S/PV.2133 Security Council

I should like to inform members of the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Egypt, Guyana, Liberia, Romania, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Togo and the United Republic of Tanzania in which they request to be invited to participate in the discussion of the question on the agenda. In accordance with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion, without the right to tiote, in confotiity with the provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure. President: Mr. Leslie 0. HARRIMAN (Nigeria). Present: The representatives of the following States: Bangladesh, Bolivia, China, Czechoslovakia, France, Gabon, Jamaica, Kuwait, Nigeria, Norway, Portugal, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Zambia. Provisional agenda (S/Agenda!2133/Rev.l) 1. Adoption of the agenda At the invitation of the President, Mr. Abdel Meguid (Egypt), Mr. Sinclair (Guyana), Mr. Tubman (Liberia), Mr. Marinescu (Romania), Mr. Conteh (Sierra Leone), Mr. Hussen (Somalia), Mr. Ko4ovi (Togo) andMr. Chale (United Republic of Tanzania) took the places reservedfor them at the side ‘of the Council chamber. 2. Complaint by Angola against South Africa: Letter dated 16 March 1979 from the Permanent Representative of Angola to the United Nations addressed to the, President of the Security Council (S/13176)

In accordance with the decision taken at the 2132nd meeting, I invite Mr. Mishake Muyongo, Vice-President of the South West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO), to take a place at the Council table. The meeting was called to order at 11.55 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. At the invitation of the President, Mr. MuyongO (South West Africa Peopte’s Orgaiization) took a place at the Council table. Complaint by Angola against South Africa: Letter dated 16 Mach 1979 from the Permanent Representative of Angola to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/13176)

I should like to inform members of the-Council that I have received a letter dated 20 March from the representatives of Gabon, Nigeria and Zambia /S/13183] which reads as follows:

In accordance with the decisions taken by the Council at previous meetings f223Oth and 2132nd meetings], I invite the representative of Angola to take a place at the Council table and the representatives of Algeria, Benin, Botswana, Bulgaria, the Congo, Cuba, Ethiopia, the German Democratic Republic, Ghana, Guinea, Madagascar, Mozambique, Sri Lanka, the Sudan, Viet Nam and Yugoslavia to take the places reserved for them at the side of the Council chamber. “We, the undersigned members of the Security Council, have the honour to request that, during its meetings devoted to the consideration of the item ‘Complaint by Angola against South Africa’, the Council should extend an invitation under rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure to Mr. Johnstone Makatini, representative of the African National Congress of South Africa.*’ If I hear no objection, I shall take it that the Council agrees to that request. At the invitation of thepresident, Mr. deFigueiredo(Angola) took a piace at the Council table and Mr. Bouayad-Agha (Algeria), Mr. Houngavou (Benin), Mr. TIou (Botswana), Mr. Kankov (Bulgaria), Mr. Mondjo (Congo), Mr. Roa Kouri (Cuba), Mr. Worku (Ethiopia), Mr. Florin (German Democratic Republic). Mr. Sekyi (Ghana), Mr. Yansank(Gubtea), Mr. Ra6etajka (Madagascaql, Mr. Lobe (Mozambique), Mr. Rodrigo (Sri Lanku), Mr. Sahloul (Sudan), Mr. Ha Van L.au (Viet Nam) and Mr. Komatina (Yugoslavia) took the places reservedfor them at the side of the Council chamber. It was so decided.

I wish to draw the attention of members of the Council to document S/13182, which contains a letter dated 6 March from the Permanent Representative of Brazil to the President of the Council. 6. The first speaker is the representative of Bulgaria, whom I invite to take a place at the Council and to make his statement. 8. I should like also to extend my congratulations to you on your accession to the Council’s presidency. We are particularly pleased to see a son of Africa and the representative of a country with which Bulgaria maintains very friendly relations presiding over the meetings of this body on such a highly important issue, on which your deep knowledge and your competence have been widely recognized. The Bulgarian delegation is confident that under your skilful guidance the Council will succeed in adopting decisions which will respond to the legitimate aspirations of the African peoples and be in conformity with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the requirements of the numerous relevant resolutions of the Council. 9. The Security Council is called up& to deal with the most recent acts of aggression by South Africa against the People’s Republic of Angola. The statement of the representative of Angola, supported by several off%al communiquQ issued by the Ministry of Defence of that country, justifies the grave concern over the extremely serious situation created by South Africa. These armed attacks and flagrant infringements of the s&ereignty and territorial integrity of the neighbouring States committed by the South African racist r&me have become the underlying features of its foreign policy in Africa. They have been condemned on numerous occasions by the United Nations and the international community as overt violations of international law and the Charter. 10. In the present critical and explosive situation in southem Africa, however, the timing of these acts of aggression against Angola has acquired special significance within the’ political scenario of arrogance and hypocrisy so characteristic of the South African racists and their protectors. It seems that the recent aggression had several targets subordinated to one common objective, that is, the maintenance of the oppressive colonial and racist r&imes. They have been designed to intimidate the front-line States, which, faithful to the principles of the self-determination and independence of the peoples of Namibia and acting in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, are supporting the legitimate struggle of the people of Namibia for the attainment of freedom and independence. 11. The armed attacks and provocations against Angola, Mozambique and Zambia have also been aimed at inflicting a heavy blow to the national liberation movement of Namibia and its sole legitimate representative, SWAPO. At the same time, the South African Government, while rejecting the proposals contained in the report of the Secretary- General [S/13120], is trying, with the active collaboration of some Western Powers, to exert pressure on SWAP0 to obtain further concessions from it. If this manCeUvre of colonialist hypocrisy and demagogy is unsuccessful, it should come as no surprise to anyone that the blame is laid 12. The arrogance and cynicism of the South African racist r&ime are such that it has,gone so far as to suggest formally a draft resolution, contained in a letter from its Foreign Minister /S/23180], whereby the Council is called upon, in defiance of numerous United Nations resolutions, to condemn SWAP0 for its struggle f6;r the selfdetermination and independence of the oppressed people of Namibia. This is a cynicism which goes beyond normal imagination and common sense. 13. The recent acts of armed aggression and the violations of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Angola reaffirm in a most convincing way some apprehensions which were voiced on earlier occasions. Less that four months ago, the General Assembly conducted a broad discussion on all aspects of the situation in southern Africa, a situation resulting directly from the policy and actions of the Pretoria r&ime. The discussions and the resolutions adopted at the thirty-third session brought to the fore, beyond any shadow of doubt and with particular emphasis, the extremely alarming development of the situation in’ southern Africa. 14. The fundamental conclusion ,to be drawn from these extensive debates and from the resolutions is one that it is difficult to contradict. Since then, the situation has considerably deteriorated, a development &at could be substantiated by the following main features: first, the aggravation and exceptional brutality of reIjieS$ons on the part df the racist r6gime inside the country; secqndly, the growing arrogance and aggressiveness of South Africa vis-&vis neighbouring States-Angola, Mozanibihtie and Zambia; thirdly, the aggravation of the colonial war against the people of Namibia and the measures taken by the r&ime, including fraudulent manceuvres aimed at @petuating the colonial yoke over this Territory illegally oscupied by South Africa; fourthly, the active support rendered by the South African racist Government to ‘the illegal’ i6gime of Ian Smith, a support that turns into farce the loudly proclaimed diplomatic moves for a “peaceful solution** of the problem of the liberation of the people of Zimbabwe; fifthly, the diplomatic support rendered by severa’l ,Westem Powers to the manccuvres of the South African Government which contributed to that country’s arrogant attitude in regard to the proposals on Namibia made by the United Nations. 15. As is generally recognized, this startling development of events in South Africa might erupt at any moment into an even more dangerous conflict. The last acts of aggression committed against the People’s Republic of Angola have confirmed it. So, it is not only fully justifiable but also imperative that the Security Council should take urgent and effective measures. The provocative and aggressive actions of the South African rulers represent a real challenge to the United Nations. For decades, the Pretoria regime has been practising the shameful policy of upurrheid inside the country. For decades, this regime, through the constant econorr.ic assistance of the Western countries and influential 16. There is nothing more logical or natural than the fact that a regime that has-elevated racism and its most cruel manifestation, apartheid, to the level of an official State policy, a regime whose actions are governed by Fascist ideology, should endanger the security, territorial integrity and free development of close or distant neighbours on their road to social progress. 17. In essence, the international community has already passed a most categorical judgement on the South African regime and its policy of apartheid, which has been declared a crime against humanity. Numerous are the resolutions of the United Nations which contain such a condemnation and which proclaim the legitimacy of the struggle of the people of South Africa for self-determination and liberty. No less numerous are the resolutions which demand that the racist Pretoria regime should be isolated politically and diplomatically and that all economic and military cooperation whatsoever with it should be halted. 18. But for years the South African racists, with an arrogance that has been most prejudicial to the authority of the World Organization, have declined to reckon with the United Nations. There are abundant facts of late as to the alarming growth of the South African military potential. Suffice it for me to mention that the regime’s military expenditures increased fourfold in the 1972-1978 period alone. Ca-n there by,any doubt that this would not have happened but for the active collaboration between Pretoria and the NATO States m, the economic and military fields? Therefore, of what value are the verbal condemnation, indignation and reprobation if, at the same time, the South African racists are being granted the material means to intensify their repression of the fighters for freedom and human dignity in the country, to extend their aggression against neighbouring African countries and to perpetuate colonialism against the people of Namibia who are fighting for independence and liberty7 It is high time to put an end to this double-faced policy. An unbearable situation is being created that requires the translation of words and resolutions into practical deeds and the taking of effective mandatory actions against the racist regime of South Africa. Above all, however-and I should like strongly to emphasize this-it is high time that all States strictly complied with the United Nations resolutions. Verbal condemnations and declarative statements of indignation conceming,the theory and practices of apartheid in South Africa are no longer suflicient. The only effective way to prove that such condemnation and reprobation are meaningful is to take firm steps to apply comprehensive sanctions against South Africa in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter, to discontinue relations with it without further delay and to terminate economic and military collaboration in any form with Pretoria. 19. The Security Council should therefore condemn the acts of aggression committed by the South African racist 20. My Government condemns with indignation the acts of aggression perpetrated by South Africa and urges the Council to take effective measures in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter. 21, In conclusion, on behalf of my Government and the Bulgarian people, I should like to express our admiration to the people and Government of Angola for their determination in defending the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their country and for their continued support of the people of Namibia in theirjust and legitimate struggle. I wish to take this opportunity to reiterate our solidarity with the People’s Republic of Angola, which derives also from the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between our two countries signed at Luanda on 21 October 1978. That Treaty is an expression of the common aspirations and objectives of our two nations. To illustrate my point, I should like to close my statement with a short passage from a speech delivered by the Chairman of the State Council of Bulgaria and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party, Todor Zhivkov, during his visit to Luanda: “The People’s Republic of Bulgaria and the People’s Republic of Angola stand close together in every respect, and there is nothing to divide us. We are bound close together, not only by the present, but also by the past, in which we have had much in common, as well as by our common future.”

The next speaker is the representative of Viet Nam. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. President, first of all I should like to thank you and the other members of the Security Council for having allowed me to speak in this important debate. I welcome the prompt decision of the Council to convene this urgent meeting in order to take an exemplary stand in the face of the successive armed attacks of the racist South African n5gime against the People’s Republic of Angola and in the face of its attitude of unparalleled arrogance towards the United Nations. 24. It is not the first time that the Council has been called to examine acts of aggression by the South African and Rhodesian racist regimes against the People’s Republic of Angola and against the other front-line States in southern Africa. These acts have been committed repeatedly for several years now. As was pointed out by the communiques of the Ministry of Defence of the People’s Republic of Angola published in documents S/13168 and S/13177, the Pretoria regime, from 8 to 14 March, carried out air raids and armed incursions into several areas of the Cunene and Benguela provinces, some penetrating as far as 17 kilome- 25. These flagrant acts of aggression by the Pretoria regime, just like those committed by the illegal regime of Salisbury against the People’s Republic of Angola in February last, constitute grave violations of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Angola, gross violations of the-principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the most elementary norms of international law, and also intolerable defiance of international public opinion and the world community. 26. Against those barbarous acts of aggression, the people of Angola, under the leadership of President Agostinho Neto and the Central Committee of the MPLA, the party of the workers, struck back heroically, thus demonstrating their determination to defend, at any price, their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as their achievements in the work of national reconstruction after liberation. The whole world knows that the struggle of the people of Angola is being waged-in total solidarity with the struggle for liberation of their brothers, the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. 27. It is public knowledge that after the failure of aggression against Angola in 1975 the racist upurrheid regime of South Africa, supported by certain Western Powers and making use of illegally occupied bases in the Territory of Namibia, committed acts of provocation and aggression one after another, and ever more deliberate, against the Angoian revolution. International imperialist and reactionary circles provided all the necessary resources for the Pretoria and Salisbury racists to help them step up their military attacks against the front-line States and against the national liberation movements in southern Africa in the hope of checking their liberation struggle. Thus, the Liberation Committee of the Organization of African Unityin January last denounced the presence of 13,000 mercenaries in Rhodesia to tight the liberation forces. Mozambique announced that from March 1977 to June 1978 the illegal Ian Smith regime had committed at least 143 acts of aggression against that country, causing serious loss in human iife and material damage. Botswana also declared that from 1965, and particularly after 1977, the date on which the front-line States organized themselves, the racists carried out more than 100 armed attacks against the territory of Botswana. The armed forces and air force of the Pretoria and Salisbury regimes have carried out repeated-attacks against Zambia; last November, for instance, they killed more than 400 people and wounded more than 700 in a single attack against a Zimbabwe refugee camp. It is obvious that all these acts are dictated by imperiafist policy in this region, which aims at destabilizing progressive Governments of independent African countries, impeding the liberation of the territories stih remaining under the colonial yoke and maintaining minority racist regimes. The sole objective of that policy is to protect for the present the economic, political and strategic interests of imperialism and tapromotethe “recoionizing” of Africa as and when conditions permit. 28. The struggle of the peoples of southern Africais entering its most critical phase and is one of the flash points of the current situation in the world. We are living through an “The Bureau noted that another major contribution to this change was the victory.of the people of Angola over the army of the racist regime.of South Africa, when it undertook open aggression against them. The victory of the Angolan people was a heavy blow for the imperialist forces in southern Africa, and it encourages the peoples of the region to intensify the onslaught on the remaining outposts of colonialism and racism. “The victory of Angola and Moiambique, their achievement of national independence and the establiihment in those countries of governments and political systems freely chosen by their peoples has led to greater consolidation of the independence of the States in southern Africa and thus enlarged the secure rearguard for the national liberation movements.‘* /S/13185, annex, paras. 24 and 2S.j . . 29. In spite of their military defeat in the field and their political and diplomatic isolation within the international community, and although they. ‘are condemned by the whole of mankind which loves peace and justice, the racist regime of South Africa and ‘the ihegal minority regime of Rhodesia have not given up theirplans for perpetuating their domination. Armed to the teeth, aided and enouraged by imperialist forces and the forces of international reaction, they continue to practise repression and to terrorize the peopIe inside these countries and to have recourse to economic measures and acts of armed aggression aimed at weakening the front-line States in the hope of forcing them to give up their support for the national liberation movements in Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. In this way, these racist and minority “regimes, which persist in opposing the emancipation of the peoples of southern Africa, amount to an operational terrorist army of imperialism and international reaction against free Africa, and constitute a real and very serious threat to peace andsecurity in Africa and in the world. .I . 30. However, contrary to the aims of theracists and their protectors, all. these pertidious manceuvres and barbarous armed attacks by the regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury do nothing whatsoever to reduce the economic and military potential or, indeed, the will to unity of the front-line States; they in fact serve to strengthen even further the militant solidarity and active support of these countries for the struggle of the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa for genuine independence and freedom. Thepeoples of southern Africa, waging a decisive struggle against the last bastions of colonialism, racism and apartheid, will honourably discharge their duty, but they also call upon the 31. In his inaugural address to the Maputo meeting, President Samora Machel of Mozambique declared: “Imperialism will be overcome. It will meet the same doom as the .Portuguese colonialists. Shortening or lenghtening the death throes of racism, reducing the price to be paid-this all depends on ourjoint action and our support for,the liberation struggle. Conditions are favourable for victory.” 32. At the meeting of 19 March, the representative of Angola [213Oth meek@ quoted the words of Agostinho Neto, the President of the People’s Republic of Angola, which expressed forcefully the will of the people of Angola to defend their country’s freedom and socialism as we11 as its determination to discharge its internationalist duty. 33. At this time of terrible ordeal. from which the people of Angola will surely emerge victorious, the delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam reaffirms the fraternal friendship and unswerving militant solidarity of the Vietnamese people with the heroic people’of Angola in its holy struggle for the protection of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and also in the discharge of its noble internationalist duty. ‘The metnamese people warmly welcomes the victories of the Angolan revolution, which we view as victories of our own. 34. Our people warmly welcome and highly esteem the fact that the front-line States-Mozambique, Zambia,Tanzania, Botswana and Angola-have joined together in a common fighting .front actively supporting SWAP0 in Ntiibia, the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe in Rhodesia and the African National Congress in South Africa, which are leading the strugglein ,all,its forms, including armedstruggle, in these three countries for self-determination and true independence for their peoples, . 35. This militant solidarity of the peoples of southern Africa is one.of the decisive factors in their victory and aIso ,another living reality which has the force of objective law in our time-the unity of oppressed peoples with the revolutionary and progressive forces in their victorious struggle for national emancipation and against old and new colonialism, imperialism, expansionism, racism and apartheid. 36. Faithful as always to its policy of principle, that is, independence, national freedom and international solidarity, the Vietnamese people are firmly convinced that the just revolutionary struggle of the fraternal people of the People’s Republic of Angola to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity and for the independence of the peopIes of southern Africa, as well as the just and heroicstruggle of SWAP0 in Namibia, the Patriotic Front in Rhodesia and the African National Congress in South Africa, will continue to enjoy support and assistance of all kinds from all revolutionary and progressive forces in free Africa and the whole world and will irresistably march to final victory. 37. The delegation of Viet Nam whole-heartedly supports the just demand made on 19 March in the Security Council

The next sneaker is the reuresentative of Sri Lanka. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. President, I should like at the outset to thank you and, through you, the other members of the Security Council for having given me the opportunity to express the views of the delegation of Sri Lanka, which is currently serving in the capacity of Chairman of the Group of Non-Aligned Countries. 40. It was barely a fortnight ago that the Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka-who regrets his absence at this time from New York-spoke before the Council to condemn the acts of aggression of the racist regime of Southern Rhodesia against the front-line States of southern Africa, inluding Angola. Once more the Council has been convened to defend the independence, sovereignty and tenitorial integrity of a front-line State-Angola-which is the latest victim in what appears to be an unremitting chain of acts of aggression perpetrated by the racist regimes of southem Africa. 41. Last year the Security Council adopted resolution 428 (1978), which condemned South Africa’s aggression against Angola and demanded that South Africa should scrupulously respect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Angola. These meetings of the Council, convened to consider acts of aggression against the front-line States by one or the other of the minority regimes in southem Africa, are now acquiring an almost ritualistic regularity that’ is alarming. Rather than inducing feelings of resigned cynicism leading to a sort of political lethargy, . these acts must, by their very regularity, serve to convince the international community in general and the Security Council in particular of the continuously grave threat posed by the ‘racist regimes to the peace and security not only of the peoples and States of southern Africa but also the world in general. 42. These acts of aggression are not merely a series of isolate-d raids and forays; rather, in sum, they constitute a deliberate and carefully timed and executed strategy to undermine the independence and sovereignty of front-line African States with the broader goal of setting back the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. The liberation struggle may certainly be subject to temporary set-backs, but the course which has been set by humanity for the total emancipation of southern Africa is inexqrable. The longer this process is delayed the greater the upheaval that is being courted and the more disastrous the 43. The commitment of the non-aligned countries to sup port the struggle in southern Africa for its liberation from imperialism, colonialism, racism and aputtheidgoes back to the first non-aligned summit held 18 years ago at Belgrade and has been consistently renewed thereafter at every summit and ministerial meeting, The most recent Ministerial Meeting of the Co-ordinating Bureau of Non-Aligned Countries was held, significantly, in a front-line State: Mozambique. At that meeting, Foreign Ministers strongly condemned all acts of armed aggression, expansion and destabilisation against Tanzania, Angola, Zambia, Botswana and Mozambique. The final communiqut of that meeting stated: “. . . These actions constitute an attempt by the enemy to divert the support given by the front-line States to the !iberation struggle. 6‘ . . . “. . . me Bureau] called for further and substantially increased support and assistance to the front-line States to preserve and strengfhen their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and alleviate the suffering of their people and the vast damage caused to their economies as a result of the wanton aggressions and destruction perpetrated against them by the racist minority r@imes.” [S/13185, annex paras. 71 and 78.J 44. Earlier this week, the representative of Angola spoke of the heavy toll his country had had to-bear in human and material terms. Therepresentative of Zambia also described the recent acts of death and destruction visited upon his country by the racist r&imes. I do not intend to catalogue the crimes committed against these and other front-line States. That is being done more authoritatively by the States concerned. I only wish to say that if those independent States do not obtain the support and protection of the international community through the Security Council, which bears primary responsibility for the-maintenance of international peace and security, then the veryprinciples on which the United Nations is founded would be negated. 45. The frequent exhortations to the front-line States for moderation and peaceful solutions are absolutely meaningless and empty unless the Security Council takes the necessary steps to prevent the recurrence of acts of aggression against these States. In fact, the front-line States and SWAP0 have shown great patience and forebearance and have co-operated fully with the United Natiotls,.particularly with regard to independence for Namibia. Theyhave made sacrif&s. They have given peaceful negotiations more than I A/31/197. afinex i, para. 41. 46. The implementation by the front-line States of the sanctions imposed by the Security Council against the racist regimes had constituted a heavy burden on their nascent economies, including the sheltering of the thousands of refugees, victims of racist r&imes, now living on their territories. The Ministerial Meeting of the Co-ordinating Bureau of Non-Aligned Countries held at Mozambique called on all States to intensify all forms of assistanceto the front-line States of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia-a call which should not go unheeded by the Council. 47. It is reassuring, Mr. President that you, the representative of non-aligned Nigeria, with you! personal commitment to the, anti-apartheid struggle and your country’s dedication to the total emancipation of southern Africa, are at this time guiding the deliberations of the Council on the issue under consideration. The non-aligned countries sincerely wish you and the members of the Council success in your endeavours to deal effectively with the issue, and assure Angola and other front-line States and the liberation struggle in southern Africa of continuing support and solidarity.

The next s&ker is the representative of Ghana. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. I .,

Mr. President, about a fortnight ago I had the pleasure of congratulating you on your assumption of the Chair and of conveying to you the confidence of my delegation in your chairmanship. We believe that the performance has already fulfilled the promise and so we are particularly happy again, and of course thankful, that we have been granted the opportunity to address the Council on Pretoria’s aggression against Angola while the Council is still under your presidency. 50. In documents S/l3168 and S/13177, the Angolan delegation has adequately stated the reasons why it has asked for the convening of this meeting. Angola, inshort, is complaining that between 8 and 13 of this month, its territory, its people and its property were subjected to a series of wanton and unprovoked attack and its air space violated by the air force of the Pretoria racists. Considering the frequency of the attacks, the scale of the operations, the reported penetration by land forces as much as 17 kilometres into Angolan territory and the uninhibited use of napalm, there can be no doubt at all that Pretoria has taken a deliberate decision to embark on yet another spree ofits familiar adventurism, this time at the expense of Angola, in defiance of the specific warning delivered by the Security Council last May. 51. Later we shall look at the motives. Now I wish to express the unflinching solidarity of my Government with that of Angola in its courageous stand against this new 52. We can hardly believe our eyes when we read of the cool, cynical effrontery of Botha in demanding that the Security Council should condemn SWAPO. What the Council should do, in our view, is to commend the People’s Republic of Angola, as it did last May, for its contin support of the people of Namibia in their just and legitimate struggle. 53. But the complaint before the Council is not merely Angola’s or Africa’s It should be the eomplaint of the whole civilized world concerning the contempt for intemational law and, for the purposes and the principles of the Charter, repeatedly demonstrated by a State whose membership in the Organization is still tolerated for reasons which have long ceased to be tenable. South Africa is an inveterate and notorious offender. It has often enough been arraigned before the Council for the same conduct and has always got away with the same warning repeated ad nauseam-and nothing more than that. The absence of more effective measures against its peculiarly obnoxious adventurism is, perhaps, the reason why the racist regime has shown so little compunction whenever it felt like flexing its muscles at the expense of neighbouring African States. 58. Talks have always been allowed to avert sanctions. The question arises whether talks should now be allowed to avert them again and so enable what is obviously the second phase of the old Tumhalle scheme to be accomplished. If that happens the Security Council will have played into racist hands yet again-but this time with consequences probably fatal to any effective action by the United Nations in the discharge of its responsibilities towards the people of Namibia. 54. Indeed, it is largely due to failure or reluctance to apply more effective measures that the United Nations has been forced to live with the continuing presence of the Pretoria regime in ;Namibia, that Territory theoretically under United Nations authority from which the armed intruder dares to launch its continual attacks against Angola and other neighbouring countries and to make its continual affronts to the Organization. It is due to the same failure and the same reluctance that the world community is now reduced to negotiating with the Pretoria rigims-as if it had any right to be in Namibia-to accepting its continued military presence, its illegal administration and its armed police during- -what should be an act of selfdetermination within the boundaries of a United Nations trust. 59. We have already said, and we still maintain, that the second Tumhalle scheme is infinitely more dangerous than the first. It poses a far more serious threat to international peace and security. Our fear as early as last December was that once its marionettes were placed in position nothing would prevent them, if Pretoria were to make the right manipulation, the right flick of its little finger, from provoking hostilities across the border, from sabotaging thus every possibility of the cease-fire prerequisite to the United Nations plan, and thus sabotaging the plan itself. Already Pretoria’s plans for an attack across the Angolan border were being reported widely enough. 55. Today, the marionettes of Tumhalle II, the products of an action by an illegal regime which the Council itself has declared null and void, stalk through the corridors of the United Nations as if there were a proper basis for their involvement in talks on the United Nations settlement proposal. The situation is hard to tolerate. 60. We believe today that Pretoria meant to create the pretext it wanted for not withdrawing its troops from Namibia. A sham election and/or a unilateral declaration of independence, both under the protection of apartheid guns, would be but one step beyond that. And the United Nations would be faced in Namibia with a situation which would be even more than the exact replica of the Rhodesian one. The events of to&y merely confirm our fears. 56. But it is the view of the Ghana delegation that the Council is now bound by its own decision under resolution 428 (1978) to meet again in the event of further violations of Angolan sovereignty and territorial integrity in order to consider the adoption of more effective measures under the Charter, including measures under Chapter VII. And when I say “more effective measures” I am quoting the language of the resolution. Well, those further violations have now taken place, not once but repeatedly, and the Council cannot, in our view, escape the obligation to give serious consideration to measures under Chapter VII. 61. As we have already pointed out, Namibia already exhibits and has long exhibited on a larger scale, on a more alarming scale, all those features which made Rhodesia an acknowledged threat to the peace as far back as 1966: there are internal oppression, external aggression, an armed rebellion against legal authority and an illegal military occupation tantamount to an act of alien aggression against the people of Namibia. Following the December “elections** it 62. What will occur instead is a unilateral declaration of independence, and a unilateral declaration of indepencence behind the barrier of Pretoria’s weaponry. It is for the Council to decide whether effective measures will be taken before or after that catastrophe. While the United Nations hesitates, that central scheme is being accomplished, along with its byproducts, since it almost certainly has a multiple rather than a simple aim. For if the attacks continued and succeeded in their objective, SWAP0 would thenhave been either militarily damaged prior to a unilateral declaration of independence or politically damaged prior to an election under the United Nations plan through the decimation of political exiles in refugee camps. 63, We prefer action now to forestalt clearly foreseeable dangers. The time is long overdue when the Security Council should recognize and determine, first of all, that the situation in Namibia constitutes a threat to international peace and security. It follows therefrom that it is now time to arrest the stockpiling by South. Africa of crude oil reserves to the point where they would last until oil-fromcoal takes over, by the grace of the West. It is time to intercept the supply from the West, and the West only, of refined aviation fuel to the lethal arm of the regime-for aviation fuel is not refined in South Africa. It is time to 64. Measures of this kind are bound to undermine the position of strength from which alone the apartheid r&me has been able for so long to outrage its neighbours and to defy, out-manoeuvre and outwit the United Nations itself at every turn. These are the measures needed to defeat the temporizing manceuvres by which the aparzhefdr&iine aims at placing itself pretty soon beyond the need to temporize any more. And if we are to overtake and forestall the apartheid regime in its race to that point of immunity, we must ourselves race forward and, above all, definitely stop sehing that r&ime the time it wants to buy. My Government urges that the Security Council now should not merely consider but proceed in a meaningful manner with at Last some effective measures under Chapter,VII of the Charter, as envisaged last year in its ownresolution 428 (1978). This should in our view-and we call for it-go along with the clear condemnation of the apartheid regime’s latest outrages against the territorial integrity of Angola and with a commendation of the gallant people and Government of Angola for their undeterred support of the people of Namibia, spearheaded by SWAPO, in their just and legitimate struggle for freedom. The meeting rose at LOS p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS United Nations publications may be obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout tbe world. Consult your bookstore or write to: United Nations, Sales Section, New York or Geneva. COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS DES NATIONS UNIES Les publications des Nations Unies sont en vente dans les librairies et les agences d@ositaires du monde entier. Informez-vous aup& de votre libraire ou adresses-vous B : Nations Unies. Section des ventes, New York ou Genkve. KAK HOlIYPHTb R3HAHRIL OPrAHH 3AYEiH OE’bEANHEHHIaIX HAIUUf Rs~aRsuI OpraHAJaqHH 06%eJ@UieHEbrx HaqaR 16oauio aynn~b a KEEKcIIbIx Marasmrax II areRTc’raax BO acex paftoriax uxpa. Raaor(HTe cnpaaxa 06 suAaHmZX B BarneM ~mumio~ Marasmfe mm nNmATe no wpec.y : OpraRH3aIWK 06’beAmieHHbrX HaqnR, Ceaqnx no npoxaxe asAamiR. Hbxo-Ffoprt am% Xenesa. COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES DE LAS NACIONRS UNIDAS Las publicaciones de las Naciones Unidas estin en venta en librerfas y casas distribuidoras en todas partea de1 mundo. Cons&e a su librero o dirfjase a: Naciones Unidas, Sea&in de Ventas. Nueva York o Ginebra. Litho in United Nations, New York Price: $U.S. 1.50 79-7OLl02-December 1981-2.250