S/PV.2082 Security Council

I should like to inform members of the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Angola, Benin, Mali, Senegal, South Africa, Sri Lanka and the Sudan, in which they request to be invited psKuf; The representatives of the followirlg St:ttes: gb, Canada, China, Czechoslovakia, France, Gnbon, gi>mny, Federal Republic of, India, Kuwait, Mauritius, ” h, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingof Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Statt‘s &3, VerleZllela. to participate in the discussion., In accordsnce with the usual practice I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite th& representatives to participate in the discussion, without the right to vote, in conformity with the provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure. ,d’nG : ‘#* ,‘;u: :* a:“?’ Provisional agenda (S/Agenda/2082) 4 ‘. $iJoplion of the agenda ., rr% ,-I,* k situation in Namibia :,,. 5. There being no objection, I invite those representatives to take the places reserved for them at the side of the Council chamber, on the usual understanding that they will be invited to take a place at the Council table whenever they wish to speak. Statement by the President At the invitation of the Presicietzt, Mr. LIIIYMI/U and Mr. de Figueiredo (Angola), hlr, Boya (Benin), Mr. Kantc (Mali), Mr. ,!$~lIu (Senegal), Mr. R. E Bo tha (South Africa), Mr. Gooncrarrle (Sri Iankuj and Mr. Derrg (Sudan) took the pkrces reserved for them at the side of the CoitrzciI ckunher. FRESIDENT: I should like first, 0n behalf of the h$d, to welcon~e the presence at the Council table “‘? of& Escellency Mr. L,ouis de Guiringnud, Minister ” i::vi# Affairs of France, Fiis Excellency Mr. FfarIshzih ccnscller Vice-Chancellor and Minister for ‘%&fl Affairs of ;he Federal Republic of Germany His ~~~~n~ the Right Honourable David Owen & P W’~iraty of State for Foreign and Commonwealth’ Afhiii ! e&Z United Kingdon and His Excellency Mr. Cyrus hl,., L :: “8 &Wary of State’of the United States of America.

I should also like to inform the members of the Council that I have received a letter dated 27 July from the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia which reads as follows: “The Security Council is now considering the question of Namibia. I wish to convey to you the desire of the United Nations Council for Naznibia’.to participate in this debate, without the right to vote. Fqc this purpose, the Council for Nmlibia will be represented by a delegation headed by myself as President of the Council, ?and including the three Vice-Presidents of the Council.” [~!$Q(l’d alsO ].l, t 1-e 0 welcome His Excellency Brigadier *&’ ‘* Carba Men&r of the Supreme MiIitary COUZ~C~I pMal E ’ nvoy Plenipotentiary of the l-lead of tht: ,l’.“fhiiliW Govrrrunent of Nigeria. 7. On previous occasions, the Council has extended invitations to representatives of other appropriate United Nations bodies in connexion with the consideration of matters on its agenda. It seems appropriate to me to proceed, if there is no objection, to extend an invitation, under rule 39 of the provisional rules of procedure, to the President of the United Nations Cotmcil for Namibia and the rest of the delegation of the Council. Adoptiorl of the agenda

1 wish to inform members of the Council that 1 have received a letter dated 27 JllIy from the 9. lf I hear no objection, I shall take it that the Council agrees to the request. It MUS so dcridcd.

The Security Council finds itself today at a hisioric juncture in its consideration of the question of Namibia. For more than 30 years, the United Nations has sought to bring about the self-detcrrtzination and independence!-of. Namibia. We arc on the threshold of accomplishing this .laudable task It is an honour and a pleasure for me, ~~rponally and as the rcprcsentative of Canada, to preside over the nlceting of the Council which will take the first of two steps envisaged to put into effect the proposed settlement agreed upon by the principal interested parlies. 1 should like to add that it is with deep regret that my Secretary of Slate for External Affairs is not able to be with us this afternoon. 11. I should like to call attention to the two draft resolutions in documents S/12792 and S/13793 and to the documents listed therein. 12. I now put to the vote the draft resolution contained in document S/12791,. In {IIVOIAI.: Bolivia, Canada, China, France, Gabon, Germany, Federal Republic of, India, Kuwait, Mauritius, Nigeria, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Sfatcs of America, Venezuela. &uhf: None, F Abs\ai,ling: Cxchosloirakia, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 13. The PRESIUl3VT: 1 shall now put to the vote the draft rcsblution contained in document S/l 2793. 14. The I’Iil~SlL)~NT: I have been informed that the Secretary-General wishes to make a statcmcnt, and I now call oil him, -- 1 SW 1~5olutioti 4.71 (1978). 1 2 !h rc$nluiioll 432 (1 978). 17. In keeping with the Council’s decision, I intrr,$ pl appoint Mr. Martti Ahtisaari, the United Nations c’, zy missioner for Namibia, my Special Represcrltatirc F Namibia. Mr. Ahtisaari will lead a mission ~}~j,-~~ ,&‘i proceed to Namibia within a week to conduct a sukti ai the arrangements necessary for the implementation 0{i Council’s resolution. I expect that the mission wal c.:yl, plcte its task within two to three weeks. On the basJlf;,q r findings, I shall then submit ta the Council detailed ;‘ybi,, for attaining the objectives set forth in the propou\f :I settlement [s/12636/. 18, I am deeply mindful of the jmportancc uf ‘;:: CouJ~ci]‘s decision today. It sets into motion an estrr. _ c]~:Jl]cqing OperatiOIl of jmmcnse scope, Which \vjll I;:*l;,j. tax the resources of the Secretariat aS well as .‘:‘,,4 organizations of the United Nations system. Its WCC require the firm support of all Member States. Above demands the full caoperation of all the parties dim CoJlcerned, 1 joi with the ~Ourld bl W&g t]leJn h?$b# their best efforts to\vurds the achicvemcnt of inclqm~. I# by Namibia at the earliest possible date. 19. In closing. 1 should like to express my sTr:1& -. appreciation to the parties themselves for the cor~strx:. j>i attitude they have shown. My gratitude goes to tt .:i members of the Council who have laboured so lircfcssl~ ~94 devotedly to achieve the agreement reached here t&k 1 would also pay a tribute to the African leaders **-*di invaluable efforts have contributed in such a de, i%+ manlier to the successful outcome of the negotialiunl. ,~ I’ 20. I am convinced that the attainment of a pca~*flJ~?~ just solution to the Namibian problem will have a ,,i:L; jmpact on the remaining problems of southern Aft@ ; will also strengthen the confidence of the internl~~+! community in the United Nations itself,and provid a<$ hope for the future. A?.,~ I “I-“ : : p 21. Mr. VANCE (United States of mSpici0uS occasion in the history 0 and in the work of the painstaking diplomatic milny countries and organjz3tions, N7tions itself we are, as you have sqid, Mr. PrcbiibFr;b,% tlie threshold’of a peaceful scttlement’gf a Prublcrr’ as old as the United Nations itself. 77 The issue of Nalnjbja was first raised at t/g ’ %tions in 1946, rind the inability of the world @fl’ “# $33, It would be incorrect to single out any one country or +erOup of countries. Many countries have made a contriit is fair to say that each contribution was in its vital and essential to the success which has been In the final analysis, this diplomatic achievement to the United Nations itself. It has provided the for a Namibia settlement, served as the focal point negotiations leading to the settlement agreement now providing the mechanism for its implemen- &btlun. Secretav-General Waldheim, whose support and g$!vice has been invaluable throughout these negotiations l&k! who will have to see this process through to its $inclusion, merits our particular gratitude. To the Government of South Africa and the South Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO) we must ss our sense of appreciation for their pursuit of a ful solution to Namibian independence and their wss to join with the members of the Council in 1 Qking diligently towards that goal. To the front-line I3 .“!lean States, without whose assistance this conclusion to i,‘Gsf efforts would have been impossible we must express t;j”?r’ gratitude and our belief that in facilitating a peaceful !@tdzn~ent in Namibia they have made a major contribution ‘ire Peace and stability of Africa as a whole, We also wish 1: ” fJll attention to the positive role which other parties in gr::ribia have “a ,~ pl a y ed in this endeavour. In nV Government’s view, the importance of what has ’ achieved has implications which go far beyond the aibia Problem itself. The successful resolution of this .:, ,’ ‘“ational issue can encourage solutions for other press- ;>‘:; irr~blerns ofAf rica, particularly in the *case of Rhodesia. i t i,,:d b “rc the same spirit of goodwill and compromise exy t h e parties in Namibia could create a basis for a Ei”‘ful Settlement By opening a new chapter in the “%“‘rY Of Namibia’ we also open a new chapter in the ‘,::: Of the Unitkd Nations. The world body will now :. + * ! ’ ” the impetus for the emergence of a newly indepennation. By approving this p rrsndenc% ro osal p for Namibian at one and the same time we vote for an a and we take a step to strengthen the ef the United Nations and its ability to respond /a* s i ‘( “’ Prublems that confront the world community. % 28. From the beginning of our efforts to assist in the achievement of independence by Namibia in accordance with resolution 385 (1976) our Governments have been conscious of the strongly held views of the Parties concerned on the status of Walvis Buy. Since’ these opposing views appeared to be irreconcilable, the five Governments decided to take the position that they would not include any provisions on this question in their proposal for a settlement of the Namibian situation. Consequently, the terms of the proposal which we submitted to the Security Council on 10 April [S/12636/ contain no mention of W&is Bay. This does not mean that we have no views cancer ing r this question. We adopted our position in recognrtion of the fact that no proposal on Waivis Bay appeared to be capable of acceptance by the parties. Indeed, we were acutely aware that an effort to resolve the question in the context of our proposal would make agreement on the proposal impossible, Thus, in our discussions with the parties we did not seek to initiate a substantive discussion of this issue. We emphasized to all concerned our belief that a discussion of the legal status of Walvis Bay would not be useful and could only continue to hamper a resolution of the 30-year controversy over Namibia. Instead, we stated on a number of occasions that the question of Walvis Bay would have to be the subject of negotiations between the parties concerned because we recognize, and we believe all parties recognize, that Walvis Bay is critical to the future of Namibia. 29, In this connexion, I should like to reiterate what the Secretary of State for External Affairs of Canada said when he spoke in the General Assembly during its ninth special session, on 25 April. Mr. Jamieson said: “The Genera1 Assembly will have noted that we have omitted from our proposal the difficult question of Walvis Bay for the reason that we see no way of settling the question in the context of&z present negotiations. We feel strongly, however, that the issue should not delay the long-sought-after independence of Namibia, We consider that all aspects of the question of Walvis Bay must be subject to discussion between the South African Government and the elected government of Namibia. We have, furthermore, obtained assurances that the strength of the South African force in W&is Bay will not be increased during the transitional period and that Namibians in Walvis Bay will be able to participate in the political life of the Territory during the transitional period, including by voting in the elections”3 30. Since that time, our Governments have given further consideration to this difficult question. We have confirmed our position that we do not wish to enter into disputes of a legal characte~~concerning the various claims as to the status of Walvis Bay: Nevertheless, we recognize that there are Namibia. settlement. I believe I may say that the efforts undertaken9 by those five members of the Cormci! were within [he. framework of resolution 385 (1976) and in Conformily with the spirit and the objectives of many resolutiorar adopted by the General Asscrnbly on the question d Nanlibja. I would add that the plan was arrived at aftrr lengthy negotiations with the parties oL)ncerned, b$ i:i: 31, ,ql these considerations lead t0 the COJlC!lISiOfl that it js appropriate that the Security Council should adopt a resolution which calls for “the initiation of steps necessary to ensure the early reintegration of Walvis Bay into Namibia”. Thjs resolution does 1l0l p1’ejudice the legal positjon of any party. It does not seek to coerce any party. F,,~ our part we should like to state our understanding of ouJ role wit11 respect to the future of W&is Bay. The commjtment of our five Governments, our undertaking by voting jn favour of this resolution, is to stand ready to offer he djplomatic support of our Covernmnts to achieve the South Africa and SWAPO, the prjncjpal Namibjan national, ;:$i ist movement, and in close consullatjon with the Secretar,,-~‘:;~~.~ General, the front-line States and Nigeria, Gabon and ‘x0 Mauritjus, which are members of the Council, as we!! e a), numerous other countrjes. This proposal for a peaceful uld ‘., democratic transfer of powers to the elected representat;,.+% of Namibia is therefore a collective undertaking which required an exercise in imagination and political maturity on the part of a!!. It is onIy natural that today the plan ‘?$$ should be submitted to the Security Council to receive at ,t, 2 endorsement of the international community. I should !ihe $2; to point dut that never has the Council been seized of sudi 1 Lz; ,p complex and detailed document, nor the United Nations ,;& entrusted with a role fraught with such heavy rcs~~~:“$ bilities. This means-and I should like here to express h ,:,y firm position of my Government--that the United Narjonn, to succeed in its task, will need the support, undcrstandi!:g ,,‘tk, and co-operation of al!. We are convinced that all ~$1 ~~:, sjncerely wis!l to participate in this work of peace and ‘,q, freedom. ‘1:: ’ ,, .p d 4fS ‘. “f#& 37. France voted in favour of the two resolutions jug;. adopted. In this connexion, I wish to specify that nly ,?, delegation enljrelg subscribes to the interpretation given V;‘E behalf of the five members of the Council by the Secretary ,;, of State of the United States in respect of reso!uli+%~,~.,~~ 432 (1978). 84 .;,, $8; ,, r; objective sf a successful negotiation. We view our undertaking as consistent wj,th the fundamental principle of the Chafler of the United Nations that disputed questions are to be settled peacefully. We consider that the “steps necessary”, re.ferred to in’ paragraph 2 of the resolution, are aegotjatjons between the ‘two partics directly concerned. Accordingly, we shall encourage negotiations on th.iS subject between the Government of South Africa and the government of Namjbja that will be elected in accordance with our proposal for a settlement of the situation, and we are pleased to note that the Government of South Africa has publicly indicated its readjness to enter into such discussjons. 32. We hope that the adoption of tllis resolution wil.l make a positive contribution. In our view the support of the Security Council in resolving this question is entirely appropriate in view of the rcsponsjbilitjes which the Charter bestows upon this body. Our Governments pledge to exert our best efforts in order to promote the achievement of an early, peaceful and successful result to the negotiations on Valvis Bay for the mutua1 benefit of the people of the region. q&* 38. In agreeing to the proposals which have 110~ bccom >$aa;- the plan adopted by the Council the parties concerne aIready proved their constructive attitude. We have note of this and we are certain that, in keeping wjtl~ commitments, they will fully contribute to the imp tation of the plan. 33. Mr. DE GUIRINGAUD (F rwce) (ir~tcrprctation from fiench/ Mr. President, I should like first of a!! to greet you as President of the Security Council and as Ambassador of a Pat country with whjch we are very friendly. AVa time when the Council is seized oi a particularly difficult questjon, your outstanding talent, which we al! recognjze in YOU, will be sorely needed. I am aware of’ your personal illlercst in the question before us today. You may be sure of my delegation’s full support and comp!etc co-operation. 39. No one is unaware that initial]>* some d w]let]ler the Uljjted Natjons really had the capa accomplish the task which it is about to assume; not believe that the Organjzation was in pJ3Cti undertake such an endeavour. we, for our part, believed that the United Nations would be equal I responsibilities and we have tried to convince all 11~ concerned that this was SO. The contacts which w maintained wjth the Secretary-General have s persona! interest which he took in the efforts I-IC was informed of the role which might be 34. I also wish to express my tlici~~ki to the representative Of Bolivia, Mr. Marjo Rolhn Anaya, who was President of llle Councj! for the month of June and ~110 so skilfully hded its proceedjngs. 3% The dcbatc this week jn 11~~ Sccurjty Council on the q’lestjon of Namibia represents a historical event. In ad9tiJQ the plan for a scttlcrncnt, the Council has Provjded tile Organjzatjon with the nwa~~s of applying an infernatiollally acccplable solution to one of the most UJljted Nations and we know that he has bee with this for a long time. The Organisation 1 more, had ~(rnc cspzrience in thjs field It played a role in t!~ accession to indevndellce of 1 Territories. In each USC it acted COflllXfbI~t!Y and ifitrac(ablc prchlr’~us it has ever 1x16 to deal with, and we are sure Ihat it will also pave tllc way for a new era irk a!! of southern ATrica. ! j >$,, ‘,, 41, (4s lor1g wso as 1975, at this very table, I myself, as :& iplcscntative of France, proposed that general elections 8$?h&-J be held in Namibia on the basis of “one man, one ;g rptCn and within the framework of a single electoral roll for :‘$ \hc entire Territory. It is that provision which constitutes ::, tic basic element of the plan just adopted, and this cIenrIy that there is continuity in our action and that it is in cardance with the principles and purposes of the rance will continue to do everything necess:lry to the attainment of the common goal. France will rate in every way possible in the task now being aken, so that justice and peace may finally prevail in OWEN (United Kingdom): I should first of all like tulate you, Sic, not only on your assumption of ency, but also on your presiding over n meeting nlay come to rank as one of the more important held : b rllc Security Council. 1 should say at the outset that I associate my vcrnment with everything thrit has been said on behalf of tee Cavernments of-the Five by my colleagues in the ,““~W\ci], .., ,, ting in various parts of the world. The been able to deal effectively with these x-fire and in some cases by g forces. But it has not always sic problems underlying we take the first and most actual solution of a problem efforts of the United Nations for a can today look forward to ved peacefully under leaders of But the decision we make today has an d the frontiers of Namibia. It is my that a settlement of this problem will of peace, stability and economic developide Namibia but in the whole region of t some people in South Africa will today see atient negotiations they and their county I community, not against it. 46. Above all, our action to&y has shown that even a Problem as intrrl&lble as that of Namibia can be salved by patience, goodwill and the process of negotiation. This’is a victory for the concept of the‘ peaceful settlement of disputes a~ enshrined in the Charter. We are demonstrating today that there is an alternative to the armed struggle, with all the bloodshed and suffcrirrg which that en tails; that people of different views can, even while fighting each other, still come together and negotiate for peace- 49. I am proud that my Government along with the Governments of Canada, France, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States has been able to help Africa resolve one of its most difficult problems. Many African countries have contributed-many around this table here today. Wq have acted at times as a catalyst, but without the wisdom and statesmanship of the leaders of the front-line States we could never have reached this conclusion. Nor could we have succeeded without the willingness of all parties to work for a peaceful 3nd internationally acceptable settlement and to make conc‘essions-even on points of important principle-to reach a compromise agreement. 50. The first resolution we have adopted today is only the starting point of a process which will lead Namibia to independence. It is our hope that the Secretary-General will be able to act speedily in order to install the United Nations transition assistance group in Namibia at the earliest possible date, in accordance with the proposal which has been negotiated and agreed by the parties. The task before the Group will require great skill, good judgenent and immense hard work, and everyone must wish the Secretary-General’s distinguished Special Representative good luck in his task. But I am confident that the United Nations, under the distinguished leadership of the Secretary-General, will prove able to discharge the vital role of guaranteeing the stability and security of Namibia, at the same time as supervising the electoral process. My Government stands ready to help in any way we can. * 51. At the end of the transitiox period, the newly independent Namibia will enjoy the‘ full support of the United Nations. It will ot’ course face problems. The question of Wdvis Bay will have to be resolved, as envisaged in the second of the two resolutions we have just adopted. And there will be the enormous and challenging task of the development of the country’s substantial natural resources. The international community will have an important role to play in supporting the Namibian Covernrr~ent, and the United Kingdom will play its full part in t@s vital task.

4 It is a great honour for me to speak in this august body for the first time. It is a particular pleasure for me to do SO under the presidency of a distinguished Canadian. This is all the more true as our two countries are linked by manifold bonds of friendship and con~mon interests. Mr. President, your courttry has rendered outstanding services to the qrrestion before us. $3. I should like also to pay a tribute to Ambassador Rolbn AnaYa of Boljvja, who presided OVLX the work of the (o[JJJCi] with great skill and efficiency during the month of June. 54. On behalf of the Federal Republic of Germany, I jhQll]d ]jke to e>;pl’eSS my peat Siitishction at the fact that llle Security Council has, by its decision to confer a llarrdate on the Secretary-General, created the basis for the Ittainment of Namibia’s independence under the auspices ,f the Vnited Nations. All parties invoIved and the sternatib&l community must be gratified to learn that the :ondjtions for the peactful solution of a burning issue are ,ejng created, an issue *which has for a long time been a burden for the people in .southern Africa--and not only for hem. This decision taken by the Council serves effectively e confirm the peace-kee’ping function of the United ,‘ations, to which the Federal Republic of Germany ttaches great importance within the framework of its lolicy for peace and co-operation 011 a basis of partnership. 5. The fact that it was possible to achieve a peaceful Ilution of this problem was due to the readiness for egotiafion and compromise of all parties directlY and idirectly involved, to their patience and their vision. 5 6. Even though initially the positions of the parties d irectly involved were far removed from each other, thanks 1( I the good offices of the United Nations and the mediating n ,le played by a number of States, in particular also by II members of the Organisation of African Unity, it was !i nally possible to reconcile their points of view to such an extent that the way for a peaceful transition of Namibia to independence has now been paved. In this context I should like in particular to mention the endeavours undertaken by the front-line States and by Nigeria. 57. The decision of the Security Council is, however, only the first step along Namibia’s road to independenct. In the future, too, considerable efforts will be required in order that the people of Namibia may finally shape its future in free self-determination and work towards the well-being of r-ad1 of its citizens. That this maY be achieved is our sincere wish. 58. The Federal Republic of Germany is determined actively to support the United Nations in the impkmentatiOn of the Namibia plan in aI1 its parts. M’e shall SLJpport !‘et~, Mr. Secretary-General, and Your Special Representative for Namibia in the fulfil~ncnt of the mandate ass&cd to You by the Security Council. We shall support the United Nations in fuIfiIIing the task of ensuring gcncral and free elections in Namibia, and we arc also dctcrmined to make CILJ~ contribution to\vards the operational readiness and Jllaintenance of the ~Jnitl~d Nations peace-keeping troops. 64, We hope that Namibia will become a modd peaceful relations and cooperation among aI1 section’ ,> !:!,,. ‘“; ( 6 9. An independent Namibia \~ill, as a new member of the international COmmunity, rcqrrire tlrc economic snpJ’or1 Of “Having frequently expressed their support f peaceful solution of the Namibian Situatjon based Security Council resolution 385 (1976) the F Ministers of the nine countries of t munity, meeting in Brussels, noted wi the proposal of the five Western members for the settlement of the Nami been accepted by all parties concerned. been opened to an early internati solution of one of the major prob]erns i Tl~s is proof that peaceful solutions to possible. It has been done in close cothe active support of front-line States. ‘2. / $*yi;; “The nine Foreign Ministers declare that, should arj ‘:,*’ internationaIIy accepted independent Namibia so rcqu~~t&:~2 the European Community and its member Slates w8’:jj,i, prepared to render their support as far as possible t+$‘:” promote the economic well-being of the country.” “.,,,?,jfp : ‘~~~~~ 60. The Federal Republic of Germany will endeavoured assist Namibia after it has acquired its independence in ttc; .’ .; &veloplnent of the country on the basis of equality ~rj”‘~ ,i partnership. We renew and reaffirm our assurance to t~&,~~~; effect given before the thirty-second session of the Ccner&k~,~~ Assembly. 611 As I said in Brussels on 24 July last, in my capacjtj, ~<,~;~~~~ President of the European Community, on the occasitrs~~ the solemn opening of the negotiations on the co-operation agreerneni between the Europan Commu and 53 developing countries from Africa, the Caribbean the Pacific, the Community is willing to include all Afr developing countries south of the Sahara, which h&,$ acquired their independence, in the negotiations on extension of the Convention of Lorn& This offer applies to an independent, internationally recogn Namibia. 62. We are hopeful that the consensus and the will co-operation as manifest in the consensus of the S~CU Council will be kept up throughout all phases of impIcIr@“” :’ tation of the Namibia plan. We hope in particular tha further problems and differences of opinion possibly a among the parties involved will be settled in a spir co-operation and not of confrontation. 63. As to the Security Council resolution on walvis which has just been adopted, I fully associate mY what has just been said by my colleague from the U States. I should like to add that I fully associate m with what has been said by him and by the represc of the other States which have engaged in the initiat me, that is to say, the lJnitcd Kingdom and Frenc Ministers and the representative of Canada. ‘, ‘1 hlr, NUJOI!IA: It was our understsndifrg earlier th:lt staten~ents would precede the voting on the draft lutions Now that the order has been revised, I should to indicate that some parts of our statement need to be npd accordingly. However, the substance of the statehas not been affected in any way. Once again it is my privilege and pleasure to be or&d an opportunity to address the Security Council on ucstion of Namibia. This privilege was initially bestowed on us when I atcd before this esteemed Council in 1971, in this very lber, as the first freedom fighter to be so honoured. cc then, my colleagues and I have been making frequent tances to put our view across to the Council and to izc the world community in support for and soli- :I;$ with the stru@r of the Namibian pcoplc, under the ;:k*dcrship of SWAPO, for national and political liberation, ial emancipation and economic self-determination. Indeed, I felt on that first occasion in 1971, and I feel by even more intensely, that it is the inevitable historical 3“~~~%s and victories of our people in Namibia which have BTplled nations countries and peoples of the world to ‘( &be and app’nciate our devotion, determination and mitrnent, as well as our willingness and preparedness to 4 to sacrifice and to die in order to liberate our “rland and to reassert our dignity and national sover- ‘6pty. ‘3$ Ihat the Namibian people have assumed the direct ” ?~+Q~sibility and duty to liberate themselves by any and “‘*’ ‘icnns at their disposal in particular armed struggle, is ““ ’ PJrt of contemporary &tory. This is a proved fact. appear this time before the Security , in our view accidental. Rather, it is a result rs of untold su’ffcrings sacrifices and hardships and women and childrkn--born and unbornas e elderly at the hands of the racist rulers of our and their im;rialist masters, who support and abet in the perptuation of colonial oppression, racial tion and foreign exploitation of our country and Without their heroism, patriotism and selfless to pay the price for freedom, it would not have ible for me to receive this recognition and honour. 76. Only a few days ago, the fifteenth summit of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity concluded its meeting. This was a historic gathering for a number of reasons, least of them being the record attendance by African leaders. Regarding Namibia, all the heads of State and Government or heads of delegatiorls who address4 the Assembly were unanimous in their expressions of appreciation to SWAP0 for having stood steadfast and unrelenting over the years in the gallant and courageous struggle for the total liberation of Namibia. Moreover, they commended SWAP0 for its statesmanship and the spirit of principled flexibility it delnonrtrated in the diplomatic dretl:i, with a view to finding 3 neguti:\tt:;i set 1km~:ut fl!r NJrilij ELI \>I\ tht: bit~is of For my own part the dynamics of the historical and aGo insid; Namibia and the wishes of SWAP0 ked to put on my shoulders the respctnsibility to represent and defend the legitimate inalienable rights of the opplts. _ ’ ~Wll peq-k! of c, ant1 at ,111 3tlges thr~,~lgliuur tlkc deCirll,niq 73. While we, in the first instanst’, bdlicve in and drtiw coumge and inspir,lticm from the g;jll:ultry amI mngnaninrity OF our own oppressed masses and from the patriotism of the militants of tht: People’s Liberation Army of Namibia, we have over the years of ~hc struggle received m:iterial, political, diplomstic and Inkrr,ll support from the oxrwhelming majority of the world community This has, indeed, enhanced our integrity and s~,mding ar]dIlas further strengthened our own efforts to libcratc Namibia. ‘74. During the past five months, we have been extremely pleased to witness and welcome, with sinsere thanks ant! appreciation, political support and concrete, material assist ante from the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity, Socialist countries, from the African front-line States and from other progressive countries, international organizatiofis, support groups and individuals. 75. For example, the United Nations Council for Namibia, meeting in its plenary sessions held at Lusaka in March, renewed its support of and co-operation with SWAP0 in the struggle until general independence is achieved in Namibia. Then, in April, the General Assembly met in a special session and, at the end, adopted a Declantion and n Programme of Action, in which the continuing specia! responsibility of the United Notions concerning Namibia was underscored and consecrated [rtwl~rfion S-9/2/. Thesr documents express full support for and reaffirm unequivocal poIitica1 solidarity with and material assistance to SWAPO, as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people. Furthermore, on 10-l 1 June 1978, the African front-line Stales convened a summit meeting at Luanda, also attended by my collc~gues in the Central Committee and me. In a final comrnunicluC issued at the end of the summit, the African leaders stated, in part: “The front-line States call upon the international community to intensify their moral, political, diplomatic and material support for the just str@e of the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO.” 1 They concluded: c “Finally, the front-line States reaffirm their con;&ued support for SWAP0 and the liberation struggle of the Namibian people.” 77. We feel it is necessary and proper ‘to put these deve]op$ents over the last five months on record, in the light of what we are going to be engaged in henceforth, r .I 78. The Security Corrncil is now seized formally of “The sjtuation in Namibia”. Qbviously, this meeting is most :mportant and unpreceddnted, with regard both to the lroblems it must address and resolve at this stage and to the uarantees it must ensure for a genuine and satisfactory :ttIement in Namibia. 9. Namibia is a unique and special responsibility that the Jnited Nations has assumed in the interests Of the olonized and oppressed people of the Terriiow. Since that istoric decision of the Genera] Assembly in 1966-but ven before then and certainly thereafter-the international ommunity has taken unequivocal and fzr-reaching decisions of legal and political significance in defence of the just rights and legitimate interests of the Namibian people. Certain basic principles and notions have emerged over the years during which the United Nations has been grJpp]ing with the question of Namibja. Today, as eseJnplificd by the references made earlier, there is over\~helming agreement that Namibia must be free and independent, with scrupulous adherence to the principles and notions that were adopted and have been persistently followed by the world community F 80. A situation should never be allowed to occur in which euphoria and expediency would replace political acumen and CarCfd administratjve planning, in order to CnSUJe 110W, at this stage, that there will he no pitfalls, gimmicks and chaos late? when the process has drcady started, It will be by late then, and the likely options are equally costly in :erms of life and limb for the Namibian ~x’oplc :md of the nkgJity and the very existence of the United Nations &elf. . 31. The process of exploratory talks, proximitJ* talks and ndk.A and direct ncgotjatjons over the 1x1 1 S months has )een cumbersome and difficu] t. II provided an opportkJJJjty bJ SWAP0 to present, articulate and dcfcnd thy position )f the oppressed people of Namibia. In this rq:lrd, S\y,It’O las always rind throughout sought to Jiffcrc‘nti:rlc, as a natter of principle, between the just rights and k@tiliiate rdrests of olJr suffering masses, on the one hsnd, and the lnfoundcd claims of the racist Soutli African co]onial Swsor and usurpr, on the other. 83. Suffice it to bring to the attention of the COrllJXUnity the fO]]c)Wing JepJCSSiVe measures and acts carried out by the racist South African Namibia dwing the period when the talks betwe Western Security Council members and SWAP finding a negotiated scttlcment of the Namibian pr were going on: first, the unilateral and illegal appoin of the so-called AdIlliJlistntor-Gcrlcral i secondly, on 28 February 1978, the ena re-enactment of numerous repressive measure gency regulations-for example, AC 26 of April under which SWAP0 leaders, members and sympa have been arrested and detained; thirdly, on 4May I wanton act of aggression against the Pea Angola and a barbaric attack on a Nami settlement at Kassinga, killing or woundin Namibjans, mainly wornen, children and elderly pcrsufr, I fourthly, in June 1978, an illegal proclamation for so-called registration of voters in preparation for spa elections in Namibia; fifthly, the pouring of huge sums money into the pockets of the puppets and quislings of so-called Democratic Turnhallc Alliance in preparation the so-called elections; sixth]y, the continued oJgaTii~r$ + terror campaign and violence against SWAP detentions, and intimidation of SWAP0 members 84. Despite the fact that we agreed in good fait proceed to the Security Council in search of a negot settlement, arrests and detention of SWAP0 lea&r members continue unabated. The latest in this series re-arrest of our colleagues who took part in the L meeting, amon’g them, SWAP0 Secretary for F Relations, Comrade Festus Naholo, and SWAP0 Se for Transportation, Comrade Franz KambanguJa. 85. Even at this Iate stage, the regime is threat withdraw from the who]e escrcisc and put intO the second track of its Strategy, the .x-called sett]ement. We wish to bring tlleSe points out in o caution that there is still much that remains to bc During this debate of the COIJIIC~~, We shall no d the \loices of he spokcsm~~l of the occupati tllreatening to withdraw or actually withdrawing so-ca]]ed .conccssions made. It is misleading to say stage, when we are j\Jst starting the serious business the diplomatic process, has already succeeded in H Hope is no certainty. :b.p, .a ,, 86. ‘1‘1,~ sitm(ioJl is still prqyant \r*ith many uncerr’in! jrnponderables and d3ngcr% lf we are serious ab*ul business of so]ving the problem of Namibia in the ‘“f the continued double-[a]k and intransigence of the Oc’ lf it is a fiasco, the best that could be done would be the matter to be referred back to the Council. At that “tbc, what can and what will ihe Council do? By that time ifis might have been lost, property damaged and untold $r[fcring incurred. Hopes, expectations and aspirations of j&oppressed Namibian people would, one more time, be frustrated and destroyed The only conceivable action by $eCotrncil would bz a resolution of condemnation. (c) He must also have the power and authority to initiate measures towards the implementation of *all the necessary steps for transferring power to the Namibisn people in matters such as the taking of a census, the registration of voters, the preparation of voters’ rolls, the delineation of electoral constituencies, the setting of the commencement of the electoral campaigns, the date of the election and all other aspects of the electoral procedures as well as the tabulation, publication and certification of election results; :@. WC must think not only about present developments I~al.dso about future eventualities, whether they occur by !dedrsig n on the %itcd N part of the enemy or by default by the a t’ rona For our part, we will not deviate from our &red obligation of bringing Namibia to genuine indepenh?. % 1 have chosen to go to great lengths to pet our point :$‘fvkw en record before this esteemed Council and before tic world assembly of conscience, And we feel strongly .@ut these matters. (d) He must have the final say regarding the good conduct of the police forces and should ensure that necessary steps will be taken to guarantee against the possibility of their interfering in the political process. I !m New I wish to comment in general terms about the eStera proposal contained in document S/12636. I shall ‘frairr from discussing it section by section or paragraph by l@“graPh since the SWAP0 delegation has already indiened te its authors which sections or elements present dffiClllties, ‘. 97. This is the interuretation of SWAPD’s understanding of the role and functions of the Special Representative which we expressed to the representatives of the five Western Governments at Luanda and it was on the basis?rf their concurrence, among other things, that we agreed to proceed to the Council. F’ .t rrs , we u’riderstand the plan to be an effort to put tilutien 385 (1976) into operational terms for implernenhfhl and not ‘$Qon. an ingenious scheme to supplant that 98. Fourthly, I should like to comment on the recruitment and deployment of the United Nations personnel, especially the civilian contingent. Without in any way seeking to interfere with this prerogative of the Secretary- General, SWAP0 wishes to state, with due respect, that it is not enough for someone to be an expert, without commitment to the principles and resolutions of the United Nations and sympathy for the Namibians who are victims of colonialism, racism and exploitation. It is also not enough for someone to be well read, abstractly, about Namibia. Book knowledge about Namibia should not preclude the actual situation and the real conditions prevalent in the country. There is also a problem of attitndcs and subjective preferences. The very fact that Namihi:l has beeri for so many years a subject of interli,l!‘>’ :I di~;~lt~: h,,.. g;;crl iri ‘r)ll:,: c{ll:I! i;r\ ttt ’ H’rtlIiL. J* Se’ “Ihich s ‘endlY, we do not regard it as a final document ‘bks f rncorPorates all our concerns, programmes or priri- Or the kind of society that we are committed to 9ding in Namibia. It is a compromise plan which is, in “lrr view, he, il dv y weighted in favour of South Africa’s “loniat hk?rests in Namibia. ‘k ’ Third1Y, the language is deliberately so vague and ?tb’eous that it is subject to different and unavoidably ‘“fikting h t %ly 1 erpretations. One area where this is partic- F?uritY and ~ gariag is with regard to the positiorr, powers, ‘orkir:g relations betwec!ir the United atiC! ttlc ICi~il coh~riial 95. The success or failure of the United Nations undertaking in Namibia this time will depend on the effective power and authority that the Special Representative must possess and wield regarding all stages and aspects of the transitional administration, security measures and the conduct of the entire electoral process. 96. In this regard, we should like to restate our understanding of the role and functions of the Special Reprcsentative: (a) He mr+st exercise effective supervision and control of the transitional administration, all the security arrangements and the conduct of elections i,n accordance with resolution 38.5 (1976); (b) He must have the preponderant power and authority to approve or disapprove any action by the colonial Administrator-General; 99. Pifthly, regarding the peace-keeping force, as the sole arId authentic representative of the Namibian people we expect to be consulted about its composition. 100, Sixthly, we maintain and insist that the remaining enemy troops should be confined to one base under strict and elaborate surveillance, to prevent them from being used for purposes of intimidation and repression of the Namibian people or for aggression against neighbouring States. lOl.‘~This time we want to be certain that right from the beginning everything is carefully planned and executed at each stage with caufion and deliberation. ‘t, 102. We are willing Jo take a political risk. In the first instance, we are confident of the political maturity of our people in their popular desire for total liberation and genuine independence. We also know the weaknesses and the desperation of the enemy, which create favourable conditions for the seizure of political power by the Namibian people. The masses of Namibia and the militants of the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia will, if need be, take up arms to renew the resistance and defend the safety of our people and the integrity of our fatherland. I repeat: the masses of Namibia and the militants of the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia will, if need be, take up arms to renew the resistance and defend the safety of our people and the integrity of our fatherland. This is our inspiration; this is our determination. 103. We want only to make absolutely certain, while we can, that the independence that finally comes to our troubled Namibia, as it inevitably must, will be the genuine and complete independence for which our people-the past generations and the present ones-have suffered, sacrificed and died. The United Nations should not, cannot and must not falter and relinquish its unique and special responsibility over Namibia until that indcpcndence is achieved. In this respect, it is our continuing belief that the United Nations Council for Namibia remains the only legal authority over Narnibja until independence and must accordingly be effectively in\loIved in the decolonization process. In the meantime, the United Nations Council for Namibia must continue to carry out its responsibility towards implementing the nlandaic entrusted to it by the General Assembly, 104. Before I conclude I wish to say something about walvis Bay. As far as the pcoplc of Namibia and SWAP0 are concerned, Walvis Bay is and will forever remain an integral Part of Namibia. SWAP0 thcrcfore strongly rejects and eerrdemns racist South Africa’s decision to annex Walvis Ray. WC regard that decision as ilkgal, 1~~11 and void and an act of aggression against thr: Namibian people and a flagrant violation of the territorj:il integrity of our country SWAP0 106, We would also express our gratitude and appreciati to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for professional and personal commitment to assisting efforts of the international community aimed at realization by the Namibian people of their inalienable just rights to self-determination and genuine jndependen~~~~~,~ :, /< 107. We ment as Namibia, congratulate Mr. Martti Ahtisaari on his appola~~~~~ the United Nations Special Representative fi+ )*- “, ,, wish him good luck and state our wish b “” co-operate fully with him in the realization of the goals ani objectives for which he has been appointed. 108. FinaIly, I would wholeheartedly thank my Aftian brothers the Honourable Ministers for Foreign Affairs aa.4 1 the representatives of Gabon, Mauritius and Nigeria f,,; i their initiative in supporting our being heard in this debate? “, ; : We are confident that they wiI1 continue to back uw“’ .i- 1 throughout this process, until the Security Council 1~s %” satisfactorily completed its tasks concerning Namihb, s,, Through them we wish also to thank the Chairman of tie ,,l’.~. African Group for this month and the Group as a whole I;Y ?“’ their continued confidence in us and their gencrw political and diplomatic support. ;, b; 1 ’ +,; 1 109. Mr. GARBA (Nigeria): Mr. President, as this is &,, $, :‘I fist time that my delegation has spoken in the month ef asp’,; Jdy, I should like first of all to extend to you my warn congratulations on your accession to the presidency of Security Council for this month. My delegation welcom Canada’s positive contribution to the search for a peaccfuf settlement in Namibia and, indeed, in southern Africa ti whole. 110. It has been a long and difficult journey for all the parties concerned. Now that, it is hoped, we are approach ing the end of the journey, there is an even greater need for circumspection and sober judgement, so that Namibia’s progress towards independence under the auspices t&$lt Nations will not be inferrupted either by 111. We should be clear in our minds as to what bs c: 1 brought about the situation in Namibia today and aware d :&. i the untold sufferings to which the hapless people of :)‘“1 Namibia have been subjected. The manner in ~‘1) iJ ‘j,$fj ’ i Namibia was handed over to South Africa by the League cf Nations in a fit of absent-mindedness is a lesson for ds mankind. The failure of the international community ovcc”I ,, i 117. We for our part will continue to give SWAP0 full moral, political, diplomatic and material support in its heroic and legitimate struggle for the liberation of its country. More specifically, we stand tinflinchingly with it in its determination to maintain Namibia’s territorial integrity. s stage to dismiss the stern members of the Security Council u for a paceful settlement in Namibia. The certainly been tough and no agreement hed had it not been for the efforts of mbers and the Secretary-General to &crt pressure on the racist tigime in South Africa. $bJarly, we wish to pay a tribute to SWAP0 for its l&sm during these difficult negotiations. Despite very bfut31 treatment and harassment of its members, SWAPO’s altitude to the talks has been constructive and pragmatic. 118. Finally, it is imperative for the United Nations, as part of its continuing obligation towards Namibia, to ensure that the inqepndent elections in Namibia will be free and fair and that the political will of tiie people of Namibia will prevail in the end. The Special Representative must be given very clear terms of reference in this regard so as to avoid the mistakes of the past. 119. At stake, therefore, is the credibility not only of the Security Council as mankind’s custodian of international peace and security but also of the Western sponsors of the current initiative, who, we hope, will see the wisdom of continuing to ensure that both the political and moral will of the world, as well as the aspirations of the people of Namibia, will not be frustrated. To do otherwise would be to disrupt the delicately balanced arrangement. To upset the present arrangement in the hope of making some short-sighted political gains would certainly set back the march for peaceful transition to an independent Namibia. 3. In light of this, we must recognize the fact that %Po’s acceptance of the settlement proposals is an act ljith in the United Nations and not in the South African ?Kist% It is therefore essential that SWAPO’s faith in the cd Nations and, ipso facto, in the international munity be not abused, It would be a tragedy for the cd Nations if by error of commission or omission it ould in the end prove unworthy of the faith which More specifically, there should be no ambiguity t the future of Walvis Bay. If necessary, clarifications sought and obtained now about aspects of the s relating to Walvis Bay, It is my delegation’s riding that Walvis Bay will be reintegrated into as speedily as circumstances permit after Namibia’s rrsttion to independence. There should be no prevarisubterfuges on this matter. The Secretaryould be given fully authority to ensure that all resolution 385 (1976) relating to Walvis‘ Bay will Implemented. It is only after this objective has ecured that we can consider our task completed. 120. Let us therefore resolve that, in these critical times, we shall exercise fully our collective responsibility and discharge our obligation towards the people of Namibia. This will require our full commitment ynd dedication.

Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you on your presidency on the occasion of this historic meeting of the’- Council, which marks an important point in our long deliberations on&e Namibian question. I should also like to thank you for t!ie frank and helpful manner in which you have helped to carry us through the difficult consultations on the matter which have been taking place this month. Your wise guidance as the progressive representative of a Commonwealth country has been much appreciated. 122. I wish also to congratulate my coIIeague, the representative of Bolivia, for the skilful and firm but courteous manner in which he conducted the business of the Council during the month of June. dangerous situation which, if left unattended for will certainly lead to a major world-wide tion Men of goodwill throughout the world have a ‘Oral responsibility to ensure that reason will prevail bwe. The writing on the wall is very clear and it is minority and unrepresentative rCgime at to heed the warning on Zimbabwe. We therefore Opportunity once again to call upon all the parties ncd in Zitnbubwe to choose the path of reason and negotiation. The alternative is a ghastly war, the 123 I would also welcome to the Council my beloved African brothers, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Africa, who all played a crucial role in achieving agreement on the way towards a Namibian settlement. We are honoured to have them hero and we are happy that they can participate with ui in thrhc dcliberdtions. I bid a special wairn welcr~rn~ to nrig:!!rcr Garb:\, mclu~cr of the SLl[Jlc!lle 124.. I should also like to welcome the Foreign Ministers :, of the Western members of the Council--the Secretary of * State the Honourable Mr. Vance of the United States of ?T America the Honourable Mr. Owen of the United King- : &m, His Excellency Mr. Lob de Guiringaud of France ; and His Excellency Mr. Genscher of the Federal Republic i: af Germany. Their tireless. efforts over these long months ;! have helped to bring a Nanublan settlement within reach. ;i ; 125. 1 als~ salute the presence among us of my comrade and beloved African brother, Fresident Sam Nujoma of SWAP& to whose statement I listened with special atten- : tiofl. -'+ 126. It would be prong to enter into our discussions today without takin$ note of the importance of the occasion. The question;pf Namibia is unique in the annals of &e United Nations.’ As a result of decisions by the General Assembly, and d a result of the Security Council’s own previous discussions and decisions, the Council has assumed an important, indeed historic, responsibility-the responsibility for taking action to end South Africa’s illeial occupation of Namibia and for assuring the transfer of power, by means of free and fair elections, to the people of that Territory. In the context of the deepening crisis in southern Africa as a whole, it is a crucial responsibility For by our actions we can show that we can fulfil the legitimate hopes and aspirations of the Namibian people, however difficult that may be. Our ability to carry through with our obligations-indeed, our determination to do so-will have iniportant consequences for the standing of the Organization in the international community.. By bringing an end to colonialism and ensuring a period of transition in which there can truly be a free play of political forces, the Security Council can reaffirm the principles of the Organization, on which the peace of the world depends. If we should falter, it would be tragic, not only for the people of Namibia but also for the United Nations itself-not to say r0r the entire international community P 127. We must therefore be glad that we have come so far already. The commitment to a settlement, hard work, perseverance and skilful negotiating have carried US very near our goal. My delegation would like to express its reco&nition and gratitude to all those involved in the negotiations, especially SWAPO, the front-line States and the five Western members of the Security Council; for their efforts lo secure a settlrment. I should like also to pay a special lrih~ite to my beloved Afro-American brother, Ambassador Andrew Young of the United Sates, W~OX Personal spirit and dj*namic and sincere enthusiasm for the service of the cause of the oppressed people of southern Africa have certainly forced the wheels of progress to move in the right directjon. Mr. Kurt Waldheim deserics our dccIwst appreciation for the constant, inderatigable, quiet )Ct nlost cffcctivc role he has played over the yearS, ever he he assumed his almost impossible duties as Seflctary- Gemal. 129. The Security Council has Gpeatedly affirmed $ ,. “’ Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia. Quite apart frz historical and legal arguments, there are important re.&‘i why it has done so. Let me remind the Council, if 1 ihq what they are. ‘4, a’,’ 130. Walvis Bay is Namibia’s only deep-water ocean k$(‘~ ,’ Namibia would be practically a land-locked county wi:h 1 out it. There are no economically feasible alternative pfFr The continued occupation of W&is Bay by South *h!d* would make an independent Namibia economically dent on South Africa. Indeed, Namibia could economically only if South Africa were willing. Africa would have near-complete COntJOl over Namih:e trade. The country could be subjected to quotas v+ financial burdens. Namibia would probably be romp&d :.,. enter into the South Africa Customs Union, about \vh& there have already been many complaints, FurthermaR,, South Africa would take possession of one of Namib[~$,;~,, most important industries: the fishing industry. \Yalvis &$jl, is the only port which can ,accommodate the large bii&z. now used for commercial fishing. It has all fhc ? +~‘~’ processing facilities of Namibia, The continued iC occupation of the enclave would therefore mean a subs tial loss to Namibian national income, a 10s~ which g 11c independent and developing country could scarcely affo to sustain. 131. It is clear, however, that South Africa maintain its hold on Walvis Bay for strategic rcas has a naval base there, with the most modern cations facilities, There are also important army force bases. According to the most recent reports, 1 facilities are now being expanded. Several thous are already based in Walvis Bay. Indeed, the forces Bay are among the most modern and well equi South Africa has. They cjn be transported by any point in Namibia within a few hours. 132. Thus, the possession of Walvis Bay by creates an immediate military danger to the i of a future Namibia A Namibian government circumstances exist under the constant threat vention by South Africa, whose overwh power in the region it could hardly oppo Nations cannot accept such a siiuation. I Namibia to he born in such conditions. It ~a Namibia into being and at the same time al1 so threatened. : ,;, hly delegation therefore wishes to express its concern ,ba,,t the omission of the question of Wa!vis Bay from the .cornmuniquC issued at Luanda earlier this month. The “guestion of \VaIvis Bay must be settled in accordance with - pious decisions of the Genera! Assembly and of the kgcur!ty Council. There annot be a real settlement which does not recognize Walvis Bay as an integral part of /,+,mibin That is why we support the reso!ution On Wa!vis Bay and why we regard that resolution as necessary if we ,n to begin the process of transition to majority CUlc in INamibia, I fee! that the Council, especially its permanent malbers, must undertake to ensure the territorial integrity of Namibia. r., ,135 There is a second issue which needs to be discussed ‘here and which we must begin to resolve. That is the ‘+estion of the powers of the United Nations Special gReprcsentntive for Namibia. I should like, if I may, to lexp!ain why my delegation regards this as a critical issue. 140. The difficulty we confront now, the difficulty which remains, even after long months of negotiations, is that South Africa is still in a position to prevent truly free elections in Namibia. And there is ample evidence that it is seeking to use the power it has to frustrate the aims of the Council. 141. I should like to indicate briefly why my delegation is alarmed about the present situation in Namibia. In thz first place, South Africa has created a political grouping in Namibia, the so-called Democratic Tumhalle AUiance (DTA), which has already organized an intensive electoral campaign. The Alliance is closely tied to South African interests. According to numerous press reports, it receives funds not only from South Africa but also from Europe. It is believed to be spending something in the order of 400,000 rand per month. It is well known that South Africa is actively seeking to ensure an electoral victory for the Alliance in order to ensure the protection of its interests in Namibia. ‘136 We must remember that resolution 385 (1976), which we are seeking to implement here, calls for the withdrawal of South Africa’s occupation forces, the withdrawal of its administration, the ending of repressive $gislation, territorial integrity, the release of all political prisoners, and free elections under United Nations supervision and control. 142. It is worth noting that Namibia” citizens are being more or less dragooned into the Alliance. It was recently reported that at one missionary hospital DTA men were distributing party cards to incoming patients, telling them that if they did not take them they would not be treated. Elsewhere in Namibia, people have been threatened ,with the loss of cattle, Fnsions and jobs if they refuse to join the Alliance 137. It is understandable that in the course of long negotiations some concessions sllould have been necessary On both sides Consequently we stand on the threshold of ,/he transition period without having satisfied alI the ‘Conditions laid’ down in resolution 385 (1976). South Af’rica will gradually withdraw a!1 its troops except for a Imall force However, it continues to administer Namibia. *ad it governs, in effect, through the new Adrninistrator- Ceacra!, a South Africln judge. Its police continue to ‘maiatain what South Africa calls law and order. Large nafnbers of po!!ticaI prisoners are in gaol. And the ‘hdministrator-General has already begun preparations for all election. 143 At the same time, South Africa has been proceeding with the registration of voters in Namibia, including the preparation of voting rolls. There have been reports of forced registration and even of the registration of Angola” citizens 7 : 144. All this is to say that South Africa clearly is alreaez taking control of the electoral process. Yet this process IS, according to resolution 385 (1976), supposed to be controlled by the United Nations. 138, w far the e must examine the implications of this situation achievement of the objectives of resolution ‘j(l976). Clearly the situation is a difficult one. For rtso’ution 385 (1976) envisages the end of South African contro! in Namibia and the transfer of power to the riamibian people It prescribes that the transfer shall take “@ through free elections held under U’nited Nations “Upervision and control The drafters of resolution 38s(lg76) emphasiled &e word “control” because they kere aware of the need to ensure truly free elections. They ‘QC aware that elections which were controlled by South “‘&I might be far less than free and that South Africa e’-JUld . b e ’ In certain circumstances, frustrate the aims of the “Ited Nations by a guiIefuI use of power. 139 ’ I do not think there can bc: any dou!>t that South ?’ ‘Odd lihc tcr ;L\g)id free electic;rls in S,~nlihia It is 145. Far more serious, South Africa has organised a widespread campaign of violence and intimidation designed to make it impossible for SWAP0 to participate effectively in the electoral process. According to various reports, and most notably that of the Anglican Church of Namibia, there has been a significant increase in the numbers of troops and security police in Namibia in recent months. Two observers recently returned from Namibia indicate that there are likely to be far more than the 50,000 troops and police SWAP0 has spoken of in Namibia. Reverend t{einz I-lun;lc, recently expelled from the Territory, has shown that tortura has now been institutiona!iLeJ in Namibia, S#i\l’C) lcadcr> have been rounded Up anJ jailed. llulldrc& are irltclrugatk:J arid threatencJ cvcry WW~. At Kyf,r[llrs to\b.rlitii}) ! ! \]‘iJl,‘bt. ‘k., pi )I, killi~~l-lt?rS t\dL? tJLi!I L . 149. The question, of course, is how to deal with this dtuation. The answer is clear and is already provided in resolution 385 (1976). We have only IO specify carefully the powers of the Special Representative for Namibia in order to put an end to the abuses now accumulating in h’amibia. Resolution 385 (1976) calls for IJnited Nations control of the electoral process. We ~nust specify-,--perhaps at a more appl-opriate time -powers which will enable the Special Representative to initiate actions he regards as necessary to ensure free and fair elections and to prevent actions on the part of the Administrator-General which would interfere with that aim. That is, we must specify powers, in detail if necessary, which will truly give the Special Representative control of the situation in Namibia when his mission there begins, ISO. My delegation would cmphasize that these must not be paper powers. The Special Representative must[lave the authority to use United Nations military forces to do what he deems necessary to prevent interference with free and fair elections, to prevent intimidation and to prevent fraud. There must be an agreed mechanism to ensure that he will be able SO to act without constant recourse to the Security COIJIIC~I, which would, of colJrsc, be h-npossjble. There must be 110 doubt in anybody’s mind that it is the Special ReprcS?tltativF who is in control and not the So~~th African Atlt~~illist~atur-Ceneral. If;J. I Would hope tllat the first report of the Special R~l~rcsentative would provide clear recommendations about I]K powers and arrangements necdcd to ensure United Qlions cuntrul jn this Jll:ltter, including COJltrol over the ~~~~inisti-atix s\slem which determines the environment in ~~hich the elect&a] pi cass [~I.xs pl;mz. There should be no ~rlll~iguity about tl,cse mattea. For if our aims should be jAmed by force a:ld fraud, and as a result of our own NJj;lbiby to assert tl~e p..,tcritixI po\scr and authority of the

The Chinese delegativn has listened attenti,+ i’ the statement mndc by Mr. Sam Nujoma, Presjdent SWAPO, and the statements made by the hlinjstets Foreign Affairs and the representatives of some musttactfi We have also studied the relaied draft resolutions a ’ participafcd in the voting. 4 153. Now, I should like to state briefI>, the chh delegation’s psition on the relevant questions. 154. First, the Chinese Government and people b. always firm]), supported the Namibian people in acl,h their national indep~lndenc~e free from any outside In ference and on the basis of territorial integrity md unllp We sternly condemn the South African racist r&&c for in% if&al occupation of Namibia, and we have always heId the South African racist regime must immediately, t and unconditionally withdraw all its military and forces as well as its administration from Namibia a;J immediately terminate its illegal occupation there, so rbrl the Namibian people may achieve genuine indcpendcnq cfi the basis of the above-mentioned principles. This is the n correct guideline and means for the settlement of Namibian question. 155. Szcondlg, over a long period, the heroic Nam&;$ people have carried out valiant and unremitting SI against colonialism and racism and for national dence and librratiun. In their just struggle they extensive support from the African people at larg people of the rest of the world. In recent years, un leadership of SW.41’0, the Namibian people have acti):: waged and ccasclcssly stepped up the armed winning one victory after another and dealing increa heavy blows at the South African colonialist a The South African authorities have also met finuous setbacks and failure in their political s institute the bani ustans and a so-called internal in Namibia. It should be noticed that the SOU racist rfgime has finally been forced to commit gradual \vithdrawal of its troops from Namibia to its illcgnl occupation Ihere as a result of the struggle. particularly armed struggle, carried Namjbjan people with the support Of the entire people and tlw peoldc tl~ou&out the world. il. i” ” :I” 156. Thirdl\t we hsve noted that the draft contained in’dclcument S/I 2792 refers ordy to the Council “(:tkinp note of the proposal for a sc?ttlCJnc Namihi:lu situ3 tion” submitted by the five WesterJI 1’ without asking the Council to approve of the “Pr question. Tircrcfore, the Chinese delegation’s a vote for th draft resolution does not signify our a or total cnd~~rscment of the “proposal”. In “proposzll” has wrious dcfccts. 157. ill 11x firs1 place, we have ahva)*s held a dJtit’ positictn jn i:.rir;ciple \sitll rsspect to the dispatch of “‘I! Natj(>Ils ~~-II~c~ ;id hL*~xe we ha\r serjous rWr\.31iati pzilple. 158, But the “proposal ” of the five Powers would allow b [be south African racist r&me to retain in Namibia ‘,~~dUri,lg the transition period” part of its military force and ‘ai1 its police force, as well as the whole administration baded by the Administrator-General appointed by South urica and so on. Furthermore, at present the gradual llwithdrawal of the South African racist r&gime’s military [~o,ces frorn Namibia still remains a commitment in word 9 lnd an agreement on paper, but not yet something real. As ?“[o the Nnmibian people’s armed force carrying on the just ~.;$truggle, the “proposal” of the Five has not only failed to @e support to it, but has taken an unjust attitude in its ,approach, It must be pointed out that under these @curnstances it is imperative to heighten one’s vigilance a hundredfold and resolutely prevent the South African racist authorities frorn taking advantage of the said circumstances to manipulate the elections and carry on sabotage. 159. Fourthly, we have always held that Walvis Bay is an inkEd part of Namibian territory and that it should be ,&stored to Namibia immediately. We severely condemn the ,%uth African authorities for their illegal occupation of H’llvis Bay. It is totally unjustifiable and absolutely impermissible for the South African racist rCgimr to contiriue its forcible occupation of Walvis Bay under any Pretext. 160. We have noted that the draft resolution contained in document S/l 2793 has confirmed Walvis Bay as an integral Part of Namibia, that it has enjoined the South African ncist rCgirne to reintegrate Walvis Bay into Namibia by rndinE its illegal occupation there and that it has declared this to be the prerequisite for assuring the territorial inteErity and unity of Namibia. Therefore, we support this Jr;lft resolution. But it must be pointed out that such “ording in the draft resolution as “the initiation of steps “cessary to ensure early reintegration of Walvis Bay into hJn?ibia” is ambiguous, Consequently, we also have serious ‘EXrQtions in this regard In our view, the Security council lnust never allow the Sou;h African racist rCgime to use this ‘mbiEuity for prolonging and perpetuating its forcible occ”Pation of W&is Bay Here we wish to reaffirm our resQolute support for the legltimnte demand of the Namibian @‘pie for the immediate recovery of Walvis Bay. 16’, Fifthiy the facts show that there will be no small hbd fances or; the Namibian people’s road towards genuine “ational independence and a number of twists and turns ?y yet ernerge. The iouth African racists will never shun ‘* and do good and beco %X-P me Buddhas overnight. The two owers have been intensifying their rivalry over ‘Outhern Africa. One super- Power is trying by every Possible ~C\‘III~ to preserve its vested interests in southern Africa, W!lili the other super-power, a late comt:r, canting a 162. Mr. CARP10 CASTILLO (Venezuela) (ij~terpre~ntiur~ from Sporrislz/: Since I know that the next name on the list of speakers is that of the representative of the Soviet Union, I should like to say that it is simply a coincidence that 1 should find myself between China and the Soviet Union. I 163. My delegation wishes to state how pleased it is, Sir, that you are presiding over the work of the Security Council. We are certain that your lengthy experience and your outstanding diplomatic skill and personal charisma are credentials which guaruntee the good conduct and success of the tasks facinE us. Having for more than three years represented my country as Ambassador of Venezuela to Canada, I should like to take this opportunity to pay a just and well-deserved tribute to your country for its positive contribution in all international forums, in which its presence has been a factor of moderation for the rational and peaceful solution of problems 164, This meeting of the Security Council can be described as historic because its effects will be so far-reaching and it represents a victory for the international community and for the United Nations itself, which has taken upon itself the task of saving Namibia from usurpation by the Government of South Africa. We thus put an end, we hope, to almost half a century of domination of a Territorydomination which, to make matters worse, has been exercised by a racist rCgime which has no respect for the human rights of the indigenous Afri@-ns and has a strange concept of its historical responsibility’ to the international community. “ ; 165. The efforts made by the five Western Powers members of the Council have been very important in the drafting of the agreement for the independence of Namibia and we consider it our duty to recognize this at this time. But the fundamental struggle, the basic pressure which has led to the present situation, has been the result of the unwavering sympathy and support that the progressive part of the international community has given to the popular forces in Namibia, whose victories must be credited to SWAP0 because of its heroic struggle to expel the illegal occupiers. It has been proved once again that there is no force greater than that of the will of a people ready and determined to achieve its independence and freedom even at the cost of heavy sacrifices. 166. My country has always been in favour of and supper ted the .c na t it!, .I’ anti-ccrloni:;l IibcI ation strugglers 167, soon an electoral process will begin in order to give 1 the Territory of Namibia the legal and political instruments “&ed by every modern State. It is our hope that that process wiII strengthen democracy in the newly born country emerging to independence and freedom. As my country sees it, democracy is the recognition of the will of the majority, which can only be expressed and brought about by consulting the people, without pressure or haste, and plltting the results into effect so that the governments \\hjch emerge from these consultations of the people may enjoy respect and accept ante. We hope and trust that the forthconling elections in Namibia will represent the will of its people so that respect will be guaranteed. ‘( 168. Furthermore, my delegation considers that agreement by South Afrjca;‘raiher late in the day, to leave the Territory of Namibia, wh$h it has occupied by force, can and should positively encourage the solution of similar or analogous problems in other parts of Africa and other regions of the world where the illegal occupation of territories represents a threat to international peace and security. 169. We beljcve that the satisfactory solution of the problem of Namibia strengthens the credjbiljty of the United Nations as an international organ for the achievement of cjvilized coexistence among nations and countries. But this credibilit~~ needs to be perfected and this can only come about when Walvis Bay is reintegrated into Namibia, for South Africa cannot allege that it has any valid title to continue to usurp that sovereign part of Namibia. 170. In this spirit of renewed faith in the United Nat.ions and the possibilities it offers, Venezuela voted in favour of the two draft resolutions which in a sense might be said to constitute Namibia’s independence act.

Mr. Fresident, allow me first of all to congratulate you on your assump lion Of the important and responsible duties of President of the Security Council and to express the Ilope that your clceptional diplomatic experience will contribute to the success of the important discussions in which the Council is JWV engaged. l72. I should like, at the same time, to express our satisfaction .at the \~ay the representative of Bolivia, Alnbassador Rolbn ,\na>,a, so ably guided the work of the ‘hmil last month. has shamelessly plundered the natural wealth of K~J oppressed and enslaved its population and extend ferritory the shameful policy and practice of a[.‘or attempts by every means possible to repress the nw of the Namibian freedom fighters and keep the under its colonial sway. The racists arc building IV military potential in the illegally occupied Ter h’amibia and are striving to maintain their troops country, while hatchjng plots to take away vilaI]y tant parts of the Territory. If we have not bee!] 21~ far to put an end to the criminal policy of the Jrr , 16 17% The Soviet delpgation welcomes the participation in ihe work of the Council of the acknowledged leader of the j Sarnibian people -tile President of SWAPO, Mr. Nujoma. I The organimtjm 11~ he:]& has been leading for a period of !, ll]Jny years the strug$c of the Narnibian people for the i, affirmation of tlleir inaIi?nabIe right to freedom and i. independence I i ! 175. The liberation of Namibia from co10 occupation is one of the most important inttrnationa and brooks no further delay. The just solution o problem will determine to a great extent the fate of and security not only in southern Afti.ca but far beyo confines of that continent. The hquldatlon in Nam one of the last bastions of coIoniaIism would important step on the way to the final elimination SllamefuI colonial System, a system which until recently held a signifjcant part of the globe in its &Tip 176. Over the past quarter of a century, witnessed enormous changes. The colonial collapsed and there has arisen the practical pro complete elimination of hotbeds of colonialisn on the African continent. The liberated Afric in spite of all the difficulties, have experienced VC positive changes, With growing vigour, the young S attempting to strengthen their independence, to raix level of the social, economic and cultural development their peoples and to defend, in opposition to Imperialism,: and neo-colonialism, their legitimate and inalienable r&h The role and significance of the countries of Africa on 1 international scene have grown and their contributioni the stru&e for dCtente, the strengthening 0 disam7ament and the reaffirmation. of the prin equality in political and economic relations amo are becoming increasingly substantial. 177. Igowever, we are also witnessing other tr international circles which clearly do not find the IVIES\& and social progress of the African peoples 10 thei pursuing a poljcy of whippirlg up tensions in A around Africa and are fomenting, for their OW interests, fratricidal conflicts among Africans and arrogate to themselves the right to decree the African peoples. The activities of such circles ca interpreted as clear attempts by any means possibl brake on progress in Africa, to divert the cOUnlri continent from positions of non-alignment, to their solidarity and to divide them in the face of exerted on them by the forces of imperialism, racl reaction. Serious concern has been aroused t]~rougIlou world by the efforts undertaken by some circles to preservhg the racist order jn Namibia and in z 178. Over the last decades, the racist r&me of I’rC 185. However, bearing in mind the position of SWAP0 and a number of African countries, we have not objected to the adoption by the Security Council of a resolution instructing the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative for Namibia and to submit a report and recommendations on measures to be taken in implementation of resolution 385 (1976). In this regard we feel that, in solving the question concerning the sending to Namibia of a limited contingent of United Nations military and civilian personnel, it should be clearly specified that the purpose of their presence in Namibia is to ensure the immediate and full withdrawal of all troops and the South African administration from Namibia and the granting to its people of genuine independence on the basis of maintenance of the unity and territorial integrity of that country. Further, we feel that the functions of observing and effectively supervising the electoral process should fall not to the South African AdrninistratoF-General but to the Special Representative of the Se&ary-General, who should bc granted appropriate powers for that purpost$ It is also necessary fur all questions concerning the establishment, composition, leadership, fun&ons and length of stay in Namibia of civilian and military United Nations personnel to be settled directly by the Security Council and to come under its strict and constant supervision. There should bc exclusion from the United Nations contingents of personrlel conling from those States that maintain C~OSC contacts with South Africa. According to the Charter, the activities of the Secretary-General and his Special Representative in Namibia fall strictly within the authority of the Security Council, which is the only body empowered to permit, supervise and direct such activities. 181. The Soviet Union supports positive measures which ’ arc designed to achieve a political solution of the Narnibian ‘” problem in the interests of the people of that country. As the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Con’Imunist Party of the Soviet Union and Chairman of the ‘, Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Leonid I. i ““Brezhnev, said in one of his recent statements: “As far as the Soviet Union is concerned, it is side by side with the national liberation movements in Africa as Well as those in other parts of the world. We are in solidarity with the just liberation struggle of peoples. But I .’ i this, of course, does not at all mean that the Soviet Union is against efforts, including diplomatic efforts, which are ‘, d,. ;, e%ned to achieve a peaceful solution t0 pressing Problems if such a soIution is in keeping with the ; legitimate interests of peoples.” ” ,I@. The Soviet Unioll continues to believe that the basis b ‘Or a solution to the Nnrnibian problem is set forth in the *eU-known resolutions of the Security Council and of ‘lher United Nations bodies which provide for the jr”mediate cessqltion of the ocdupation of Namibia by the i”Pretoria rigime‘and the immediate withdrawal of all troops ‘“band Police forces as well as of the Pretoria administration including Walvis Bay. A reliable 186. E.upenrlitures for such operations should be borne by thaw coiintrics that are irnpc)sirlg a plan for a Scttkll1~llt that proviilcr for the niaint~ri.~n~:c in Namihi:l of SOlrtb Afrlc;lrl tr(Jc)p alid the dii().~~.i~ to Nanlihi.l of L~llittY N;i[iclrls niilit.lry i*orl(ili&:lIL~, international isolation and regime 011 the basis of sanctictris 18-l. In the light of its experience, the Soviet Union has the gravest misgivings as to the appropriateness of the dispatch to Namibia, in accordance with the Western plan, of num’rous civilian personnel and United Nations troops. We f fee that SWAP0 has sufficient espericnce and the necessary personnel, enjoys the confidence of its own people and is prepared to assume responsibility for the solution of any matters which might arise in connexion with the independence and the governing of the country. COllflCiL 188. That is our position of principle on the matters now before the Security Council. 189. The interests of peace and the development of Africa require an immediate end to imperialist interference in the affairs of African countries, respect for their right to free and independent existence, and support for the maintenance of equitable relations with all States in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter. 190,e,.The message recently sent by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet and the Council of Ministers of the USSR to the participants’m the fifteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity expressed confidence that the leaders of independent Africa would, as on more than one occasion in the past, find solutions to pressing problems in keeping with the vital interests of the peoples of that continent. The message further stated: “We are convinced of the final triumph of the lofty principles of real African solidarity, of the cause of freedom, independence and social progress in Africa.” 191. For its part, the Soviet Union will, as in the past, do everytJting in its power so that matters in Africa may take just such a course

Mr. President, allow me first to congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for this month. Although we did not meet durjng the first two thirds of the month, we were grateful for your continual concern and alertness, which kept US rather busy with important international develop Jll~Ilts affecting international peace and security. We should also like to express our gratitude to the President of the COUJIC~~ for the month of June, the representative of Bolivia, for his excellent guidance. Ir 193. Kmvait w:elcomes the settlement of the Namibian problem, which has long been overdue. We appreciate in this regard the initiative of the five Western States members of the Council. We \vclcome all the efforts exerted to tackle the outstanding issues We urge that the efforts by the Five and their commitment to a settlement should not stop short of resolving all outstanding questions. My Government believes that any settlement of the Namibia problem should mrei \vjth the ;rpproval of S\VAPO and the consent of the front-line States. \\‘e note the courage and realism den~nnstrated in a fle\ibIc position by SWAPO. However, \\‘e recogntie the impori;rnce of securing the consent Of all Parties without any prejudice to the future independence, rrnity and stability of Xamibja. 1%. WC are of the opinion that the details of a negotiated settlerncnt should conform to the terms of resolution 385 (1976). adopted unanimously in January 1976. It t resolutions. Without !vdlViS Bay, an independent N asiQ ji would be at the mercy of South Africa econornicall,, ti rs strategically. It would lose both its outlet to the sea and%?. 1, economic asset of critical jmportance. MOreOVer, soilL L-a, Africa should not be allowed to use W’alvis Bay as a mcapm~, of pressure or intimidation against independent Namjbia *& ’ $5 ; $1 196, In spite of all our concerns, we are still full of ho~‘,$# We are certain that an independent Namibia will h,,*,:,,~ far-reaching effects throughout the African continent. 1t ~;~ _ will mark the triumph of the rule of law over repression. believe that it will also be a clear acknowledgement of t decadence of upartheid and the triumph of the right self-determinatjon and independence. ‘,“’ 197. We emphasize the leading role zrd responsibility {$ the United Nations in the transition process, not mcrcly~ ‘I an expression of legality but also for political expedicnri,&: It may all depend on how effective the United h’ations Q~$T be. The Organization will be confronting one of its me&$“? difficult tasks. In addition to the complexities of the is.sr$~?$~ jt wfll have to cope with a wide area having a thin dcr& ‘I ** of population. 198. Most important are the conditions under United Natjons will operate. The South African ment has taken a number of measures to affect the of transition. South Africa has long been plannir about the results it desires in Namibia. It i jmportance to make it clear that the authori Unjted Nations surpasses that of the South Africa tration in Namibia. NO action by South Africa allowed to jeopardize the effective functioning United Nations in Namibia. 199. The involvement of the United h’ations in su and controlling the elections should ensure the int the electoral process. We believe that only jf the Pro” of resolution 385 (1976) are adhered to by all Partie there be a smooth transition towards an independcntp s and unified Namibia. The resolution declares that ” shall be adequate time. . . for the purpose of err United Nations to establish the necessary rnachinev Namjhja to supervise and control [the] elections’ the illegal administration of South Africa she withdrawn from Namibia and the release prisoners secured. 200. Lastly, the delegation of Kuwait voted in ‘a@ the two draft resolutions in the realization thal this . . tanding and mutual respect. The role country have played and continue to tv problem before us today, together 1ltle.s as a diplomat, your experience in ~r;trnit(ional affairs and your wisdom, are all guarantees ‘;gatO,,r work will be crowned with complete success. #*,‘< 1 should also like to join in the congratulations that en extended to your predecessor, Mr. Mario Rol6n , the representative of Bolivia, on the manner in lye conducted the proceedings of the Council during ,,@, Turning now to the two draft resolutions which we npjust adopted, I should like first and foremost to recall ‘or, to my delegation, Namibia is an entity and that its t~.!lre territory should accede to international sovereignty t*FI indt‘pendence, including Walvis Bay ~?4 hty delegation welcomed the Luanda agreement of on the proposals of the five Western members of ncil because it signalled the setting in motion of the leading to a just and final settlement respecting the ,tfilinrJte interests of the Narnibian people and the hops , + ~*JOC of all the people of that part of Africa. I” iy,“m $1~ delegation would of course have wished the @blCm of Walvis Bay to be linked to the Western plan. “YtQuch as it has not been, we hope that the Security +‘Kil will remain faithful to its commitment and that no , uiJ?C will be left unturned to ensure that Walvis Bay, an ‘[’ &‘rJl part of Namibia, will never be allowed to escape its ‘i”rTu( and that SWAP0 will never have occasion to regret “!’ ‘rlJjor concessions which it made when it agreed not to :1”1 that part of its territory before independence. L as u As far as my delegation is concerned, the acceptance ” Lhz Western plan by all parties puts an end to the t’,v’k which until today had made it impossible for the p4’i14 hations to play its p t-0 p er rol? in the settlement of “* %dmibian problem We hope that in the context of this ” and on the basis bf resolution 3185 (1976), the Special il’E’eXntJtive “‘t43r’se of thk Secretary-General and his transition group will establish a genuine interim adminis “’ fully meeting the aspirations of the Namibian ‘?!* Such an administration in which Namibians should E”.,8”i’n an effective part is & only way of guaranteeing h- ,* “’ ‘ti’itical future of ihe country by giving practical p”*41:lce in ” v’ilry in this running the affairs of state to nationals of the interin, period. 208. I should also like to take this opportunity to thank f.he representative of Bolivia, Ambassador Mario Rolbn Anaya, for having skilfully and com~tcntly conducted the work of the Council last month. 209. The Socialist Republic of Czechoslovakia has always consistently favoured the speedy enjoyment by the people of Namibia of its right to self-determination and independence. Czechoslovakia has always been a proponent of decisive measures which would put an end to the illegal occupatio 1 of Namibia by racist South Africa--measures which wo Id guarantee the full transfer of authority in Namibia to the patriotic forces of the country headed by SWAPO, which has been recognized by the United Nations as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people. My country’s position on the Namibian question has always been that there should be a just settlement in Namibia on the basis of complete and unswerving respect for the fundamental principles formulated in the decisions taken to date by the General Assembly and the Security Council, particularly the latter’s resolution 38.5 (1976). 210. More than 10 years have elapsed since the United Nations declared the occupation of Namibia by South Africa illegal. Today, just as at that time, a just settlement of the Namibian problem on the basis of strict implementation of the relevant decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly is possible only if an end is put to South Africa’s illegal occupation by means of an immediate and unconditional withdrawal from the Territory of Namibia of all South African troops, police and administration without exception and the dismantling of all existing military and paramilitary South African installations. Today, just as at that time, p just settlement must guarantee the unity and territorial integrity of Namibia including, of course, the port and city:of Walvis Bay, which is an inalienable component part of Namibia and which is closely linked to it through geographic, historical, cvJtura1, economic and ethnic ties. Today, just as 10 years ago, a paramount condition for a genuine settlement of the problem is the speedy and guaranteed transfer of all power h the country to the patriotic forces of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO. 211. Only if those major conditions are completely met will the Narnibian people be able to achieve its victory, independence and freedom, It is in that context that the United Nations must live up to its particular responsibility for the full emancipation of Namibia. 212. Naturally, we are very cautious in respect of all proposals that do not fully conform to the relevant decisions of the General Assembly and the Security CounciI and that etl&avow to bypass those decisions. We are not at all surprised that the provisiurls of many of these pro- 213. Quite honestly, the delegation of Czechoslovakia r,,ust voice its doubts with respect to the proposal for a %tt]ement of the Namibian situation referred to in draft resolution S/12792. The Namibian people’s right to frcedam and independence must not be subject to any kind of experimentation. The Organization must fully abide by the important responsibility it assumed over IO years ago, and ,,,ust see to it that the process of the decolonisation of the Territory wiI1 be carried out without the slightest detriment to the destiny of the Namibian people. However, because of the position taken on this question at this time by SWAP0 and the African countries, we abstained from voting on the draft resolution., 2Ii.‘. In this connesion J should like to note, already at this stage, that C$echoslovakia does not intend to participate in the finantiing of the United Nations operations in Namibia. That po$iGon held by my country wiIl be explained in due time,. as appropriate. 215. The Czechoslovak delegation voted in favour of the draft resolution on Walvis Bay, contained in document S/12793. Jn this connexion, we should like to express our conviction that in the very near future the Security Council wiIl do everything necessary to guarantee the territorial integrity of Namibia.

I should like to begin my statement by welcoming the presence here of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Africa and Western countries members of the Security Council. This confirms the importance that the international community attaches to the problem of Namibia and to the efforts of the United Nations to produce a suitable and just solution to that problem. 217. I should like also to welcome the President of SVt’APO, Mr. Sam Nujoma, and the President of the United Nations Council for Namibja, Ambassador Konie. Without their very valuable participation, it would not have been possible to achieve results that are so pronjjsing for the cause of the h’arnibian people. ‘18. It is also my honour to greet you, Mr. Prcsidcnt, on behalf of my delegation and more particularly on behalf of Ambassador hlario Rol6n Anaya In his name 1 thank YOU for the kind words you said about him in his capacit)) as President of the Council for the month of June. \‘our wisdom and esywrience are reflected jn the success that has bwn achieved this aftCTJKmi, success to w11ich you hive sontributcd b>’ the serenity and spirit of justice sh:lracleristic of Your great country. 219. 1 wish to thank also the delegations of France and (]E Federal Republic of Germany, as well as the rcprcsentatives ‘of ?lauritius, the Union of Soviet Soci:tlist Re- ]lliblics, Ku\vait, G:lb<m and Czechoslo\skia fur their kind \~~~rds :jhou( the bead of my delegation, ,\mbaseld~\r IPolijn AllaYa, Who could nut he here today. 22 1. The Government of Bolivia viewed interest the efforts of the Western countries membe Security Council to find a formula settlement that would enable the Namibian accede to freedom peacefully. After patient eff which the partics displayed a large m nation and faith, we are now on the th.re of the new State of Namibia, whit independent life after a long period ‘o devotion to the true mission of freedom. 222. The doiuments that have been adopted today be regarded as final; rather, they are the exprcssi firm will towards decision. MY delegation sharcb ,1, reservations expressed by the representatives of the $,:Bua Unjon and Czechoslovakia to the two resolutions, ylui $ *j felt that, because of the seriousness and urgency &[‘p, ‘1 problem and because the situation cannot be aIIou<f rJ ! continue any longer, we should accept the resolut;~~& ’ above aI{ jn view of the fact that both of ~~CIII had by accepted by SWAP0 and the front-line count&$ accordance with the decision taken at Luanda At any this does not represent a delay but, rather, means tlra future procedure will he in conformity with the rc mendations of the Secretar)f-General, Whose nl(~rdl rc?p?+ sibj]jty and ex:ecutive talenls give US every re3SOJI lo t’t$- .f the best. *.. I ,1&R .i ;:\#A#& 223. Once we have before us the plan of action incorporate in new reso]utions all those safeguards guarantee the achievement of the proposed aims. A delegation, we should like to add to the requiren . .,> forth by other delegations that specific measures sh@u!$ taken for the total integration of Walvis Bay into hlam since we believe-indeed we know this from OU!, experience--that any negotiation, if jt is lo be ~ffectti not become bogged down in rhetorical formulas or dc tactics with regard to jurisdiction and cornpeter% 1~11 down definite deadlines, uqder the control of I! ,, Nations aulhorities. ,n;, is, ) *“r.’ “): S,” ,.‘ 3 ,A’) ,s, * 224. WC did not wish to interfere in a decision by the parties and supported by members of the Council and the countries committed to the grca for the complete liberation of Africa We believe p! @‘@ victory is at hand, the dawn of a better world. I])* @ cause which Bolivia regards as its own 22s. hir. IIAIDAR (India): Mr. Pre have spoken hcfore me in congra assumption of the prcsidcncy of especially at this momentous time. hly delegation shares the general feeling of satisfJcwe have just adopted on Namibia. ,,epe that they point towards a new era which the the international community have

The next speaker is the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Ambassador Konie, on whom I now call, olonial and racial suppression in one. It has provoked world-wide ,,ation and has forged determination among the ibian people to resist. Today’s events represent a r,,l stage in the world community’s efforts to establish “Iae majority rule in Namibia. The negotiated settlethat is now on the verge of being achieved, which from the extended and arduous struggle waged by ian freedom fighters under the leadership of SWAPO, ibute to the statesmanship of the SWAP0 leadership CspcciaIIy its President, Mr. Sam Nujoma. It is also a ~~~UIC to the endu& c efforts of the five Western countries lbers of the Security Council. It represents the culmia of repeated efTorts in the United Nations for the em and genuine independence of Namibia, especially mbodied in resolution 385 (1976). 233. Miss KONIE (President of the United Nations Council for Namibia): Mr. President, I wish first of all to express the sincere gratitude of the delegation of the LJnited Nations Council for’ Namibia for this opportunity to address the Security Council in its deliberations concerning Namibia at this crucial and decisive stage of the efforts of the United Nations to bring about the withdrawal of the illegal South African administration from the Territory so that the NLimibian people may fulfil their Iegitirnate aspirations for self-determination and independence in a united Namibia. Under your wise and experienced guidance, the Security Council has now taken the step which we all hope will lead to the speedy solution of the question of Namibia. 234. The struggle of the Narnibian people under the leadership of SWAP0 and with the support of friend]y countries in the international community has brought about, after a decade of arduous efforts and much suffering, the prospects for the final withdrawal of the illegal South African administration from Namibia. However, the complexity of the situation does not allow for complacency The labyrinth of political and administrative options could result equa]ly in the creation of a state and government sensitive to the legitimate aspirations of a long-suffering people, or in the fabrication of a monstrous mystification of the principle of self-determination under a rCgime which will continue to Serve the most retrograde tribal interests’and the most questionable privileges of the colonialist and racist aggressor. It is the responsibility of the United Nations to ensure an outconje consistent with the goals and principles continuously reaffirmed by the kolutions of the General Assembly and the-security Council. These goals have recognized above all tik inalienable right of the Namibian people to self-determination and national independence in a free and united Namibia. Furtherri70&, the fulfilment of these goals is directly related to the prospects of establishing conditions for international peace and security in southern Africa. “2:X. India has consistently offered its full support to t,; in its just struggle for untrammelled freedom and .? ‘it indepndencr We believe that this can be achieved ,“: the mechanism of free elections unhampered by rcnce from outside It will now be for the United to ensure that the Namibian people will be able to their choice freely. We firmly believe that all South iall troops should he completely withdrawn from 6 1 should also like to affirm my Government’s o*qllivocal position that Walvis Bay is an essential and QW~I part of Namibia whose independence will he mPlete without it This position is widely shared. It has affirmed on numerous occasions in the United Nations ia high-level meetings of the Organization of African Y and the non-aligned countries. while welcoming the current outcome, we are aware the United NntiL>ns faces an important and ,dnunting lical task. The L!nited Nations operation in Namibia is nd fu]l of danger and difficulty. In peace-keeping operation, the United is to undertake an extensive plan for esercising rvision and control over the elections. Its presence ’ reassllre a population that has been subject to ‘d terror and suppression that it is indeed free and choose the leadership it wishes. To assure this tern of apartheid in Namibia will completely. The local situation is not to us, and practical demands made on the United will become evident only when the Special Rep ive of the Secretary-General is able to complete his “%’ On inspection and report back. The forthcoming Namibia by the United Nations deserves active 235. The progress achieved with respect to the future of Namibia owes much to the unfailing support which the Namibian people have received from the people and Governments of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, the United Republic of Tanzania, and Zambia. These countries facing the immense difficulties of national development in an unfavourable international context gave generous and continuous assistance to the Namibian people and their liberation movement, SWAPO. The front-tine States SW tained and consolidated their solidarity with the Namihian people in Spite of many sacrifices imposed on their economy and their people They furtherrnorc were exposed struggle against the illegal South African occupation of their country.. Many Namibian patriots have sacrificed their Iives for the cause of Namibian self-determination and independence. Many others have been harassed, imprisoned and tortured for aspiring to live with dignity in a free and i,ldependent State of Namibia. The early attempts of I\Tamibians to obtain the recognition of their rights had no result other than intensified repression. Today, the people of Namibia have come closer than ever before to achieving tllek goals. In this context, we take note of the efforts and initiatives which have led to the recent developments of our deliberations. $7: A peaceful transition to independence in Namibia is certainly in the i’nterest of all members of the international community. At ihe same time, proposals for a peaceful transition must not jeopardize the national integrity and Iegitimate aspiration! of the people of Namibia for selfdetermination and genuine independence. 238. The United Nations Council for Namibia is fully aware of the important role which the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has played in maintaining contact with all interested parties. The Council for Namibia had the opportunity to benefit from his careful and informed assessments during the early stages of the efforts to arrive at an XernationaIIy acceptable settlement. The Secretary- General will need all the support of the international community in the difficult months ahead as the implementation of the international settlement proceeds to create conditions for the establishment of an independent State of Namibia 239. The Council for Namibia is fully aware of the complexities related to an internationally acceptable settlement. In this context, SWAP0 has shown great statesmanship and wisdom in making concessions in order to increase tJ]e prospects of a peaceful settlement. While aware of developments, the Council is none the less concerned that certain issues may hinder meaningful progress. P 240. In interpreting the crucial issues of a transition to independence in Namibia, the Security Council should be guided by the Declaration on Namibia and the Programme of Action in Support of Self-Determination and National Jndependence for Namibia, recently adopted by the General Assembly at its ninth special session, on the Vieslion of Namibia. 741. The question of \I’aIvis day deserves special emphasis in evaluating the success of any agreement on the question of Namibia. The position of the United Nations expressed by the Council for Namibia and reaffirmed by the General Assembly on several occasions is that Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia. Its geographical position as the nlain port and vital economic n\cnue of Namibia gives it a decisive role in the future welfare, economic independence 82 ‘, 242. The importance of Walvis Bay for the future of Territory cannot be considered a question of poli tactics, since its location and economic role play decisive position for the future of an independent ~~~ Certainly, to compare the issue of W&is Bay historical enclaves does not do justice to the full cance of Walvis Bay in the future of Namibia. Wa] not a problem of territorial claims but one of e imposed and enforced partition of the Tenjl Namibia. An independent Namibia without Wa would be at the mercy of South Africa and of the whims of the authorities at Pretoria. Therefore, it recognized that Walvis Bay is an integral part of with which it is inextricably linked by geographic economic, cultural and ethnic bonds. +a, s’: ’ 243. The concept of a transition to independence wit&$ the framework of all United Nations resolutions, inc Security Council resolution 38.5 (1976), requires tic aration of the people of the Territory for the expres the popular wiJ.I in free elections organized und supervision and control of the United Nations. This ccjor;$ places special responsibility on the Special Representa:+ of the Secretary-General. He must have full authorit) administration of the measures to implement the tran to independence, including the supervision and con1 elections. .; ( I,_ ,/ 244. The immense power which the hands of the South African constitutes a pervasive factor in inhib sion of the political views of the Nam an electoral process. The United Nations must ensure the practices and symbols of political ing the presence of South African t stitute a distorting factor which will fal which the United Nations is commjtte his duties, the Special Representative United Nations resolutjons on the including Security Council resolutio 245. Mr. Ahtisaari is thus confro onerous and daunting responsibili co-operation and unstinting suppo national community if he is to sue We, the members of the United Namibia, have come to recognize M qualities. These have in no small mea smooth relations between his office as Commissioner aiJ the Council. It is the conviction of the Council rl Mr. Ahtisaari will apply himself with the same d?gencr the execution of his estcndcd duties. We not 0& j congratulate him but wish him succcss in his elldeJvMl;a We wish him to know that the Council will always be rca”r 249. The United Nations assumed a ~ICZIIIII conllnitnler~t to assist the Namibian people to achieve self-determination and national indepndence. It must endeavour to ensure that this solemn commitment will be fully nlct. pmkwce, great ntten- 250. The PRJ!XDENT: The next speaker is the hlinister for Foreign Affairs of South Africa. I welcome h.irn and invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statemqt. insisted on the complete withdrawal of South I troops from the Territory in order that free 11s might take place in Namibia in accordance with ~~VKIUS resolutions on this matter. Whatever the final UICOITIC, the presence of South African troops must not inder the fulfilment of United Nations objectives in the 25 1. Mr. BOTHA (South Africa): Mr. President, i congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of the Council. 252. I hope that this will be the last tirtie that I speak in this forum on the principles underlying the attainment by South West Africa of its independence. Very soon South West Africa will be independent. The people of the Territory demand it; it is their will and their inalienable right. The current efforts to arrive at an internationally ptable settlement of the question of Namibia are to be ~$j~MmmerideJ. However, it must not be forgotten that, ;,Juring the very process of discussions, the Government of $&th Af rica has continued to engage in illegal acts and rcssive measures which have intensified the suffering of Narnibian people, raising serious doubts about South h’s true intentions. Since August 1977, the South &di?ican Covernrncnt has adopted measures which are ~~~:Qntrary to the spirit of a negotiated settlement and has put ,‘.,,hto effect numerous rzPrcssive emergency regulations. The ipctices of repression and intimidation of the African ;pPalation continue. Efforts to prop up the tribal supts~@rtcrs of South African interests have intensified. It is $$Qcfore difficult t o conceive that South African claims to Ei”“%t the eventual independence of Namibia are to be f$dkca at face value. The United Nations therefore must act ‘“‘$sively to ensure that any agreemen; on the q;estion of bm$ia will be implemented fully in accordance with the Feral objective of ensuring self-determination, freedom rbK1 i’ldePendence in a united Namibia. .$ 2, > d 253. For over 30 years South,West Africa has been the subject of lengthy and acrimonious debate in the United Nations. All efforts in the past to resolve the issue failed in spite of the fact that South Africa went out of its way to find an internationally acceptable solution. AS far as the questions of principle are concerned, we are, it is hoped, closer than we have ever been to a peaceful settlement. We sincerely trust that the present initiative will not be frustrated by those like the Nujoma faction of SWAP0 who, in the name of liberation, attempt to gain by violence that which they fear they cannot gain by peaceful IIWII~S. To hem I say: if, as you claim, you have the support of the majority in South West Africa, then prvve your claim by participating in elections; abandon the bullet and accept the verdict of the ballot. 3%’ 254. All along, South Africa has administered South West Africa in the interests of the inhabitants and in the spirit of the Mandate entrusted to it by the League of Nations. We have repeatedly stated that we recognize the separate international status of the Territory and that it is our goal to b&g it to full independence. To this end, we have systematically developed it politically and economically. I have on previous occasions outlined to the Council our positive contributions in this connexion. They are a matter of record. The results are there for all to sec. ‘14’* The United Natic HIS Council for Namibia, since 1967, iA” endeavourcd to fulfil the mandate given to it by the t;L “~1 ~Isserubly to admirlister the Territory until inde- Pndence. South African intransigence has, during the last ,%de I Prevented the fulfilment of this mandate. At the I” timel the Council has contributed to a systematic and “‘tinuous international political mobilizatiorr in support from the Territory. As a 25.5. But it has always been and still remains our declared policy that it is for the people of the Territory themselves to decide their own political and constitutional future. Their wishes in thiq regard are the paramour1 t consideration. As we stated a~ far back ss 1967: propI)ctic words indeed: “The peoples themselves will ultl~ttately decide”. 55. fksuant to the South African Government’s far- ” si$[ed vision and sound approach, the process of political development can now come to fruition. The leaders in the Territory told US nearly two years ago that they were ready for jndepcndence and wanted it by the end of 1978. It is scmctlring we cannot deny them; it is something which cannot be delayed any longer; we have no right to thwart the will of the people. , 257. *We therefore welcomed and co-operated in the , initiative set in motipn by the five Western mcrnbers of the Security Council in 4pril last year. Through0ut the months of negotiations whi’& fclllowed, South Africa played a 3 positive and constructive role. With the knowledge of the five Powers, we last year appointed an Administrator- General whose task it is to create conditions for the free expression of the will of the people and to govern the Territory in the interim period leading to independence. 258. In the execution of his task, the Administrator- Ccneral has, irzler ah: assumed authority over 27 governnlent departments; abolished restrictions an freedom of movement; gone a long way towards abolishing discriminatory measures based on race or colour-he has, for csample, instituted equal pay for equal work in the public sector; taken the necessary steps to ensure that during this interim period law and Order will be maintained and to prc\ent any disruption or obstruction of peaceful and orderly political and constitutional development; XC~Icrated socio-economic projects in education, housing, agriculture, trade and water supplies. 259. The negotiations on the Western proposals have stretched over 15 rm~nths. South Africa lent its full m-operation to those effr~rts. The .same cannot be said of j\\‘AI’O who, backed by their neo-imperialist a)lies from rthcr continents, have done all they can to obstruct the tttainment of a peaceful solution. Their intransigence was mended to delay the date of independence for the fcrritory. These delaying tactics and statements raise strong lotrbts that they are really willing to participate in genuine ‘ret elcc’lions. Indeed, if reports arc correct, it is even at his lntc stage not clear whether SWAP0 has in fact ~cceplcd the proposal adopted by the Council. Nowhere in 1;s statement today did hlr. Nujoma express acceptance. He reates the impression [flat hc is considering accepting a Ir(ll~osal substantially diffcrcnt fram the one submitted by 11~ five Western Po\vers and today approved by the ‘OUncil. 60. I shall refer t0 3 few cs:~nlplcs to illustrate the point. 262. Similarly, it is not for Mr. h’ directive to the Special Representati General. Furthermore, some parts doubt on his willingness to abandon of the proposal demands cessation of vi crucial t0 the implementation of the prop tions in regard to Walvis Bay are entirely dev or factual basis. His demands in this res arrogant. We do not intend to withdraw Walvis Bay. Indeed, the proposal does no provision and Mr. Nujoma knows it. I sl more detail with the issue of Walvjs Bay. 263. South Africa, for its part, accept final and definitive form as far back as 25 is to say, within two weeks of its circulat Council document. The proposal doe the leaders in the Territory or, for that African Government. We do not like that proposal. Nevertheless, after con groups seeking a peaceful settlement, m announcing the South African Government’s informed the South African House of Assem South African Government’s reply to the Five. the importance of this decision, I shall q “You will recall”-and this was our reply to the PI& “that our main preoccupation with your proposals settlement of the South West African situation centre paragraph 8 b of your proposals, in particular the p si0n that the remaining South African Forces woul withdrawn one week after the certification of the elc 0f the Constituent Assembly. In the light 0 c)arification, conveyed to the Minister of Forci on Monday, 24 April 1978, we are now giving the of South West Africa the assurance that we will be ga by the wishes of the Constituent Aszmbly in this very imPortant matter. Bearing in mind discussions last week in Pretoria, we are now sati the role of the Administrator-General, as envi.qged, remains unimpaired, for example, t head the admmjstrative structure of the Terri thermore, that the Special Representative Of taIy-~eJ)cra), in carrying out his responsibilitic togetllcr with the Administrator-Gcrieml t0 ens1 orderly transition to indcpcndence. h!y GOV ,-ol~~jng to its decjsion, has also been influenced de& by the provision that there should be a cc cessation of hostilities, including, infer uk mine !iillillgS, abductions etc., before any reduction St~tlth African Forces takes place, that prinurr)’ sil~ility for maintaining 1~ and order dur tiolla) period sha)] rest with the existing PO) that the issue of Walvis Bay is not incl proposals. Having now been advised by trator-General that he has CCIIIS~I)~~~ the va partics ;lrlli church or~nizations in 11~ Tcrr he is satisfied that the pro]XJsals are acce ~~~urSL’Ive%” -that is the F:ive-“emphasised that the .>,‘;“, lrlnsjtional period should be stable and peaceful. The .yp P vo lc of South West Africa are anxiously and impa- ‘, li.‘l~tly awaiting their independence which has been yro,nised them not later than the end of this year. We wa,,,l,e we can rely on the co-operation of the five ‘! \v&rn Powers, as well as others, to move rapidly in ‘:, o&r to realize this goal.” “‘A,, y rime Minister’s announcement of the 11th African Government to accept the :,“$M, Our acceptance on 25 April 1978 was based on the rnption that the proposal would be implemented in d faith by 31 December 1978-and not ‘Lat the earliest ,: ‘*‘~rrible date”, if this phrase were to signify a later date. We ,+%pi;iwt ernphasize that the clarifications given during the %.rti3tinns and the spirit in which they were conducted *..a.6 be vital to the successful implementation of the There are several aspects of the proposal to which ial attention will have to be paid: .E first, 3s the legislative and administrative authority in the .~Q~itury, the I-2drninistrator-Gerleral will continue to i:. -$jWn d ur ing the transition period. *:‘y%<o”dly, pri*lsry ” 1 resp ansibility for maintaining law and “$drr b South West Africa during the transition Period ~‘i’lllrQt with the existing police forces. t:; ,, “‘s “Tkirdly the Administrator-General and the Special ,: ‘i?‘ezn&tive of the Secretary-General are required to ; “uik together and to consult each other with a view to full “;#ation betwcctl them, to ensure an orderly and ;;*i;cful trahsition to indePendence. The proposal has ,-,‘:[~~~~tely been left somewhat vague in this regard but it “~‘? De appreciated that unless the relationship between ,’ ““” is characterired iy a spirit of mutual trust and ‘3 * . *,k”‘lkration it will bc difficult if not impossible, for them ‘” ’ i’rrplemel;t their respective ta&s successfully. It is in this ; +h Ihat my c overnment views this relationship. The size, ‘“” “‘i’@ition functions and deployment of the United “‘Bf’ans Traisition As5ist*lnce Group are precisely the Sort il,“ilrlatters on which clbse‘consultation is required. ;” I- 268. Throughout the negotiations leading to my Government’s acceptance of the Western proposal, the Five acknowledged that Walvis Bay was not part and parcel of South West Africa. They alluded mrrely to the possibility that a controversy might arise abdut the issue at some future stage. They acknowledged that they ytr! not arguing at all about the political and legal situation in respect of Walvis Bay. They were not addressing the merits of the case. On various occasions my Prime Minister also informed the representatives of the Five that the introduction of the Walvis Bay issue into the proposal would lead to the immediate termination of the negotiations. The Five more than once gave assurances that that was not their intention. That position was reaffirmed by their abstention on General Assembly resolution 32/9 D of 4 November 1977, declaring Walvis ‘Bay to be an integral part of South West Africa. !“‘ilrthly the reduction of South African troops in South “t “frici will commence only after the comprehensive “;ltion of alI hostile acts an 3’ “k;& d the establishment of a peace. The South African Government regards its zynsibility for the security of the people of the Territory “‘4 sericltli light. 269. During the talks in New York in February this year it was proposed to dispose of the question of Walvis Bay in a paragraph stating that acceptance of the proposal would in no way prejudice the territorial claim of any party At my insistence it was agreed to delete even this implied reference to the question of %‘alvis I3a). COUISI: of the negotiations, we were rrpzatedly assured that the Special Representative would be guided by the procedures and precedents eshblished by the United Nations in other appropriate cases where the United Nations had played a role in the determination of the wishes of the people. Siuthly, South Africa accepted the proposal in its final and definitive form. Seventhly, Walvis Bay, over which South Africa has undisputed sovereignty, is not included in the proposal accepted by my Government. 266. I come now to resolution 432 (1978), dealing with the question of Walvis Bay, adopted earlier today by the Council. Unfortunately, the whole settlement is now threatened by the introduction of this new element despite the fact that the proposal was submitted in March 1978 in a final and definitive form. 267. I want to make it absolutely clear that Walvis Bay is South African territory. It is not part of South West Africa, and nothing the Council can do or decide can make it part of South West Africa. Its position legally and historically is indisputable. It has been part of the Cape of Good Hope for almost 100 years. As such it became part of the Union of South Africa and consequently of the Republic of South Africa. It never formed part of the German Protectorate or of the former Mandated Territory of South West Africa. This position was recognised by the League of Nations, the International Court of Justice and the United Nations. 271. The boundaries of South West Africa and of the Republic have been fixed since colonial times. No country and no organization can arrogate to itself the right to alter them unilaterally. In this connexion, I may also quote briefly from a letter I addressed to the Secretary-General on 2 May 1978. I stated: ‘&Based on treaties which also define the borders of orher countries in the region, the Territory’s boundaries ‘have been internationally recognized for almost a hundred years. F’yrthermore, most Afro-Asian and Latin American countries have accepted that colonial boundaries must, under.internationaI law, continue to be the boundaries after ‘independence. Moreover, paragraph 11 of the hlanifesto on Southern Africa approved by the Conference of East and Central African States at Lusaka, Zambia, on 16 April 1969, and adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its sixth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 9 September 1969, states in part: “ ‘As far as we are concerned the present houndaries of the States of southern Africa are the boundaries of what will be free and independent African States.’ The Manifesto was welcomed by the General Assembly itself in resolution 2505 (XXIV) of 20 November 1969.” [S/12678, annex.] 272. It is thus clear beyond any shadow of a doubt that W&is Bay is as much part of the Republic of South Africa as Alaska is part of the United States of America. I wish to repeat that at no time did it feature in the proposal accepted by South Africa. c 273. We fully agree that the territorinl integrity of South hSt Africa must be assured. We agree with that. In exactly the same way mlJSt that of the Republic of South Africa. l’erhaps there is a desire to modify the situations which today exist throughout the world in regard to enclaves or isl:rnds in the immediate vicinity of the mainland in such a way as to require them to form part of the contiguous or mainland territory concerned. If any attempt is made to modify such cases, then all such cases must be reviewed simult:rneously on a global basis. If that is the intention, and if the responsible Powers are willing to submit to a new international arrangement such er;m~ples as Gibraltar, Cabinda, Hong Kong, Northern Ireland, Berlin, Bclizc, the f’arralila Canal, Guant;inamo Bay and hlacao, to mention only some, then, and then only, would South Africa, for its Part, be prepared to have the case of\\‘alvis Bay csamined 011 t!lC Same basis. 275. I want to be very frank with the Council. \\te ,&$ shocked by reports that the five Western Powers were g,,:. , to support a draft resolution of the nature now before :)% Council. We were shocked and dismayed. My Govcmniz~~t concluded that support for such a resolution would rakg~,+ grave doubts as to the spirit and manner in which the F ‘.I would stand behind their own proposal. We feared tllrf r?, would so destroy confidence as to make it impessibl,. f co-operate in the implementation of the South African Government had at the time come tu conclusion that, were the Five to vote unreservedly for I a resolution, South Africa could no longer co-operate Ia implementation of the proposal. 276. Since my arrival in New York, I have with the representatives of the Five regardin and the implications of the resolution. I have the explanation of vote made on behalf of the shall convey the statement to my Governm have to study the full import of this st.atement. I slur furnish my Government with the additio provided by the five Foreign Ministers. It will then 1s the South African Government to make its final dccisi 277. I cannot conclude without referring invective directed against my Government today by some representatives. I do feel th come to point out that there is apparently 110 limit 10 duplicity practised within the Organization. 278. We all know what is going on in the al] bow about the struggle to upset tl And we know that the Soviet Union 1 domination. The Soviet Union’s COnCeITl welfare of the African people is hypocriti I want to ask the representative of the S has your country done to improve the qu ,AJgcm continent? The Soviet Union i Governments of Africa; it is disturbi without peace Africa cannot develop. Governments of Africa. It is introducing into Africa b and guns to kill pcoI&. It is not assis their agriculture, their road construct not helping t]leIn in any meanjngful S 286. The 10*1g armed str~ggk For national liberation of the Nanlihian people conducted by its vanguard, SWAPO, encountered favourable conditions for rapid development. 111 the face 0f the growing armed struggle and of political and diplomatic action, the South African mcist’reginte was obliged to abandon its plans for the bantustanization of Namibia. Vorster then resorted to acts of aggression against the front-line countries, to repression and to massacring PoPulations, as was the case at Kassinga, in the People’s Republic of Angola, where more than 600 Namibians were massacred. Al1 the manoeuvres of the upurrheid V0njter regime aimed at weakening SWAPO, at the destabilization of the fro t-line countries and at the so-called internal sett1ement % II met with failure. /, ;$fl, l,,st~ad of usin, ~1 every inappropriate opportunity to e in unsubstantiated attacks art my Covernrncnt, I 11,~ United Nations and, in particular, thr Security cil to devote attention f0 the plight of the mihions Of a beings who must live a life without any hupe 0f in8 proPer training and education, of enjoying a 9 ~g~~ml diet, of living under conditions of personal and snfcty--in short, of exercising in any meaninga choice between alternatives for the improvement ives. Using South Africa as a scapegoat will simply ate the plight of the suffering millions. It Wilt JlOt eir desire to enjoy a better life, We stand ready to c with all our fellow Africans in all spheres of life. ver, the deadly struggle between the simper-Powers to ovcrwl~elm the many efforts of the African nations ‘&itrds development and stability. This struggle will bring ‘.&!lt the disintegration of Africa economically and politi- “%!y. The African nations have so much to offer the world. ,%I it seems as if this continent is doomed to be the &tiag-ground of the big Powers pursuing their own selfish itsrrsts. 287. In spite of these manoeuvres of intimidation and aggressiort perpetrated against the front-line countries, these countries stood firm in complying with the resolutions of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations relating to assistance to the national liberation movements. 288. The Security Council must once again condemn the use 0f the international Territory of Namibia as a base for acts of aggression and destabilization against neighbouring countries. 1 appeal to my fellow Africans to rid themselves of lenlptation of requesting outside assistance, which ts in increased tension on our continent. Let us make “a Earnest attrmpt to remove the clonds of misunder- ‘@pi% separating us and move closer towards one another 1\e bright light of our African sun. Let us work together. us act allow others to drive a wedge between us, All of in Africa will have to pay the price of outside rfcrl:nce in the affairs of our continent. Allowing ‘3!sriio[, front outside will make the intruders the victors “‘ea the p+oples of Africa, the vanquished. ‘8, 289. The Luanda agreement, the resolution of the summit meeting of African heads of State and government held at Khartoum and, indeed, the resuIt of the debate of this body ah represent an important victory for the people Of Namibia and its vanguard, SWAPO. This victory is also that of the Organization of African Unity, of the front-line countries and 0f aI1 progressive forces throughout the world which, because of their firm determination t0 rid African s0i1 of dying coloni&m, are providing important assistance to SWAPO. ‘. 290. The recognition by the internati@tal community of SWAJQ as the sole authentic and legitimate representative of the people of Namibia is another factor that, &has accelerated the process of the decolonization of Namibia. I should like also to stress the important role Played by the United Nations Council for Namibia. (iriterpr~tution from is the first time that I am f the front-line countries, nption of the presidency ccurity Council for the month of July and on the which you have been conducting the debate. 29 1. Nanlibia is an international Territory which falls within the competence of the United Nations. Hence, the United Nations must ensure the effective application and strict supervision of the agreements leading to that country’s accession to complete and total independence; in this regard the Special Representative of the Secretary General wi11 have a role to play. The United Nations must aIs0 ensure the safeguarding of the unity and territorial integrity of Namibia, including W&is Bay, which geographically, politically and econonrica1ly is an integral part 0f Namibia. The Organization must appeal t0 Member States and the international community in general to contribute t0 the nations1 reconstruction of the ec0nomy of tlli+. Svtr that is nh~,lut to be born. pie’s Republic of Angola On behalf of the front-line countries-- Botswana, iq”e, the United Republic of Tan/.ania, Zambia and at this meeting of the Council devoted to the ation of Namibia. I take this opportunity to thank “‘aI front-line countries for this e,xpression of its people and its PrGd~:nt, 293, On behalf of my colleagues of the front-line counties, I wish to express the hope that the debate in this augtlst body will be fruitful. 294, The struggle goes on; victory is Certain. 295, The PRESIDENT: The next speaker is the Minister of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Sudan and special representative of His Excellency President Gaafar Mohamed Nimciri, the current President of the Organizatien of African Unity. I welcome him and invite him to t&e, a,p]ace at the Council table and to make his statement.

I wonder whether those speakillg after the represehtative of South Africa have had their task rendered easiei’.or more difficult. In any case, on behalf of the current...Prcsident of the Organization of African Unity, President Gaafar hlohamed Nimciri, and of tile Democratic Republic of the Sudan, I should like to express my gratitude and appreciation for the permission to address the Security Council on this matter of vital interest and concern to our continent, namely, the decolonization of Namibia. 297. Mr. President, under your wise, able and experienced leadership, the Council has adopted a historic decision which we hope will open a new page not only in the history of Namibia but also in that of southern Africa as a whole. We congratulate you and the Council on what promises to LX the beginning of a breakthrough. However, we still have to take stock of the history of developments in that region if we are to continue the relentless march towards the goals of independence and human dignity. 298. I have just come from Khartoum, where our country was honoured to act as host for the thirty-first ordinary session of the Council of hlinisters and the fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African U ‘ty. Both SetS of meetings were pervaded by a number “B f themes which I regard as relevant to the subject matter of this meeting: the unanimous realizatjon of the need to consolidate African unity and solidarity in the face of the mounting challenges of liberation; a genera] agreement that the freedom, the independence and Ihe integrity of any African country are vital to the integrity and the security of the continent as a whole; a significant acceptance of the Principle of negotiated settlement as preferable wherever Possible-otherwise, armed struL@e must be rclcntlcss until the objective is fully achieved; a reCcJgllition of the vital role ’ fllat must continue to be played by the international community in decolonizing the continent and freeing the ,’ Africans from the dehurnanizing affliction of racism. ,‘, f ” 299. Perhaps one of the most prcoccup)~ing themes at the L Khoum meetings was t113f of liberation from colonialism -‘. I) 4 and rackIll, which remains as vit:r] for the African today as “’ it was at the dawn of the indcpcndence movcmcnt. Africans i I ..dP< 1_ ,‘” 300. Africa has resolved that while ways and means r,.~~.!q‘ be diverse, and sometimes divergent, the objective is LLe.:‘J’, same and should be clarified beyond doubt. F Or q”,‘ ’ blurring oi distortion of our overriding goals is a gain far , the enemieb of African dignity. The goal is and must remah 2;: the freedom and independence of the whole continent a!td *,*“’ its territoriei, without any exception. The struggle ha sadly :., crystallized into one of victor){ and dignified sumiva] of ,:~~ defeat and tit best a subhuman survival. It is a simk 4&t equation, in which armed struggle begins where discusslod*i$g end. And, as the Security Council has just witnessed, Q]s & y;& not because the African is more inclined to fight than t&$:& No, quite the contrary: negotiation, mediation and con&43 iatjon are domirtant themes in African social thought and g&j jurisprudence, sharply contrasting with the adversary cllu. q$i,( acter of Western legal thought. The African resorted @$;; armed struggle because the adversary had refused to talk $@& to listen to reason. It is a choice not of preference bu! &:;& necessity. It is a sacrifice whose alternative is a surrender (g ‘:$‘. human indignity and denial of natural riyhts and whicll “b -; ’ therefore, utterly rejected. i”ijJ 3~ ‘:u &J 301. To correct the history of gross violation of integrity and dignity calls for much on the part who are in a position to do SO. This is why the \\ initiatives on both Zimbabwe and Namibia have a COT significance beyond their being independcn tly construc(i, They indicate a new and more promising page of multi respect and co-operation between Africa and the West. , 302. Seen from another vantage point, the positive rc tion not only of Africa but particularly of the legitim representatives of Zimbabwe, the Patriotic Front, a Namibia, SWAPO, is not to be lightly appraised. We however, also be realistic. Despite the historic achicvc of today, we should also expect that there might a1s.0 certain amount of caution, if not suspicion. And wh) Indeed, how could it be otherwise? Africans have , . enough of the conning game in which the dcblht wisdom is generously offered from outside in shrewdly to perpetuate tht: bondages of colonial dc~*‘%~$ dency and the indignity of racism. 4$# $$ ” ##I 303. The espcrjcnce of a Zimbabwe did not do mtldl fo ‘@ remove Africa’s apprehcnsiuns of inner contradictim( :,I.“’ Through the Anglo-American initiative, the Unilrd x dom and the United States intervened to mediate beiw the racist Ian Smith and the Patriotic Front. The fro States endeavoured to give this peaceful initiative 8 ch All that came and went. , Lore groundwork had to bc Afier inicr~sivc cfforls, the Patriotic Front responde the Dar cs Salaam meeting materialized snd, to the Afri+P was a considerable success. we all knew very well that this was 1x1 Smith in his manoeuvres for w are we supposed to react wlicri ream might come true? Since WI: are here discussing Namibia, let me say once that the role of the five Western countries has been $3 ..-- ‘*,~]f nceived not only by Africa but, as YOU have just ” $ dtnc& today, by the sole and authentic representative of ,$,& Narnibian people, SWAPO. The Assembly of Heads of gc $131~ and Government meeting at Khartoum having been ,k;bformcd, and I quote, “of an accord reached in Luanda on ‘?’ I* loly 1978 between SWAP0 and the representatives of cl;, . $ & five Western members of tfie Security Council on tfle rnlposaf to effect a negotiated settlement of the Namibian ion 011 tfx basis of resolution 38.5 (1976)“, WCIW~IILYI grcernent in a special resolution on Namibia [S/IXJ7, c.r/. Will these efforts fully matcriulite in seffruination and genuine national independence for ibis? \c’ho knows ? Mnrty will certainly continue t0 ‘&,gbt. But Africa wants to give peaceful methods a chance. 4iler all, as 1 have indicated, that is the African way if and ” dkn given :1 C~XIS~. ,.’ h, :i~ ae While always welcoming any initiatives for peace, the +“. mffl hope of the Afrfcun lies in the institutions of the I! i”nited Nations, and cspeciafly the Security Council. fn the ,%x resolution I referred to above, the Assembly of f-leaifs k ’ Shte and Governnlerlt, mindful of the special responsi- Y of the United Nations over Namibia, requested “the “CtY Council and the Secretary-General of the United ens to proceed expeJitiouslv towards giving effect to n 38.5 (1976) as a fhllow-up to the Luanda mcnt” in order that t,,tal and full inilt2pt‘ndence might utcd to Nallifbia. The Assembly also declared “that ted Nations must have effective powers and author. La, exercise supervision and control regarding the “‘onal administration the security measures and tfie the e;pctior] ;Iroc~~s’*. It also reaffirmctf its of the United Nations Council for Narnihia as the f authority for the Territory until its inrfcp~ndcrlcc. onnexion the Assembly requested the Secretaryto maintain consultations with and keep tf\e United ncil for Namfhia duly informed OII the various he process to give effect to resolution 385 The Assembly further requested the OAU Presintain contact with the Secretary-General in a.n SUre that all necessary measures will be taficn in ievc the independence of Namibia. Finally, tfle reitertited its urlerfuivocal slipport for SWAP0 in for the total lihelation of Naniihiz. 308. The ball is now in the Security Council and, so far, it has been well played. But it is now a question of whether the Council, operating through the United Nations institutions of which the Council for Nsmibi~ is a specislized body, will continue to effect a decisive solution which will fead to free elections, genuine self-determination, and respect for the territorial integrity of Namibia. 309. Speaking of territorial integrity and recalling what I said earlier about the indivisibility of continental integrity and security, the issue of Walvis Bay continues to engage the concern of Africa. In the resolution of the‘ OAU Council of Ministers referred to above, the Council reaffirmed in the most solemn manner that Walvis Bay was an integral part of Namibia, and reiterated its unequivocal condemnation of South Africa’s attempts at annexation of Walvis Bay, which would constitute a flagrant violation of Namibia’s unity and territorial integrity. 310. It is abundantly clear in the references I have made above that Africa, represented at’ all levels, maintains a strong faith in the United Nations in general and the Security Council in particular on this issue of the independence of a unjted Namibia. We were confident that the Esu!ts of your deliberations would not ordy prove wurthy of this faith but also of the name of this great Council and this great Organization. The result so far has been gratifying, but the real test still lies ahead. Let us hope for the best and continue to do the best towards the ultimate objective ofseff-determination and independence for Namibia. 3 11. The PRESIDENT: The nest speaker is the represcntative of Angola, who wishes to spdak in his capacity as Chairman of the African Group for the month of July. I invite him to take a place at the Councfl table and to make his statement. *, *’

fn my capazity as Chairman of the African Group for the month OF July, allow me, Sir, to extend to you our very best wishes for your presidency of tfle Security Council. 313. The issue at present under debate is one that holds a special place in the hearts and minds of all Africans. In fact, if there is one African issue on which all Africans are completely united, it is that of Namibia. There are 110 conflicting positions; there are no sides; there are, for once, no camps. ,411 of Africa supports the struggle of the Namibian pwple for self-determination and indepertdcnce, led by their national liberation movement, SWAPO. Tile unanimity of African support is furtiler evid2rl t from the xsofutfon on Namibia recently adopted by the heads of State and govcmlncnt meeting at Khartoum. Our views 011 the matter of N3nlibiarl slrvcreignt> and inifcpcndcncu 3rl’ 314. Namibia is in the unique position of having been colonized and re-colonizcd. Since the arrival of the South Afrjcan armies under the racist Generals Louis Botha and JU Smuts, which easily overcame the small garrison maintained there by Kaiser Wilhelm in 1915, the land and nation of Namibia has been progressively transformed into a fifth province of South Africa, ruled by Ihe racist minority at Pretoria, bringing the people of Namibia under tile same hateful rules and system of apartheid as our majority brethren in South Africa itself. All this took place despite the League of Nations Mandate that enjoined Pretoria to “promote to the utmost” the social progress of the *Territory’s native inhabitants. Conditions grew pro- BeSsively worse in the Territory, and Pretoria made every attempt to strip $e Namibian people of dignity and of social and economiL progress. 315. It was not lj’;liil African liberation movements in southern Africa had”made tremendous sacrifices, after SWAP0 had waged a bitter struggle for over a decade, after the spark of revolution and the thirst for independence had spread like wildfire over our continent, that international action began to be co-ordinated with regard to Namibia. This took the form of the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia and other United Nationsrelated programmes, such as the United Nations Institute for Namibia based at Lusaka. However, the ultimate credit for the liberation of Namibia goes to its national liberation movement, SWAPO, which has received active support from progressive States and anti-imperialist forces. 316. For centuries, the history and destiny of Africa have heen guided, exploited and ruled by the parliaments of Europe. Western imperialists conquered Africa and created a vast empire which fueled its economic needs, This empire has slowly, sometimes violently, been eroded, but imperialism has managed to rear its head in different ways. We find it difficult to b&eve that South Africa could have maintained its stranglehold over Namibia without the active, passive or tacit support of Western imperialism. P 317. We hope that we are at the threshold of Namibian independence--genuine independence, and not a ITIOC~CQ’ of it. If political sovereignty is conceded but economic sovereignty remains in the hands of racist Pretoria, then independence will be a myth-a sham-and social justice and freedom will continue to be a mirage. It is nbt for this that the Namibjan people have shed their blood. They have not undergone torture, loss of rights, iiicarceration and death only to inherit a semblance of democracy. Africans are prepared to G&t further to gain what is rightfully theirs: freedom, choice, indepcndcnce--a free Aftica. 318. Thus the economic independence of Namibia is vital 1~ ils politica] WCIJ-~N$~ and exercise of sosereignty. And )’ h’nmibia’s ps$tical indcp~ndcnc.e and economic progress hc;t!l depend (11 W:;jl\rjs n;ly, tjlc Tcrrjtov’s only &cp-waler port, which \vas illcgall>~ anncsed last year by Seth Afi-ica. 3 ‘0 320. Let there be no doubt in the minds of the intrrng ,; tional community that Namibian independence is in si&t 2ri the outcome of the heroic struggle waged by the g;illEia : people of Namibia. Side by side with the political and ‘,+ armed liberation struggle, SWAP0 cadres inside Nm&\a I: have long been carrying out intensive political work al &C ‘J, grass roots level to blunt the counter-revolutiona~ ait&/ tjes by the South African-sponsored puppets. It is th _, unceasing and revolutionary struggle by the genuine frcce ,,I dam fighlers of Namibia that has brought matters to (1~. ? present stage. 1 ma,, :.;<: G> 321. A free and secure Namibia is vital to the securil) $g I”“~,, southern Africa, and a free and secure southern Afri;z ‘“r vital to the security of all of Africa. History does not give 1 second chance. Therefore all of US should do our utnlosl tu seize the present opportunity to help resolve this bittea 1: conflict and rectify one of the most extreme injurticcs 0s _ this century. 322. A free and secure Namibia cm result only from tb ’ assurance that the Namibian people will not be bclra>cdt :J‘ even as genuine independence seems near. One W ensuring thjs is by the close guidance and strong prese the United Nations, which is Only fitting, sine international community accepts that the United ~1 Counci] for Namibia is the sole legitimate authority for Territory till the Namibian people can exercise thei to self-dcterrllination and independence. I can do no bctcrf than quote from the resolution just adopted at the fiflcc ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State Government of the Organization Of African Qlity Khartoum, which declares that “the United Nations must have effective poiv@ 8:‘” authority to exercise supervision md control regarL~i”sfl the transitional administration, the security mcasure~a”, the conduct of the election process”. I, 323. \Silhout strong guarantees from the United satb “:- friends of Namibia \sill he justified in eJltcrtaini% afl ” 330. That said, I would express briefly the point of view of my Government on this important question. 331. The Security Council has just taken an important decision for the liberation of Namibia within the framework of its resolution 385 (1976). The People’s Republic of Benin, which was then a member of the Council, participated in the preparation and adoption of resolution 385 (1976). My country will therefore support any action aimed at implementing both the letter and the spirit of’ that resolution. That is why the delegation of Benin would like to emphasize the following points. $25, AlI of us hope that we shall soon gather here again in fg %curity Council formally to admit an independent ibis into the United Nations. Until that time, we shall t to continue our vigilance over and our support for the &mihian people. 332. Wdvisd Bay is an integral part of Namibia. The Securiiy Council must firmly oppose the manoeuvres of the * racist Pretoria rigime for the purpose of severing Walvis Bay from Namibia. The decision to annex that enclave, proclaimed by South Africa on 31 August 1977, is null and void. Walvis Bay is part and parcel of the sordid plans of imperialism; it is meant to serve as a permanent base for aggression against an independent Namibia. The people of Benin categorically reject the nominal independence and neo-colonial alienation of Namibia. $Jb. The PRESIDENT: The next speaker is the represengtivr! of Benin. I invite him to take a place at the Council ?lc and to make his statement. flf, hlr. BOYA (Benin) (inteqvetafion from French): ‘& delegation of the People’s Republic of Benin would ‘;* to thank you, Mr. President, and the other members of I.. il $4 Council for having permitted it to participate in this ,&Lte, the importance of which is clear to all. My legation wishes to take this opportunity to congratulate 9% an your assumption of the presidency of the Council as% the present month. The delegation of Benin is gratified, $ Ihe excellent relations that unite our two countries and “-%:r that the co-operation between Canada and the $C’S Republic of Benin will grow in strength on the is of the common interests of our two peoples. Thus it is ttcll pleasure for me to see you directing the work of the ~J~~~ncil at a time when it is considering the question of %ibia. \v e are convinced that under your presidency the f4fvuncil will conclude the present debate in the interest of !A Kamibian people in particular and the African peoples Wpneral, 333. The stationing of 1,500 South African troops at the border between Angola and Namibia is a serious obstacle to the process leading to the genuine independence of Namibia. The Security Council must therefore call for the complete disbanding of those South African troops. That is a sine qua nolt of a peaceful process towards independence. 334. The electoral process must be assured by democratic guarantees. 335. Finally, the Security Council must take the necessary steps to discharge its responsibilities fully and ensure the achievement of true independence for Nar&bia. ; 336. The representative of those who ‘organized the Sharpeville massacres, of those who organized the SowetQt massacres, the representative of the executioners of Steve Biko and so many other South African patriots, has just made a very clear statement. He is apparently convinced of what he has said, and that is why my delegation is forced to believe that the resolutions which the Security Council has just adopted constitute a veritable trap. But the people of Namibia, under the firm leadership of SWAPO, will succeed in thwarting all the sordid manoeuvres of the racist Pretoria r&me and the imperialist Powers designed to make the independence of Namibia meaningless. 88, Th e question of the complete and genuine indepen- ‘@ of Namibia and the liberation of that international grrri(orY from racist oppression economic exploitation c” QJltural obscurantism is a cruiial one for my country. k&cd, the people of Benin w h ch since 1972 have been i ?+Jed in a stubborn and’ determined struggle against zti@ domination know very well that the preservation of “‘it complete indlpcndence, their “’ their territorial integrity fundamental freedoms depends upon the total ““‘ation of that bastion of oppression of southern kfiQ* ,eg $I&? The independence of Namibia is one essential step in ration of Africa in other words, the consolidation q tie independence oi African countries. The absolute ‘vrt of the People’s Republic of Benin for the African B”ona1 liberation movements clearly enunciated in the $I’$mnlW speech of 30 Noveinber 1972 is based essenbb o11 this analysis. That is why my deligation supports

The next speaker is the representative of Mali. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 338. Mr, KANTE (Mali) (intupr~tutiw frum Frr?ndz): First, my dclegatiorl. would like to thartk you, Mr. President, and throlrgh you all the mcmbcrs of the 339. The Security Council is meeting again to consider the Namibian tragedy. In the view of my delegation, this meeting is of paramount significance. For is this not the first time, in the more than 30 years in which the United Nations has been involved in this tragedy, that we have seen a general agreement reached, one that would free Namibia from the White racist yoke of Pretoria? 340. Hope resides above all in the fact that there seems to exist within the Security Council and SWAP0 the political wiI1 to embark upon a, process which should lead to a just and peaceful settlement of the Namibian question. Moreover, ‘it is this will which made it possible to reach the agreement concluded at Luanda between the five Western members of the Cbuncil and SWAPO, which has always been recognised by ?-AU and the United Nations as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people. For the sake of clarity, n$delegation would like to emphasize that the Luanda agreement hinges upon three indissoluble elements: first, the Western plan; secondly, the reaffirmation of the fact that Walvis Bay belongs to the Narnibian entity; thirdly, the fact that the process of decolonization in Namibia should be car-ricd out, supervised and controlled by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General. 341. Despite this climate of optimism which seems to exist, the moment is grave and the time has certainly not come to sheathe our swords. Indeed, we are aware of the fact that the Namibian problem is without doubt one of those questions that have put the authority and credibility of the United Nations to its greatest test. 342. In this connexion, my delegation must recall that General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), which put an end to South Africa’s Mandate over Namibia, has never been able to be implemented, as was the case with numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly and with the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 21 June 1971.6 And the South African racist regime’s only response to those: important decisions was to establish in Namibia the most inhuman system of oppression in the world, introducing the abhorrent policy of apurtl~cid. In its arrogance, Pretoria has always cynically opposed and flouted all United Nations decisions. And yet, a single year was sufficient for the five Western members of the Council to compel the South African racists to accept the principle of Namibian independence. Today it has been proved that it was because of the absence of political will on the part of those Powers that we had to lament on so many occasions the uscIcss prolongation of the Namibian crisis and the suffering of our brothers in Namibia. 343. The drama is no longer being played between SWAPO, the sole legitimate rcprescntative of the Namibian tion to the Namibian people of their full national the safeguarding of the territorial integrity including Walvis Bay. The residual forces of Pretoria Government must be localized and netrtraIize the maximum extent possible by the peace forces o United Nations. 344. SWAP0 and Africa today demonstrated to the em world their attachment to peace when they agreed to down at the negotiating table, just as in th demonstrated their ardour in the liberation str again it is up to the Western Powers not to di in the implementation of the important decis Council will be taking. They must make a commitment to begin the process which will lead ta decolonization of Namibia within its national frontiers, 345. At this final stage, there can bypassing the issue of Walvis Bay, whid sociologically, geographically and legally an inte Namibia. Is it not precisely Such a shirking at the moment of decolonisation that lies a grave tensions which continue to rend the the acute crises that continuously end South-East Asia and other regions? The me Council cannot sanction the unjustified cl and thus deliberately help to implant a the an independent Namibia, creating a SO could at my moment unhdl One Of wars of history. 346. The decolonization of Namibia must bc full complete, and the colonial South African administr;l with its police and residual troops, must leave the Tern as soon as the Special Representative of the General so orders, in pursuance of his mandate. 347. ln the interview which the Secretary of St Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs of the Unilc dom, hlr. David Owen, granted on 24 June to the n Le nc~uvel obsen~oreur, he acknowledged that “the W world generally does not support nationalist IWNI congratulate him 011 his candour. This thought WcuId to indicate desire for a change in attitude in tlrc stance of the Western Powers. t $7: 348. That would be a sign of the times. hiay the decWimn taken at this series of meetings of the Security C their implementation in the field provide CO1lfi that. The process that has been begun today crowning achicvcment in the national liberatic that the heroic people of Namibia have been many years under the flag of their vanguard and sP@’ party, SWAPO. The people and Government o through me once again to assure them 6 ‘c That is the message His Excellency President hIouss:r Srhvf, h& of State of Mali, especially asked mc to Council on behalf of the people and II the IlOpC tll3t the great decisions ,,ncil was to take on Namibia’s future would help us the many frustrations and the abusive vetoes of the Powers which, alas, for many years have marked evolution of the Nnmibian tragedy in. the United 356. Mr. President, I should like to say that I am particularly pleased to see you presiding over this important meeting, which the Security Council is devoting to the thorny problem of Namibia. My pleasure is particularly understandable because your country Canada, and mine, Senegal, are bound by close ties of co-operation based on mutual respect. 357. On this occasion I should like to thank the members of the Council for granting my delegation’s request to speak in this debate. . ‘IlIe PRESIDENT: The next speaker is the repretivc of Sri Lanka. I invite him to take a place at the cji table and to make his statement. 358. We are sheeting here in circumstances that can only be called exceptional. The Luanda agreement is indeed the culmination of long efforts to put an end to a situation so often condemned by the entire international community. One need only recall that ever since 1966, when the General Assembly decided to withdraw the administration of Namibia from South Africa, many Security Council and General Assembly resolutions have been adopted but not implemented. Today, the five Western members of the contact group of the Security Council, notwithstanding the suspicion caused by their initiative, have succeeded, with SWAPO, in finding a platform that provides us with a glimmer of hope on an otherwise rather gloomy horizon in southern Africa. We think it important to consider this initiative as a highly political action aimed at producing a ~1 solution, one that is internationally acceptable, to the problem before us. r. COONEKATNE (Sri Lanka): Mr. President, let convey to you our warm congratulations on your ion of the presidency of the Council for this I should like to thank you and the other members cil for giving me an Opportunity to participate g as it discusses the situation in Namibia. I th as representative of Sri Lanka and as of the current Chairman of the Group of Non-Aligned Countries have always in expressed their unswerving solidarity ause and the Namibian people, and it is I wish to place before the members of t of a telegram sent to the Secretary- *“:rJl and the President of the Security Council by the g I 1, !sters for Foreign Affairs of non-aligned countries at at meeting at Belgrade, Yugoslavia. The message reads lows: 359. We realize that the Luanda document could not be perfect and we regret that. However, what seems to us the most important consideration is that it constitutes a basis for action. In this sense, it is highly positive. The conflicting positions which it seeks to reconcile could not, in our view, be reconciled in a better manner. In this sense, we must keep our realism, as we must recognize that the resolutions thus far adopted by our Organization have‘not all been implemented. Whether we wish to admit it or not, there has-. ~ been, against the will of the Organization, a situation which the most stubborn efforts have not succeeded in changing. ‘9, Ihe decisions adopted today mark a certain advance bards the goals of the freedom national independence “lerritorial integrity of Namibih. However, as we have there remain areas to be ached. It is a period calling t of all countries and, on e Group of Non-Aligned assure the people of Namibia of the g solidarity of the non-aligned 360. Now that the Unitrd Nations has taken the initiative, we would say that the problem of the credibility of the Organization will depend on the follow-up to the decisions adopted a few moments ago by the Security Council, and particularly on the unresolved question of Walvis Boy, for the Organization cannot accept that a country should come . into existence in a Balkanized and mutilated state. Thus, thanks to this welcome initiative, with which we are very pleased, as President Senghor said when on 5 January 1976 he opened the Dakar Intzrnntional Conference on Namibia and Human Rights, “the time has perhaps come for the international community to assume its responsibilities” t’ The PRESIDENT: The next speaker is the reprei”~Gvc of sc negal. ‘:xil table and I invite him to take a place at the t o make his statcrrrent. ’ iha SYLLA (s eneya!) [iiltrrprctcrtion from French); “c b P’esiderlt of the Republic of Senegal deemed it fitting SPeciallY represented at this meeting of the Security “@l to testify to his faith in this international Organiza- Y in these historic circumstances. Throughout events that led to today’s meeting, President Sedar Ser~gh~,r has bclicvcd that the Unitccl ” Pr~vikJ the orrl) valid frJrr!rw\lrk within wtiicli 111 36 I. SWAP0 has also just dernonstr-atcd great pcliilitXJ acunlen. As a liberation movem~~nt, it has ctrnJlr..ted 311 arm21 str~lggl~: to g;lin for its pe ~plt’ t!le riglli to S;lf- 362. I should like here to pay a tribute to Mr. Sam Nujoma, who, if there was any need, has now confirmed his stature as a leader and statesman. 363. I would also take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the courage of the freedom fighters-those who are still alive and those who have fallen on the battIefieId-who have made possible the dialogue taking place today in the Secqity Council. 364. Senegal believes that the basis for an acceptable settlement has j&t been created. It is now for the intemationa1 comm$ity to provide guarantees for a just and genuine solution.’ ‘1 365. The United Nations must demonstrate that it can discharge important and complex functions in helping Namibia to organize elections and accede to independence. However, free elections cannot take place where there is repression or under conditions of insecurity and intimidation. The international community must insist that all necessary steps should be taken to ensure respect for law and order and guarantee general security throughout the Territory. 366. We are thus looking forward to positive proposals by the Secretary-General with regard to the role ofhis Special Representative and the gUa~i~JltC!CS necessary for the proper implementation of the agreement that has been reached. We would also hope that the United Nations Council for Namibia will continue to play a role in keeping with its mandate. We are convinced that that Council has an important role to play in the complex transitional period in Namibia. My delegation hopes that the selfishness of some will not prevail over the self-respect ‘of others. 367. The results achieved at this afternoon’s n!eeting SIIOW once again that, if we ah remain attentive to the voices expressing the profound aspirations of the peoples of the world, we can spare the international community needless tension and suffering and thereby contribute to the advent of a truly humanitarian civilization, And, in conclusion, I wish to express the hope that this meeting proves to be the culmination of the collective efforts of the international community to restore to Namibia its proper boundaries, its inalienable right to justice and pcacc and its authentic personality. 368. Mr. TROYANOVSKY (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) {irrtcrpwtatim J’?~III ~?rrssin~~): At today’s meetins the representative of the South African r&me made a statement. That statement cannot hc vicwcd as anything but a strong challcngc to the Llnitcd Nations and the Security COunciI. It once :Ig;lin c011frr11s that the racist ‘,

As there are no further narnct <lT the list of speakers, I shall now make a statement In ;; capacity as the representative of CANADA. 371. It is with great satisfaction and full confidence cla the future will bear out the momentous decision we r.hyZc reached that Canada supported resolution 431 (lsllt; today. The mandate which has thus been given to tia, Secretary-General will enable him to fake the preIimIn8q; steps that will put into effect the proposal for a settIcrrr,, : which has been agreed upon by the principal irJtcrrtr,t parties--the Government of South Africa and SWAPQ %,,$ will ultimately lead Namibia to independence, wI]ic~J :) i goal of which the international community and 4 Namibians have long been striving. $~, “li 372. We rejoice today not only because the Ilr,it;,Y Nations has once more demonstrated its vitality hut a, V.ec especially because the Namibian people will at hg !xd l,+ given the opportunity to determine their own futurc.‘I&, struggle for liberty, human rights and economic in dence has been long and arduous, but we believe tl end of this struggIe is now in sight. I” 373. (‘anada is proud to have been cloSely 3SSOCi3kd ‘?+ii the difficult process Of negotiation w’hich has result:: @J today's decjsjon. The numerous countries and OJgXk&# which have contributed to this success-and I Wc& I mention in particular the front-line States, South A and SwAP()-mt& be congratulated on their Spiri co-operation and accommodation. Had they not be willing t0 forgo the rigidities Of the past and prepared entertain new concepts, the international comm ,vou]d still be facing the Same impaSSe that has WiSted f&i the past 30 years. y a& * (y$$# :“i”,l 374. But, more importantly, we must now look 10 future. Much remains to be done before we can w this chamber the new government of indepcndcnt NarrG More than ever before, the co-operation of all h! the United Nations and of all Namibians will be More than ever before, we shall have to reI Secretary-General and his staff to implement the agree that has been reached. We know wc can coun devotion and experience, and they in turn can CO support. Our interest in Namibia wiII not cease adoption of resolutions here. We look forward to establishment of the best of relations with in Namibia. 375. Many of those who have spoken during this dc’~~~ have stressed the historic importance Of our cwrl”‘~ , ., 377. I should like to thank the members of the Council, the Secretary-General and all others who have been closejy involved in the process which has led to the successful conclusion of this meeting for the full co-operation they have extended to me, as well as for their kind sentiments. ‘VP ~q& Finally, I should like to associate myself with the t ~ Znlarks mde by the Foreign Ministers of France, the Tile mectitlg rose at S.45 p.m. d