Today the representatives of the countries ,of the third world and of all countries that love peace and justice, are working for the elimination of opwthid; they are working to ensure that the deepest-rooted aspirations of mankind, for a life of dignity and justice, become a reality for the non-white majority of South Africa. 42. The members of the Security Council have all in the course of the foregoing debates reaffirmed theil deep aversion to trptw~hcid. We should like to remind them what a speaker said in the plenary meeting of the Assembly a few weeks ago that all our political efforts are in the last analysis judged according to a single criterion: the ability to translate our human concerns into deeds. 43. Since all are opposed to the policy of rrptrrrhid of South Africa. our choice can be no different and ir can only br unanimous. Concerted action against ~44. After 28 years of delay, the twenty-ninth session -of the General Assembly seems to be the appropriate moment for extending to the Organization rhe ostracism meted out to South Africa in the speciahzed agencies. Indeed, why should we continue to proclaim the equality of all human beings and at the same time accept as a fully-fledged Member with all its rights the Republic of South Africa, whose national policy is based on the persistent violation of this principle? 48. Aptrrtlreid in Africa constitutes, by its very nature, a serious source of concern and there is no doubt but that it involves for all of us our security and our liberaticn on the basis of our devotion to unity and universal peace. Therefore, any decision which the Council may take against South Africa and on the basis of a compromise, other than the exclusion without appeal sf that S!ate, would jeopardize the Charter. 45. The tone set at the outset of the statement made by the spokesman for trpcrrtlteid in the Council on 24 October [fBLX?rh meeting] reflected a certain feeling of repentance. We were expecting more concrete ~proposals for the immediate proclamation of the independence of Namibia, the withdrawal of South African interventionist forces from Southern Rhodesia I land above all the promise of a reversal of the backward policy of crpartheid. But alas, most unfortunately, the representative of Pretoria, just as in the past, has dashed out IQX 5. Thus, far from envisaging that rl,;versal of policy wlrich had been hoped for so long, 1’rc.r Isom reviewing its policy of intervention in Southern Rhodesk., the Government of the white ~minority in South Africa, through !(le voice of its spokesman, tells us that Namibia will accede to national sovereignty in less than 10 years, in order not to tell us that the independence of that TerrLory is-not to-be expected tomorrow. : 46. The representative of the Pretoria regime took pleasure in concluding his s!atement the other day by the following allegory: 49. The FRESIDENT (interpretcriion ,f?ortt Frard~): L’he next speaker is the representative of the People’s Republic of the Congo. I invite him to take a place at the Council tabie and to make a statement. 50. Mr. MONDJO (Congo) firltclr’/~rc’ttrtioir ,fkom F~cvIc~~): I should like right away to discharge a twofold duty which my delegation believes to be essential: first, the Congo delegation would like to thank the members of the Council and you yourself, Sir, for having permitted us to participate in this debate. l-h.3 Pm,n,.il h,r th;. ,~,w;r;,,n ,,,i,, -- J-..L. “^^..,I the solemn undertaking at Teheran on I December 1943 by the founders of the United Nations to seek by all possible means the active co-operation and participation of all nations, great and small. whose peoples pre in their hearts and minds ready to devote their efforts to the suppression of tyranny and enslavement, oppression and intolerance. The Congo is,a peace-loving country which has always striven to struggle against all anti-democratic, colonialist, imperialist and racist forces. “An African bishop, a wise man, once compared the blacks and whites in South Africa to a zebra. _:~If the zebra were shot it would not matter whether ?the bullet penetrated a white stripe or a black =-stripe: the whole animal would die.” [18001/t Imeeti~ng, pcrra. 141.] 51. Furthermore, I take great pleasure in expressing the great pride and complete satisfaction of my delegation at the absolutely remarkable way in which you,’ Sir, have been presiding over the Council. Many previous speakers have had occasion 10 commend your outst;lndingstatcs manlike qualities and your diplomatic skills. Your provetl competence and devotion to the cause of peace are also well known. I have no wish to prolong this dehatc by adding congralulations, which, nevertheless. you fully deserve. Just permit the representative c :+ count., close to the United Republic of Cameroon by geography, by history and by sentiment. to recognize ~This illustration is true in the mind of the bishop, abut it is oprosed to the concept of apartheid. This is all the more true since the representative of the racist rCgime tried, in that same statement, to describe crpclr//reid, not as a concept Go flagrant racism, but as a plan for the separate development of two racirl communities that they claim are integra!ed like the white and black stripes on t’le coat of a zebra. Elementary common sense islourd have dictated that the ideal multiracial society expressed in the African bishop’s allegory wotrld admit of no separate 52. Many sincere and talented speakers have taken part in this debate and paid a tribute to the ,determination and wisdom of the General Assembly, most of whose members are aware of the record of -failure to take effective joint action to eradicate apurtlteid which, through arbitrary arrests and the -cruellest tortures, perpetuates the exploitation of the people of Azania, a people whose history continues to be written in blood and tears, 53. The new element in the case history of upwtheid is the common determination of the Members of the Organization to put an end to it, their awareness of the need to break the vicious circle of racism in southern Africa once and for all, Resolution 3207 (XXIX) adopted on 30 September by the General ~Assembly is the outcome of long years of patience, of caution, of inflexibility and conservative reactions when the Organization did everything it could to try -alas, in vain-to persuade the racist of Pretoria to see the error of their ways. Far from doing so, .they just took advantage of our procrastination in order to perfect their torture machine, engaging each day in further violations of the human rights and the fundamental freedoms of the people of Namibia, to extend their fossilized ideology to the Territory of Namibia, which they occupy with impunity in spite of the repeated appeals and condemnations of the United Nations. 54. ‘capeaking as I do at this late stage of the debate, my delegation would likes to stress that it endorses unreservedly the pertinent legal arguments advanced by most speakers who have appeared here to support the historic decision taken on 30 September by the General Assembly requesting the Council to review the relationship between the Organization and the racist rigime of South Africa, in the face of the obstinate refusal of the Pretoria administration to respect the principles laid down in the Charter and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We should particularly like to stress that in this case the Council in its ‘wisdom can very well apply Article 6 of the Charter relating to the expulsion of a Member state. 55. The Pretoria administration, which is persistently infringing the principles laid down in the Charter, is a veritable c$ailCrl gnawing away at the Oryanization. The South African racists have offered sufficiellt evidence that they have no intention of complying with the fundamental obligations tif a Member State. Therefore, to persist in keeping a seat for them in the Organization-which they so often scorn-serves 56. Accordingly, it is time to break the vicious circle of ineffective manoeuvres, of inaction, and invoke Articles 41 and 42 of the Charter so as to give the Council’s decisions teeth and show the Pretoria racists that the law must prevail. However, I should not like to give any impression that I have come here to tell the Council what to do; the Council is very well aware of what measures are required to provide a just and urgent solution to this deadlocked situation, which could npt be more humiliating to the Organization. -~ 57. In spite of our disgust at the empty monologue delivered by the emissary of the Pretoria racists, and our swelling indignation at the rhetorical outbursts with which he attempted to becloud the debate, we would like LO spare the Council any polemics, which will of course do nothing to change the fact that upctrthid constitutes the supreme example of the most outrageous~racism~ever known. 58. Without doubt there are many ways of approaching history, but to shower us with information in which lying and dissembling are elevated to mi\ior art forms is certainly not the most distinguished. Following the example of all those for whom Africa is a problem, a problem in any case created by the standard brutality of colonialism and racism, and the intensity of the bloody repression of which the African peoples have been a victim, the envoy of the racist regime of South Africa did not understand that one of the best roads to an understanding of the history of a people is that of objectivity in an impartial analysis of the facts recorded in history. A careful deciphering of the history of the peoples of southern Africa, whose fierce resistance began with the very first contacts with the Boer settlers, is something that has been recorded by distinguished historians and researchers who have brought us evidence of undeniable feats of arms and of the fierce determinaiion of the peoples of southern Africa to defend theil liberty. From this fine tradition of resistance by the oppressed peoples many outstanding figures emerged. We would include in that list the name of the Zulu chief Dingan, half-brother of Shaka, a mili!ary genius, who had established an empire over a territory larger than Europe, of that Zula nation which was 60. The free flowering of racism in South Africa, and its extension to the Territory of Namibia stem -from the fixed ideas of Vorster’s gang, .vhich wants to carry everything it does to extremes involving an endless series of the most barbarous crimes. Ali the Members are sufficientlv well aware of the horrors ofFupurtheid, rightly considered a crime against humanity, upurtheid, a word with increasingly sinister overtones. For Vorster and his gang of Calvinist fanatics the objective is to create a white South Africa where the blacks will have only the status of foreign labourers. The notirious laws which the followers of upartheid use for the most savage oppression of the opponents of that diabolical doctrine are well known to all. Hence we must express our astonishment at lack of enthusiasm of certain Powers for eradicating this cancer from humanity. Should we not therefore believe Aim& Cesaire when he writes:

The next speaker is the representative of the Libyan Arab Republic. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to make his statement, 64. Mr, MAhHUR (Libyan Arab Republic): Allow me, Mr. President, to congratulate you, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behealf, on your assuming the presidency of the Security Council for this month. The good relations between our countries will not fail to provide a good basis for co-operation bet_w_een you and my delegation. 65. I wish to thank you and the members of the Council for giving me the opportunity to address myself to the item on the agenda. I do so in behalf of the Arab Member States. It is onlv natural for my delegation, whether representing the-Libyan Arab Republic or speaking as the Chairman for this month of the Arab delegations to the United Nations, to participate in the discussion of an African issue, for we Arabs are an integral part of Africa. L.6 what the most distinguished, the most human- ,~ Itarian, the most Christian bourgeoisie of the mtwentieth century . , , cannot forgive Hitler is not the crime itself, the crime against man, it is not ‘--the humiliation of man in itself; it is the crime ?. committed against the white man, it is the humiliation ,:of the white man, and his having brought into *Europe colonialist practices which hitherto had been i&ii&d only on the Arabs, the coolies of India and i---the. Negroes of Africa”. 66. Now is not the time to discuss the suffering that Africa has been, and still is, subjected to at the hands of the colonialists as a whole. That would take more than bne Security Council meeting and more than one statement. One look at the records of the General Assembly, the Council and the various committees will attest to that. The ineffectiveness that characterizes certain resolutions of the organs of the Organization is disappointing indeed. For while out whole continent believes in the rightness of bringing its grievances before the Organization, the colonialists and the vestiges of colonialism go too far in tlouting this process and this Organization by persistently aiding racist Idgirnes and colonial enclaves and protecting them, even within the Organization. Speakers preceding me have enumerated the offences 61. ‘In spite of the frenzied attempts to dehumanize the non-whites of Azania and Namibia, where workers are considered as cattle, where the pass laws and the “odor of the black” precedes any judgement on the black and where the mqiority of the people of South Africa are herded into reserves in indescribable conditions of overcrowding, millions of men and women of Azania and Namibia now know that the defeat of npurtheid is inevitable. 62. Because it is daily violating human rights, reducing man to the status of a talking beast, 67. The issue before the Council is specific and crystal-clear and is in no need of lengthy discussion. A direct question has been put to the Council by the General Assembly, the organ most representative of the oeooles of the United Nations: will the Organiza’tioi maintain its relationship v&h a regime that has, for over a quarter of a century, deliberately violated the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights? In other words, the General Assembly has raised the following question: will the Council, in defiance of the overwhelming maioritv of the Members, maintain an illegitihateanb repugnant relationship with a r6gime that is founded on violations of the Charter and on breaches of its reQ!utions~and~~d~clarations? 68. The issue has two aspects, in our view. One is purely legal, and the other substantive, bearing on the very existence and structure of the United Nations. The Charter entitles the Security Council to consider a recommendation with regard to the termination of the membership of any Member State violating the Charter, provided that the General Assembly adopts a resolution in pursuance of that recommendation. Needless to say, the Council does not have the freedom to make a recommendation without taking into consideration the views of the other organ of :he United Nations. As the main body of the Organization, the Council shoulders the responsibility, in accordance with the Charter. of reflecting the views of the majority of the Members and of-acting in accordance with those views. None of the provisions of the Charter entitles the Council to act in contradiction with, or in defiance of, the views of the majority. Therefore for a minority of Members with power in the Council to take decisions on, or to obstruct the adoption of, resolutions that have a bearing on the essence of the relationship between the Organization as a whole and those who violate the Charter -is something thatcannot be accepted. . 69, In the light of the foregoing, we believe that when the General Assembly expresses a view regarding an issue before it and requests that the Security Council make a recommendation on that issue, the latter’s recommendation should be consistent with the views of the Assembly. When the Council refusee +o act in accordance with the General Assembly’s views, or takes a decision inconsistent with those views, such behaviour places the Council’s action outside the legal framework of the Charter. Accordingly, we believe that General Assembly resolution 3207 (XXIX), and the 70. The substantive aspect does not need any elaborate discussion. The status of the racist rkgime in South Africa has been considered hundreds of times. Its persistent violation of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rightsand its travesty of the most sacred and noble ideals of man have been proved beyond any doubt. What we say about those offences is based neither on fabricated incidents nor on the misinterpretations in the news media. It is specified in the laws which are enforced by the racist rt?gime in South Africa and are the declared policy of this minority clique. Such policies have been condemned and deplored by all: by clergymen, by politicians and by other just men. 71. Even those States maintaining relations with that racist r&me have been unable to justify such behaviour to their peoples. Therefore, there are only two alternatives before us: either to sacrifice the Charter, the Universal Declaration of HUmn Rights and the international court of ethics, or to isolate this racist rhgime from the family of man in order to protect human dignity and to uphold the principles of the Charter. As the Secretary-General said: “The second question relates to the position and -credibility of the United Nations itself and the ‘~~respect of its Members for the decisions of its main organs, especially the Security Council.” [17931-d meting, parer. 20.1 72. We wonder now what the future and the value of the United Nations will be if the Security Council itself does not respect the General Assembly resolution adopted by 125 votes to 1. What will happen if the Council does not take a decision regarding the relationship between a rt!gime that persistently defies basic human values and the United Nations? We leave it to you to give the answer. Your decision will be subject to the judgement of the peoples of the United Nations. 73. The PRESIDENT fbr~~~p~c~ttrtio/I jiw~ Ftvtrch): Members of the Council will recall that the Council today decided, under tule 39 of the provisional rules of procedure to invite Mr. T. George Silundika, Secretary for Publicity and Information for ZAPU, as requested by the representatives of Kenya and Mauritania. Mr. Silundika has made it known that Y 78, We are aware that subsequently there were such proposals as the F~&css, the Tiger, the 1971 Doiglas-Home and Ian Smith proposals, and the latest British-inspired conversations between Bishop Muzorewa and Ian Smith, all of which have been called attempts at corni& to terms or so-culled settlements. Quite frankly, all those were, and are, conspiratorial attetnpts by British Governments to avoid the issue and impose a constitutional device, leaving decisive power in the hands of the minority racists of Rhodesiaterms, of course, favourable to the Vorster r8gime. By what stretch of logic can proposals emanating from a colonial r8gime and its governing agent for imposition be called “attempts at 75. We would not have sought to expend any more of the time of the Council on an issue on which, for the sake of international peace, there is need for urgent decision and action, had the conduct of our liberation struggle not been dragged in for distortion of facts regarding the situation in southern Africa. We feel we should put the record straight, as it may not be long before the Security Council finds itself seized of a far graver situation as a consequence of the arrogant, racist and militaristic policies of the South African and Rhodesian r&imes, a solution”i ~- 79, Once again, thanks to the vigilant and resolute Zimbabwe masses, all these conspiracies against unqualified miiority rule and independence for Zimbabwe were and are being firmly rebuffed and rejected. The resounding rejection of the Douglas- Home-Smith ‘settlement proposals by the people of Zimbabwe in 1972 is a loud record of the voice of the people-a record printed by the blood of unarmed masses sacrificing themselves for the restoration of their country, freedom, majority rule and independence. 76. Addressing the Council on 24 October, the representative of the racist rkgime of South Africa quoted his Prime Minister as follows: “there are ZANU and ZAPU leaders outside Rhodesia who are suspected ,.. of exerting influence on black Rhodesians not to come to terms,” ~/cloUflt rtterling, pctni. IJO.] 80. The leaders of these masses-our leaders, Joshua Nkomo and others-have been in prisons and concentration camps for over IO years for being of the Same iron determination with the masses in rejecting minority rule and insisting unswervingly on miljority rule and independence. In this settlement, who is to come to terms, and with whom? Smith and members of his regime arc irretrievable racists, and therefore have neither the status, the capability nor the capacity to reconcile themselves to the reality of the only correct solution required in Rhodesia. The’ mentality of Whitehall is incapable of getting out of the colonialist groove. That was apparently Mr. Vorster’s attempt to extricate himself from what he himself, in the sam_e passage, confessed in the following words: “I must also say that I know it is being said in some quarters, on the one side, that South Africa is holding the Rhodesian Government back” [ihid.] - .~ -~ ~~ ~~~ -presumably, from~ coming to terms. 81. ZAPU is the people in Zimbabwe; it is in Zimbabwe: its leaders are in Zimbabwe in Rhodesian g&s; its fighters are in Zimbabwe, fighting the racists on Zit~lbabwe soil: and, therefore, the eloquent al, ’ decisive voice of the oeoole is in Zimbabwe. acting 77. These hollow tactics must be exposed. It should be noted that the last attempt to remove the Rhodesian minority racist regime through the idea of a constitutional settlement was made in 1961, with rather bitter results. The United Kingdotn Government of the day us&d the Constitutional Conference as a magic container from which it pulled out the 1961 Constitution-a fraudulent piece of paper designed pet mancntly to entrench white supremacy and white rninor~ily racist rule by some transparent camouflage ol‘ IS seats for Africans. Thanks to the steadfastness ol‘ the people of Zimbabwe and the international community through the United Nations, the fraudulent on no influence tram ‘o&ide. The objective’ of ouy lihcration struggle is not to come to terms with racism hut to remove it from our soil. The task ol’ the few of us outside is to inform the international community of the factu;ll situation in Rhodesia, and to effect the liaison between external support and the development of the wned reVi~lllti0tli1ry struggle in Zimbabwe. IO “Mzilikazi, i\ lieutenant of the Zulu king, Shaka, who had fled from his former master, subsequently completed this devastation and annihilated the African tribes living there,” [Ibid,, pa. 72.1 Mzilikazi was one of the valiant kings, among others, constituting the background to the present Zimbabwe nation. It is true that wurs were fought in the same manner that wars were fought among tribes in Europe, but Mzilikazi did not wipe out any tribes anywhere. In fact, he fought the Boers at Mosega, trying to halt their attempt to seize land in the area. Mzilikazi is no excuse for the seizure of other people’s lands. History proves the contrary of the South African racist claims that they never had colonialist or expansionist claims, Having imposed themselves in the areas of the present Transvaal, they entered the race of fraudulent treaties through their dispatch of a Mr. Grobler to conclude such treaties with King Lobenguta in Zi@ab.?e in competition withthe British,~ 83. Now 1 should like to turn to the question of the presence of the South African racist regime in Rhodesia ;IS part of that rCgime’s machinations to interfere with the affairs of Zimbabwe. Economically, South Africa is waging a two pronged assault on out country, First, firms of South African origin, as well as South African farming interests, have systematically expanded in our country and dug in their roots of exploitation. In advance of this and to assist this expansion was the welt-known Broederbond financial lending house,. called SANLAM. whose monuments stand out in Salisbury. A substantial percentage of the farming settler community in Rhodesia is South African, well known to be the backbone of the racist policies of the Rhodesia Pront-the party of the ruling rkgime in Rhodesia. Secondly, South Africa under its racist regime is the staging post into Rhodesia for most of the big international financial, commercial and industrial monopolies. Pick any enterprise of economic significance in Rhodesia-General Motors, ranches, tea estates, .Anglo-American, O.K. commercialsthey are routed through and managed largely from South Africa. Most transportation and trade is handled through South Africa. All this is not just a matter of economic convcnicnce; it is an economic stranglehold on Zimbabwe. ‘I’his explains why the South African rtigime is a sallctions-brcakcr where Rhodesia is conccrncd. X4. Politically. the Soul Ii African trptrrtlwitl r&ime and the Rhodesion settler F;lscists share a common ideologv, that oi‘ racism. It is, of course, no surprise. IXXilUSC the two rCgimes are creations of British Tribal Trust Land Development Corporation in Rhodesia for the same purpose. In short, the Rhodesian regime has made a carbon copy of nearly every racial law enacted in South Africa to impose discrimination between blacks and whites in every avenue of life. To crown it all, Ian Smith takes counsel from Vorster at every turn of events under the transparent and hackneyed diplomatic cover of going to watch rugby matches in South Africa, 85. I may once again ask the question: Who then influences whom in Rhodesia? We cannot be accused of influencing a people of which we are a part. The people’s decisions are our decisions. Vorster is not part of the Zimbabwe population. His role is that of interference, blocking the advance of the liberation struggle and defending racialism. 86. The Broederbond is the underground intellectual, racist and criminal machinery of the Afrikaner group in South Africa, It hatches the schemes to suppress the blacks and to preserve the so-called white m&n’s civitization in southern Africa. It is a hush-hush organization. It has now emerged concretely in its spread in Zimbabwe right into the cabinet of the Rhodesian rdgime, holding the most decisive posts to prevent a correct settlement of the Rhodesian problem. It is present in the persons of a Mr. Van.der Byl, a Mr. Cronje, a Mr. De Kock and a Mr. Blomberg, selected on the admission of the Rhodesians themselves through their press to ensure South Africa of a continued racist relationship. These four are of South African origin and are supporters of the Broederbond. Bel:ween them they hold the posts of Defence. External Relations, Information, Labour, and Special Security matters. 87. The presence of South African military pcrsonncl in Zimbabwe is not a thing of yestcrlay or today. It is as old as the historical relationship of the two racist r&imes. It has been brought into prominence with the increase in numbers by the escalation of the confrontation with the Zimbabwe liberation forces. The first signifiGln1 indication of the pi~eseuce of South African military and security personnel ~61s in 1960. from July to November, when the Zimbabwe II 91, We reject completely-l must repeat-we reject completely and unreservedly these policies of multinationalism and multiracialism. We cannot allow constitutional sanctioning and cementing of racial prejudices. This is what our President Nkomo said in 1961: “We do not accept multiracialism and these people of other races who want to remain here must identify themselves with the African people. We do not want to swim with them in the pools, we want to swim with them in Parliament.” “Our position is unchanged. We sent our police -to Rhodesia to pull our own chestnuts out of the ffire and that is exactly where the position rests~at 92. Therefore, the freedom we seek is not only the restoration of our countries but the establishment of a Government popularly elected by its citizens, natural and naturatized. We are not out to establish multigovernments for multiulied racialism in a sinele country. Sovereignty of government for-+-State is-&-i and indivisible. -88, While the representative of the South African racist rigime was speaking before the Council of his %5gime’s policy of non-interference in other countries’ -affairs-that was on Thursday-his Minister of Police, Mr. Kruger, was almost simultaneously announcing in the South African Parliament that the confrontation in Zimbabwe with the liberation forces was now reaching the level of conventional warfare and that, therefore, his Government was now organizing mercenary guards to meet the situation. We can all see through this. It is a belated admission of the presence of troops. The British Junior Minister for Commonwealth Affairs, Miss Joan Lestor, said this in a report published by the Zatnbiu Daily Muil on 31 May 1974: “We know it is true that South Africa has troops in Rhodesia and we have no doubt about this”. 93. We are tired of being told of how much is being done for us by these racist regimes in education, free health services, good houses and all the nauseating statistics along that line. We could well be treated to the statistics of stock breeding and the free veterinary services where the bill would perhaps prove to be higher. We are not objects of sympathy and help. That is not the issue in southern Africa. The issue is the dismantling of the system of white racism and the establishment of State power based on the democr@ic will of all citizens as equals, man to man. -. 94. The ultimate settlement of all power problems is through power itself. This is what our armed liberation struggle has set out to achieve in the interest of peace in southern Africa. We cannot flinch from the horrors of rivers of blood if it means crossing them to achieve our freedom. The racists in southern Africa, supported by the NATO [N&r Atlrtttic 7ketr?\ Otgctnizcctiortl Powers, are demanding this development. We have no illusions. Freedom we must achieve regardless: 89. We do not have to labour the issue. I can only say that as we have flushed out the South African troops in the bushes of Zimbabwe in guerrilla confrontations, our armed liberation struggle is going to continue vigorously and relentlessly. whatever troops or armaments ihey bring, until %mbabwe is lihr@ed.totally from colonialism and racisn: 9s‘, The PRESIDENT fitltcI’I)I.ptNtiott ,fj’ol?l !+c~u~/I): Members will recall that at the 1796th meeting the Council had decided to invite Mr. David Sibeko to address the Council. Mr. Sibeko has already addressed the .Council, but I have just been informed that he would like to make an additional statement. With the consent of the members of the Council, I shall invite Mr. Sibeko to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 90. I indicated earlier that the Rhodesian and South, African rdgimes share a common racialist ideology. An .impression is being created in this chamber that the white man in southern Africa is being driven OI swept to the seas by the liberation struggle: hence the insistence on policies of racialism and separate development; in short, the policies of multinationalism as enunciated by South Africa and multiracialism as enunciated by the British fol Rhodesia-what they call power-sharing. We know what the British mean by constitutional multiracialism, Y6. Mr. SIBEKO: Mr. President, 1 thank you for allowing me once more to appear before the 97. Having so requested you, Mr. President, alone -as 1 am in representing my organization and having to attend to other committees within the United Nations, I have coniinuouslv followed with as much attention as I could summon the inierventions made by other delegations. Flowing from that, I am aware that the tissue of untruths which was brought before you here has been to some extent appropriately repudiated, but we feel it incumbent upon us to bring to the attention of the Council part of the arrangement which goes into the make-up of today’s racist South Africa. 98. I am, I believe, without being too subjec’tive, a classical victim of what crp(~4teicl is in South Africa for our people. Therefore, I have a minimum amount -of formal preparation in academics, but I have striven throughout my life to make myself as articulate as I possibly could. Your patience with my inadequacies, Sir, is I believe a reflection of the deep concern which certain Members-the miori’ty of Members, I dare say-have with our cause, a sympathy and in many cases a solidarity. But during that limited preparation that I enjoyed when I went to school we used to be presented with what was called the white side of the history of South Africa. I will not pretend to know how that title, which is no misnomer, was conceived. Having been conceived, the textbook used to go something like this. The white man came to South Africa to seek a half-way station on the sea ‘route to India from Europe. Upon coming to South Africa, he met ,somk primitive people in what is today Cape Town and neighbouring areas, whereupon these primitive people offered him the comfort of shelter, fresh vegetables and other fundamentals that go with sustaining life. These are the primitive people that so provided for the white man, and the white man felt that he had a duty to bring civilization into this ared. Among tne first things he did was to move out these piimitive people from the immediately fertile land in which he landed so that he could .maintain a civilized station there for passing ships. Now, as you know; Mr. President, you yourself being an African, ws are not in the habit of fencing in any territory, but the white man, who came there and found 110 fences, began to put fences around what land he regarded as his own. Without entering into any contractual agreement with any of the indigenous people, and having decided so to set himself up, he proceeded to “civilize” South Africa. 99. We must bear in mind that the primitive state of navigalion of that time did not even allow the white man to bring with him any stock from Europe-what with faulty compasses and uncertain distances. And. remember, at that time he still believed 100. In our statement immediately after Mr. Botha had spoken, we said that the South African racist rkgime was using new words but maintaining the old system of white supren‘acy. After trying to fool the entire black school population of Azania, the South African Government is now attempting to fool the international community by standing the facts on their heads. The historv that Mr, Botha related here is the history which ihey ordinarily~ieave--the black man to follow, because I happen to know that they have done sufficient historical research to compel them to prevent in Azania today archaeological exploration into places such as the one which they found to be Tabazimbe and which is still Tabazimbe today. Now, Tabazimbe-and I am sure our Chinese colleagues with their vast experience and civilization will vindicate us-had a very prospering iron and steel industry in the Middle Aees and thereafter. It was called Tabazimbe; which is a very Bantu expression; it cuts across both Suto and Zulu, which are the p~hlcipal languages in South Africa. They have decided in South Africa that that history will not be dug into, but that we shall be subjected to the kind of mendacity which Mr, Botha attempted to confront us with here. But let us deal with that clearly from the statements that have been made by my colleagues, Mr. Elias and others, who, because of their interest in Azania, have acquired a’far more intimate and fal more accurate knowledge of what is happening there. 101. There was also an attempt here by Mr. Vorster’s representative to make conciliatory statements; but even a brief glimpse at what is happening ill Azania today, as we see it here, amply demonstrates that Mr. Botha’s statement was nothing more than an Alit i/l ~o~~tlc&r/~c/ tale; that his protestations of the reform of policies of racial arrogance were just one 102, The fact of the matter is tha!, as we were sitting here considering this matter, the South African Minister of Justice was announcing that the South African racist rkgime, because of the situation inside Azania-where, as you know, Mr. President, militunt strikes have been going on, protests have been mounted by students, and so on-was pulling back its troops from Zimbabwe, But it was pulling buck those troops in order to replace them, not to pull them out completely in response to resolutions of the United Nations. The South African racist r6gime has now become even more brazen. It is raising a mercenary force, under the euphemism of “a voluntary force”, to go there und man the posts hitherto manned by itii aggressive troops-even as we were talking, even as Mr, Botha was making his lament before the Council. We have assurances from his own statement. I must really thank the delegations of those countries that know themselves, that persuaded Mr. Botha to engage in an exercise which he usually avoids, which his country has avoided, of entering into a diulogue with civilized people about conditions in South Africa, persuading him to come here and explain the policies of his Government, because he succeeded in exposing the fact that there is no intention on the part of the racist rBgitne in South Africa of giving upits racist and oppressive policies, 106. In this day and age, when we come to take certain decisions-, it amazes us when the successors of Georae Washinnton. of Voltuire. even of Winston Churchin, who ft% ii was -right’ to fight against nuzism. deliberately choose, at this point in time, to he duped by Admiral Hugo Birmann of the South Africun Defence Forces, who claims that Communist p:-netration into the southern hemisphere and the thl;.uts that this portends have caused the southern hemisphere, and particularly the Indian Ocean, to emerge dramatically from a position of retutive obscurity and to assume u conspicuous position in the East-West power struggle, We have been lectured continuously, and we are told by the muss media of the West, thut there exists u dbtente, an etttetltc cOorclitrie, between the Powers of the West and the Powers of thk East. Whv should little Azania be the obstacle, unless this is u &ere cover-up for other, much more sinister, designs? We are now being held to ransom in what we have been told is an antiquated ideological conflict between East and West. There is a behaviour that leads us to think that perhaps the buccaneers and pirates who menaced the high seas in the last century and earlier have not been completely wiped out, and that by some twisted logic the navies of the socialist countries have become the marauding ships of the pirates of yesteryear, for we heal nowhere in the world of a people’s freedom being undermined because certain pirates are threatening the normal trade that goes on between East and West-except, that is, around Azania. 103. Too many speakers have already specified, giving chapter and verse, the violations of the Charter and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights for me to need to belabour the Council with any further details. I have already cited one example of South Africa’s refusal to reform and I have no doubt in my own mind that whatever has been installed through reuctionary violence will never be removed through peaceful persuasion but only through revolutionary violence. That is why the Pan Africanist Congress is committed to nothing less than a revolutionary struggle in Azania for the overthrow of crp_ro7lf(~ilid~tyranny. 107. 1 say this because you, Mr. President, like myself and members of the Council, are being inundated with a deluge of leaks, inspired and otherwise, in the locul press. This is not invention of the so-culled “subversive” United Nations, us was implicit in Mr. Botha’s statement. These inspired teaks inform us that joint naval exercises will be taking place between the South African navy and the navy ,of a Western Power, such as are taking place now, and that on I5 October yet another flotilla of warships left a Western European port to go to South Africa to engage in similal~ exercises. 104. That is not a choice which has been arrived at lightly; it is a choice that has been arrived at painfully, after streams of victims have been found. It is a choice similar to that made by the people of what is today the United States of America when they decided to’ revolt against the colonial empire of Westminster. il similar decision to that ~nadc in 17X9--if my date is correct-by the people of France when they chose to revolt against the tyranny of King !.ouis. a similar decision to that taken by the United Kingdom to stamp out Hitlerite nazism in Eu!opc--if it had not taken that decision there wound have been no point in its and other countries’ dropping people behind the lines in support of the Maqclis forces in France. We are doing nothing unusual. We are on the same course. 108. Added to that, we have received information that there are 12 leading officials from ;I member of the Security Council currently visiting South Africa on ;I salts mission for arms to South Africa, that h 01 Ihcse I2 are high-ranking officers and they arc led by a senior general. We have cbeckcd with Ihe embassy of the country in question; rather than deny it, they have offered no comment. We illso know that 109. But the truth that 1 am trying to place before you is that it does seem that the stories we have heard, the speculations we have listened to bf an impending involvement of Indo-China proportions in our part of the world, are not wild. Because the h’e,v Stcctes/ncr/t-a British publication of tremendous prestige-says that the Vice-Admiral commanding the forces that are engaged in joint exercises with South Africa says-unlike the Foreign Office-that these are not a routine call; the Vice-Admiral has let it out that this week’s exercises are to improve the fighting efficiency of both forces. 110. To the best of our knowledge there is no country in the world that is threatening South Africa with any aggression. The only people we know to be threatening South Africa with a tight are the national liberation movements. So that these people are really being prepared by responsible members of the internaiional community to tight against us, I1 1. May I go back briefly to the NP~I~ S~~r/esnl~n where it says: “To engage in manoeuvres with a Power that wages war against its own population, harasses _~ the borders of other countries and maintains an illegal occupation of Namibia is not ensuring against aggression. It is condoning it.” It is not a figment of the imagirtation of the Pan Africanist Congress. 112. We all know what goes on in the corridors. We all know what the spcculat;on is. WC all expect that should Africa’s just case, should the iust case of the Azanian people be received with majority approval before the Security Council, the almighty instrument 113. Mangaliso Sobukwe long a.go pointed out that the whole world can sympathize but they can never liberate us. The task of liberating Azania is a task that must be played out by the Azanian people themselves. We believe, with the dramatic turn of events that has taken place in the southern hemisphere as it affects the African rep’on of that hemisphere, that we too-much as we may not be on the eve of our just liberation and our just freedomare well on the way to our own freedom, because we believe that every revolutionary country, every progreec,ive country that has attained its freedom through bearing arms, through engaging in militant struggle, and through ridding Africa of the scourge of colonialism, has taken heed of what Amilcar Cahral once said: “Every independent African country should regard itself as a liberation movement in power.” And if that is true, no amount of flotillas, of wilt planes, of submarines, can ever quell the flames of struggle that will break out in that part of Azania. And those who today stand with our enemy should not really expect us to embrace them when the inevitable comes to pass-the inevitable being out ascension to full statehood, independence and freedom. 114. I should like to end, Sir., with your permission, with an old African saving which I was reminded of yesterday, because we co&ern ourselves with matters of our freedom even at weekends; this is no pastinte with us, it is a total commitment. We do not leave out parents, our mothers and our fathers, and commit ourselves to exile purely for the glory of appearing -with due respectbefore your august bodies. It is a painful exercise such as was defined by one eminent black American scholar, because we are trying to deliver into our part of the world a new dawn. He savs “Everv new birth must needs be n;rinl\d.” But t6e Azaniah saying 1 wanted to invoke’herc.-in the face of this evidence of intensified collaboration with South Africa, says: “There is no bird lhat tlics alone. 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