S/PV.2578 Security Council

I should like lo inform members of the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Bolivia. Colombia. Cuba. CYPNS. the Dominican Republic. Guatemala. the lslamic Republic of Iran. Mongolia. Poland and Zimbabwe in which they request to be invited IO participate in the discussion of the item on the Council’s agenda. In conformity with the usual practice. I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives IO participate in Ihe discussion without the right to vote. in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure. At the invitution of the President> Mr. Gumucio Grunier (Bolivia). Mr. Albdn-Holguin (Colombia), Mr. Oramas Olivu (Cuba). Mr. Moushoutas (Cyprus). Mr. Knipping Victoriu (fiominicun Republic), Mr. F& jardo-Maldonado(Guatemaka). Mr. Raiaie-Khorassani iIslamic Republic of Iran). Mr. Nyamaoo (Mongolia), Mr. Nowak (Poland) and Mr. Manzou (Zimbabwe) took the places reserved for them at the side of the Council chamber.

The Securily Council will now resume its consideration of the item on its agenda.

I( is my pleasant duty first of all to convey to YOU. Sir, the greetings and felicitations of my beleg&on and my& on your assumption of the hi O&X of President of the Securiiy Council. Our Cwo countries are linked together by age-old ties of culture and tradition and have close and cordial relations. We admire your diplomatic acumen and notable personal qualities. I( is Iherefore a pleasure to see you guiding our work. We should litre to pledge to you the assurance of our fullest cooperation in helping you disebarge your onerous respoasibiliti-o. I should also like (0 pay a tribute to Mr. Javier Arit, Stella of Peru, who conducted Ihe business of the Cauncil last month with his culltomafy d&&y and eompetence. Hi! wy a difficult presidency tiwbwy ~~respons’b*ues mth commec&bL 5. ThisistheeiuhthoccasioninaPeriodofaliiover two years on which Nicamgua h& felt compelled to have recourse 10 the 8ecurily Council. That f&et alone is indicative of the gravity of the steadily detiorating situation that obtains in Central America sod of the sense of insecurity that the Nicamguan Government und&st&dingandsupp&forandsolidaritywithiheir cause the world over. in spite of the valii etlbrts of the Contadora Group to find a political solution to the problems of Central America-efforts which reached positive culmination in 8eptemkr of last year-the situation in the region continues 10 be marked by instability. exacerbated constantly by acts ofexternal interference and pressure which are hardly conducive to the promotion of a political settlement. 7. Regrettably, that important Security Council resolution-as indeed the equally significant resolution adopted in its wake by the General Assembly. resolution 38/10-remains to be implemented. Military action of various types against Nicaragua has intensified. Acts of interference and intervention. direct and indirect. against Nicaragua have continued. Statements have bean made which fly directly in the face of the concept of the sovereignty and independence of States. The process of dialogue between two of the States directly concerned has been interrupted. New forms of pressure and coercion have been brought into play. As a result, the neonle of Nicamnua have been subjected to nreat hardshib and distress, and the economy-of the co&try has suffered considerable disruption and damage. The only silver lining is the fact that the ContadoraGroup continues resolutely to pursue its objectives-that too in spite of serious road-blocks and attempts to undermine its endeavours. 8. In Ms statement yesterday 12577th nteeflng] the representative of Nicaragua explained with clarity the developments that have compelled Nicaragua once again to seek redress by the Council ofthe latest measures taken against that country. The General Assembly has’mBfln& the principle that no State may use or encoumge the use of economic, political or any other type of measures to coerce another State in order to obtain from it the subordination of the exercise of its sovereign rights and to secure from it advantages of any klttd. 9. it is relevant to recall that the Coordinating Bureau of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has been asked by the Seventh Conference of the Heads of State or Gov&nrnent of Non-Aligned Countries to monitor closely the events in ik Chin+ Anmtitican stttnsyun. Accordingly, the Bureau met in urgent se*sion two days ago to hear a statement by the representative of Nicaragua and to consider the situation arising out of the latest developments in the Central American context. It issued a communique in this regard which has since been circulated in document Sil7163. Allow me to quote from it the following excerpts: “In this regard, the Bureau strongly condemned the embargo and other coercive economic measures recently adopted against Nicaragua. The Bureau believes that these new acts of political and economic coercion, in addition to the military action, are to be seen in the context of a larger plan to destabilize and topple the Government of Nicaragua and that they further endanger peace and security in the region. “The Bureau also believes that the aforesaid measures are contrary to the norms that govern the international legal and economic order and that they undermine the efforts carried out by the Contadora Group in the quest for a political and negotiated solution to the serious problems afflicting the Central American region. In this context, the Bureau once again emphasised the need for political and negotiated solutions to the problems of the region. It reiterated its full support for the efforts of the Contadora Group and called on it, in the light of the recently adopted coercive economic measures, to analyse the situation and to accelerate its process of consultations and negotiations with a view to expedithsg a political solution. In ttis regard, it also called upon the United States Government to resume the process of bilateral discussions with the Government of Nicaragua towards reaching #*oncrete accords based on mutual respect and the right of selfdetermination. “The Bureau reiterated its firm solidarity with Nicaragua and called for an immediate end to all threats, attacks, hostile acts and coercive economic measures against the people and Government of that country.” IO. The elements I have just read out represent the ei~i~ Of iL ~Siil~i *~ken ‘iji ihe non-ru’l~ied coiintries with respect to the trade embargo and other coercive measures adopted against Nicaragua. 1 can add little to this clear and unequivocal pronouncement on behalf of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. I I. The Government of India has been following the developments in Central America with serious con- 12. 1 should like to take this opportunity to reaftirm the solidarity of my Government and people with the Government and people of Nicaragua, a friendly and fellow non-aligned country. We respect the right of Nicaragua. as indeed of every State, to be master of its own destiny. We note the will of the Nicaraguan people to mould a new future for their nation, and we support their efforts to build a new society on the basis of their popular revolution, free from all foreign interference or pressure. We atXrm the sovereign right of every country to pursue its own political and social economic system. 13. It is our profound conviction that Peace in Central America cannot rest on the foundation of policies of intervention, interference and intimidation, or of the threat or use of force, nor of coercive measures of any kind whatsoever. For any peace to be enduring, it must be based on an acceptance of the principles of political and so&-economic pluralism by States not only for themselves. but also for the region as a whole; on scrupulous observance of the principles of non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of States; and on a positive appreciation of the endemic problems of this troubled part of the world and a constructive and co-operative approach to their resolution. It is incumbent upon the Security Council and all its members to grasp this reality and to shape our actions accordingly. 14. Mr. ARIAS STELLA (Peru) ~interprerotionfiom Spanish): Mr. President. may I begin by extending to you my delegation’s sincerest congratulations on your assumption of the stewardship of our deliberations for the month of May. Knowing. as we do, your intel- 16. My delegation wishes to state in this comtectlon that Peru’s position is based on considerations of a normative, political and regional nature which 1 shall now spell out. 17. First. the Charter of the Ormmiaation enshrines, among other principles, that of setidetermlnation, nonintervention in the internal affairs of other States, respect for obligations entered into under international treaties and the peaceful settlement of disputes. The Organization of American States, for its part, in article I9 of its charter, prohibits the use of coercive measures to force the sovereign will of another State. IS. These principles constitute the fundamental basis of Peru’s foreign policy. On the international scene that policy is also regulated by the doctrine of non-alignment which req&es. in&r &I, respect for the s&rereignty, territorial integrity and security ofall oatioas and their right to think and act independently. 19. The trade embargo decreed by the United Statea Government against NicaraguaatTects these principles andalso ignorestheimportantprogrcssa&ievedbytbc international community throughout the long Fmeaas towards harmonization of inter-State &tiona.. This is the case of the Declaratioa oa Pritmiples of lnterc national Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among StatesL eccordaaccwiththccharter of the United Nations, adopted at the twenty4ftb session of the General Assemblv bv rcsdutiott m- (XXV); the Charter of &onomic~Rl&ts and Duties of States, in Assembly resolution 3281 fX%lX]; and the General Agreement on TaritTs and Trade, whose mata principle, the most-favoured-nation clause, is thus being infringed. We must also mention our coneem at the failure faithfully to abii by the rpecihc uroeedures provided for in a bilateral instrument in for& between the United States and Nicaragua. 20. Therefore. and against the backgmtmd 1 have given, the Government of Peru believes that the measures adopted run counter to principles and norms of international law and constitute a major error and an action that isout of proportion in relations between two States, thus evincing the lack of symmetry and the imbata;.ce that characterize political and economic relations within the American continent, whereexcessive 26. Ifthat isallowed to happen, we shall be embarking ona pathof noretum. Togive tangible form to the trend towards postponing sine die the Contadora framework for a peaceful settlement-which envisages an overall set of possible solutions to the security, political and socio-economic questions affecting Central Americawould only lead directly to the forced isolation of Nicaragua or the erosion of its Government. It is in that context that we must view the economic measures recently taken and, consequently, our rejection of them. My Government believes that they are a serious mistake and that they serve only to confirm the structural lack of understanding from which the political life of this contment suffers so acutely. 22. There seems to be insufficient recognition that today Latin America is going through an extraordinary economic and social crisis, perhaps the greatest in its history. It is overwhelmed by the burden of a foreign deb, that is paralysing its productive capacity, to the detriment of the basic needs of its population. The satisfaction of those needs is its first priority and will determine the solidity of the democratic process in Latin America. This profound economic imbalance has a corollary in the political arena, in the instability generated by the progressive accumulation of unsatisfied needs and the flood of demands by tl! population upon the State institutions. Latin American democracy is 27. A few weeks ago our compatriot, the writer Mario Vargas Llosa. drew the conclusion in an essay that Nicaragua is still engaged in the search for final answers, that it is far from being the satellite of any Power and that that country, under strict State control. still has a pluralistic society. of international indifference. 23. Nevertheless, Latin America is striving to do away with the political vices that had associated it for too long with arbitrariness and submission; it is gradually and steadfastly building a regional home for democracy and social justice. Thus today it is taking up the challenges of an international plan for which it has acquired considerable experience and maturity. 28. Nicaraaua’s isolation confronts it with a cold-war option, which in our opinion is neither unavoidable nor desired by Nicaragua’s leaders. It is the historical duty of Latin hmeri&to prevent such a process. so that Nicaragua may move from the outdated East-West context into a new, inter-American agenda. 24. * As an example of this conceptual and political autonomy and as a basic requirement for grasping the problems of Latin America, we must understand the efYorts made by the Contadora Group, efforts which are clearlv at&&d by the measures we are discussing today. C&tadora, created as the product of the dig lomatic imagination and political will of four Latin American countries, interprets regional tradition and feeling through the search for a peaceful and negotiated settlement d the Central Am&an problem,In this connection, the Government of Peru reiterates its supd C,.- ‘h- F,.....,.(us :r:r:nr:..n .d.:rl. ;. ,I,- ..-.,a yvn. .Y. . c ,,,6-“*.Y .I,..IY.I.C*, “...V‘. .a . ..” .“” viable diplomatic option for dealmg with the serious tensions a%cting the region and for bringing about a genuine democratic order in the whole isthmus. 29. Nicaragua is today at perhaps the most crucial moment of its history. Its Government has expressed its will to strengthen and improve Nicaraguan democratic institutions. Every democracy is a system and a process. As such, it is in a constant state of renewal and is constantly faced with new challenges and obstacles, which must be overcome without outside pressures that can distort the sense of that autonomous quest to which every people bus 2: inheres! righ!. 30. My delegation deeply wishes this hope of America not to be distorted by the present adverse and obsessive circumstances. Hence, we call on the United States and Nicaragua, abiding by the principles on which this world Organization is based and by the tenets of the Contadora Act, to reach a comprehensive and definitive solution to the situation in Central America. 25. Peru’s support for Contadora is not a mere reflex action nor mere loyal adherence to the intense and compkx eflorts of four friendly countries that today symbolize the Latin American will to carry out its own 32. I should also like to express the gratitude of my delegation for the professional, judicious and fair manner in which your predecessor, the representative of Peru, Mr. Javier Arias Stella, conducted his presidency of the Council. 33. As the members of the Security Council are well aware, the Central American question has been before the Council for just over three years. During that brief time the Government of Nicaragua has come before the Council no less than nine times. Today’s meeting, therefore, should be seen as an extension of the situation in Central America. In that light it is useful to recapitulate briefly the main themes which have recurred throughout this three-year-long debate, in order to assess which ones have been borne out by the events in the region and which ones have not. That determination will, in turn. help us in appraising the credibility of the new Nicaraguan charges. 34. The nine Nicaraguan requests to convene the Securtty Council have manifested a tedious regularity and a transparency of purpose. On every occasion that Nicaragua has appeared before the Council, it has sought either to forestall the progress of the Contadora process or to interfere in the internal affairs of the United States by seeking to influence our domestic political debate about Central America. In either case a.. ntcaragua bas deiiberaieiy misused ihe Councii and converted it into a mini-General-Assembly and a propaganda forum precisely at a time when the Secretary Gmeral. the members of the Council and other concerned United Nations Members have been seeking ways to strengthen the functioning of the United Nations organ principally responsible for inte national peace and security. These repeated abuses of the Security 35. This often-repeated charge ought to be thoroughly discredited bv now. The Sandinists have made it a number of times-and I would merely mention these dates: 25 March 1982.2 April 1982. IS November 1982. 9 May 1983. 30 March 1984. 2 April 1984. 2 October 1984.25 October 1984,9 November 1984, and soon and so forth-but on none of those occasions was the charge made by more prominent a f@rre than Comandante Ortega, the most authoritative Sandinist spokesman, during the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly last year; nor was any accusation so detinitively refuted. It will be remembered that on that occasion [16fh merriug] Comandante Ortega not only predicted an American invasion of Nicaragua but was so bold as to specify 15 October 1984 as the actual date for that supposed invasion. As we all know, 15 October came and went and the “invasion” failed to materialixe. Despite this embarrassment, and despite our patient and repeated denials, Nicaragua still persists in its claim that the United States ispreparlngan invasion. So let me reiterate here that the United States is not preparing to invade Nicaragua. 36. The prediction of an imminent United States invasion was not, of course, the only Sandinist claim to prove groundless. There have been many others. Their accumulation suggests that, much as in economics, where inflation devalues the currency, the inflated claims ofthe Sandinists have hopelessly devalued their credibility, to the point that today they are not worth much more than the cord&a. the Nicamguan cumncy, which has also experienced a dramatk devahtation under the Sandinist r&me. 37. Duringtbissameperiod.beforethisvuyCouncil and in response to the Sandhdst allegations previously mentioned. the United States itas stated its views about the situation in Central America. We hope we may be forgiven, if at the risk of seeming to be immodest, we point out that our own statement~concerning the situation in Central America, and more specifiiy in Nicaragua, have beut borne out by subsequent develop ments. Let me now proceed to review them. 38. We have often stated our belief that the peopks of Centtal America have democratic aspirations which. if noi arbitrariiy repressed, wili produce poptdkrly elected Governments even in the face of diffllult economic, social and political obstacles. We expressed that view four years ago during the region’s darkest moment. when it seemed imprudent just to hope for a small amelioration of the political conditions in the region. We were aware, of course, that our views were not universally shared and that legions of sceptics 39. During that same period, however, the United States was pointing out to this Council that not all countries in the region were headed in the same democratic direction and that there were increasingly strong signals that the Sandinists were not the idealistic democratic reformers that they were commonly assumed to be. Indeed. earlv in this debate we described the accumulating indicaGons of the anti-democratic style, spirit and behaviour of the Sandinists. We highlighted their disregard for human and political rights, their denial of pluralism. their contempt for elections and their rehance on violence and -naked power to sustain their rdgime. We suggested that, given their penchant for military uniforms and symbolism, WC: were witnessing the rebirth-in a transmuted form, to be sure-of the traditional military dictatorship which we all had hoped Nicaragua had finally transcended. 42. Nicaragua’s efforts to destabilize and subvert its neighbours also started soon after the Sandinists came to power, and they continue unabated to this day. In fact, over a period of almost six years, the policies and actions of the Nicaraguan Government have not moderated but have become increasingly aggressive, heightening the threat to neighbouring countries. I need not now recite the long list of Nicaragua’s subversive efforts against its neighbours but will confine myself to the most recent one. when just a couple of weeks ago seven agents of the Nicaraguan security service were 40. Regrettably-for let me be clear that we take no comfort in the accuracy of our predictions-those early predictions have been substantiated not only by such antidemocratic statements as those that I cited during the last General Assembly session, articulated by Commander Bayardo Arce, but by the Nicamguan people themselves who, on the basis of their comparative experience of Somoza and the Sandinists. have conchtded that rl Frente y Somoza son la mlstna cosa, which, roughly translated, means “the Sandinist Front and Somoxa are the same thlnn”. It is true that todav that this was their third clandestine trip &six months in which they had transported arms from Nicaragua to Honduran guenillas. whom they also assisted in recruiting and training. 43. Allow me to fill in the picture I have been drawing of the reaional developments over the last few years bv devoting$& a few remarks to the negotiating efforts of the Contadora Group. The United States has, from the inception of the Coniadora process, supported it as tbe best hope for a negotiated and peaceful regional solution for Central America. We still do. But candour requires that we express our continuing scepticism about Nicaragua’s commitment to the letter and spirit of Contadora’s 21 objectives. We wonder how others can acquiesce in the Sandinists’ claim that they accept the Contadora objectives while Nicaragua continues to subvert and destabilixe its neighbours. continues to increase disproportionately its war-making potential, continues to reject ali attempts at internal reconciliation, continues to develop antidemocratic govemmental structures, continues to impose press censorship and continues to drift further away from non-alignment. We urge the Contadora Group to continue in its efforts. and we call on the Sandinists to demonstrate their acceptance of Contadora’s 21 objectives by faking concrete measures towards their implementation. the Sandinists. Yet even in those quarters nobne here attempts to defend the farcical “ele&on” held last year bv Ute Sandlnists or to claim that the Sandlnists are d&crats, or even that tbey have democratic inclinations. As a matter of fact, based on both the overt behaviour and the declarations oftbe Sandinists themselves, the conchtsion is no longer avoidable that the Sandinists are committed Marxist-Leninists intent on converting Nicaragua into another totalitarian satellite of the Soviet Union. On this matter tooour early apprehensions have been borne out, and for that reason we do not believe tbat it was simply a gross tactical mistake for Commander Grtega to have gone to Moscow. In fact, the visit can be regarred as an inadvertent mistake only by those who have been inattentive to both the behaviour and the public statements of the Sandinists. If we take those aspects into consideration, then, the visit was but a l@cal extension ofthe very welldefined trajectory of recent months. 41, Over the last four years we have often stated that the Sandinists are bent on the intimidation, destabiliza- 45. Let me now turn to the most recent allegation by Nicaraaua. to the effect that our recently imposed trade embargo constitutes an act ofaggression and a violation of the Charter of the United Nations, the charter of the Organization of American States. the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the United States-Nicaragua Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation.’ Frankly, we regard these as astonishing charges. Let me elaborate. 46. Customary international law does not oblige a State to trade with any other State. Common sense suggests, and international practice confirms, that in general a State is free to choose its own trading partners. In this particular case before the Council there are a number of agreements which set forth rules relevant to continued trade. All of these agreements, without exception, permit a State to exercise its customary law rights and restrict trade in the interest of its own national security. In fact, it would be very surprising if a State were compelled to put its commercial interests ahead of its national security interest. It is hard to believe that many States would accept such a limitation. The United States does not, and the measures we have taken are taken solely under our own sovereign prerogatives. They are carefully tailored so as not to affect third countries or raise questions of extralerritoriality. 47. Our action does not violate the United States- Nicaraguan Friendship, Commerce and Navigation Treaty. Neither does it violate the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. The Friendship. Commerce and Navigation Treaty contains a provision exempting either party’s actions taken in pursuance of “its essential security inlerests”. In article XXI (1) we read: “The present Treaty shall not preclude the application of measures . . . necessary to fulfil the obliptions of a Party for the maintenance or restoration of international peace and security. or necessary to protect its essential security interests”. Similarly. article XXI of the General Agreement expressly permits measures a party “considers necessary for the protection of its essential security interest . . taken in time of war or other emergency in international relations.” 48. We are not the first to invoke this provision. In 1961 the Government ofGhana relied on article XXI of “Under this article each contracting party was the sole judge of what was necessary in its essential security interest. There could, therefore, be no objection to Ghana regarding the boycott of goods as justified by security interests. It might be observed that a country’s security interests might be threatened by a potential as well as an actual danger. The Ghanaian Government’s view was 1: at the situation in Angola was a constant threat to the peace of the African continent and that any action which, by brinftinn pressure to bear on the Portuguese Govem- - -: ment, m&t lead to a lessening of thh danger, was therefore justified in the essential security interests of Ghana.” 49. Our actions with regard to Nicaraguan trade, therefore. are not without precedent. As a matter of fact, economic measures of this type are commonly rec&nized and frequently used as ;riegitimate foreG policy instrument. Indeed. as I look around the Council i note that there is hardly a member that is not using, has not used, or has not expressed a willingness to use similar measures. Thus. for instance, a number of our Council colleagues who were non-belligerents during the Falklands/Malvinas conflict imposed strict economic sanctions a8ainst Argentina. We cannot believe that they are now rcadv to condemn their own measures as a violation of the- Charter and as an iRe8ithntue attempt to interfere in the internal afTairs of other cottntries. Neither can we believe that other members of the restrictions on commercial air ttafIic with, and imbargoes on trade with South Africa are ready to declare that those policies are iRe8aJ and contrary to the Charter’s provisions. Nor can we believe that a number of other countries that routinely demand the imposition of economic and trade sanctions against selected nations are now willing to concede that those requests are illegal and contrary to the Charter. 50. But that is not all. More pertinent to the case at hand, let me remind the Council that in the exercise of their sovereign rights a number of countries-including members of Contadora-impose now. and have imposed in the past, economic measures against other countries. Finally. let me recall that in 1979 the Sandinists themselves did not object, but, on the contrary, encouraged the imposition of economic sanctions against the Somoza r&ime, and that. according to a R<uters repon of I8 July 1979, the foreign ministers of the five Andean Group countries-Ecuador. Peru, Bolivia, Colombia and Venezuela-threatened to press for an oil embargo against Nicaragua if the Sandinists were not allow&J tocome to power. Other regional Powers, including another present member of Contadora. took similar measures. 51. I have made the preceding points not with an accusatory intent, but, rather, to ask for the Council’s 52. Let me now turn to the draft resolution that has been circulating informally among Council members. The draft resolution, if adopted, would stand both law and logic on its head. It would condemn a United States embargo on American trade with Nicaragua as somehow violative of “the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States”, while standing mute in the face of actual massive Nicaraguan intervention in the internal affairs of its neighbouring States in supporting Marxist insurgencies. Those interventions, which we have already catalogued-though, to be sure, not exhaustively-in our earlier presentations before the Security Council. are in violation not only of the principle ofnon-intervention but of the principie of the prohibition of the use of force, directly or indirectly, against the territorial integrity or political independence of Member States. 58. Finally, allow me to express what the United States Government and the American aeoole desire and hope for the Nicaraguan people. I can iind no better expression than the 30 April 1985 editorial in the Nicaraguan newspaper La P&a that did not see the light of day because it was censored in its entirety by the Sandinist OlEce of Communication. Given the Sandinist fondness for extensive quotations from American 53. Specifically, Nicaragua’s campaign of subversion publications, I believe it fitting that I should now quote and destabilization in Central America has violated to them from La frensu. Indeed, it is my distinct Article 2, paragraph 4. of the Charter of the United honour to do so and in so doing to demonstrate to the Nations, articles 3, 18.20 and 21 of the revised charter world that, despite the tightening Sandinist oppression, of the Organization of American States, and article 1 of the spirit of freedom, honour and independence is still the Rio Treaty.’ very much alive amongst the Nicaraguan people. 59. The editorial is entitled “Ten points which won’t be found in Moscow” and reads as follows: 54. Nicaragua’s actions are also contrary to the principles enunciated in paragraph 3 of General Assembly resolution 290 (IV) of 1949 on the essentials of peace and the 1970 Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, annexed to Assembly resolution 2625 ww. 55. *Today, in “Alice in Wonderland” fashion, Nicarag seeks to divert attention from its campaign of destabiization and interference in the internal affairs of others by attempting to focus attention on the American response. 56. But, clearly, as I have mentioned previously, there is nothing in any bilateral or multilateral agreement to which the United States is party that prevents the United States from-at the very least-taking steps to ensure that its own national conduct, its own trade policy, in no way abets the campaign of subversion which Nicaragua has undertten. Clezrly. tte national emergency economic powers invoked by the President of the United States, pursuant to United States law, are testimony to the gravity which we attach to this concern. The United States Government has not only a right, but an obligation, not to aid, however indirectly, the secret war waged in Central America by Nicaragua. “After the Congressional denial of President Reagan’s request for $14 million, it is not in Russia where the solution to the tremendous problems of Nicaragua will be found or where peace will be obtained. As much as Russia might want (for its own interest as a &or Power) to help us, our orbit is in the American continent; our neighbourhood is democratic and our economic destruction already so profound that we would continue in decline, socialising misery and ruiningourselveb for a fanatical ideological whim that we wish to call ‘sovereignty’. “In order to pay Russia for its favours we will have to accentuate our pro-Soviet alignment, and it is as much a lack of sovereignty to fall mto the claws of the eagle as it is to fall into the paws of the bear. “The destruction in Nicaragua will not stop, nor will Nicaraguans cease to perish because of a treaty with Moscow. The only treaty that can save us is one that all Nicaraguans sign. “The following are the ten basic points of such a treaty: “I. A true non-alignment: “3. The political neutrality of the army and the police; “4. The elimination of the Committees for the Defence of Sandinism, instruments of partisan pressure against the freedom of the citizen and obstacles impossible to overcome for the functioning of democracy; “5. Total religious freedom (the State must respect absolutely the realm of faith and conscience and the work of the Christian churches); “6. Educational freedom and the inalienable right of paren;s to choose for their childreu the education they want; “7. A mixed economy. which is not a matter simply detlned as the percentage of private property that exists. but rather the legal protection of the entrepreneur and property owner, which are currently subject to arbitrary confiscation and the lawless intervention of the State. For this reason, this point requires revision of all unjust expropriations; “8. Freedom of expression. and freedom of organization and of assembly for political parties. The right of access to the electronic media (television). Strict equahty of access for the party in power and all other parties; “9. Free trade unions; ” 10. Total and complete amnesty.” The editorial concludes: “These are the ten basic points for the attainment of peace. a peace which is not in Yanzanilto. nor in Moscow, but in Nieamgua; it is to save the revolution that belongs to all Nicmaguan s. the deviation from which is causing us death&d destruction. They are the ten points for Nicaragua’s return to a democratic republican Government.”

The next speaker is the tep resentative of Mexico. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement, 61. Mr. MU&O2 LED0 (Mexico) (intcrpreratlon j&i &WniShj: 6II bdhdf of my dei+iion+ 1 cm@iuulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council. a high post reflecting the great virtues of impartiality and fine diplomatic skill&at you possess. We are convinced that you will be able to guide this debate to a positive conclusion, a debate that is so crucial for the future of international relations and the stability of our hemisphere. 63. At the beginning of the debate (2577th meelingl we listened to the statement of the representative of Nicaragua, in which he considered some of the main events of the Central American crisis and the recent measures which greatly atfect his country and which. by and huge. have been interpreted as an escalation of regional tensions and a coercive measure against a State Member of the Organisation taken in violation of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. 64. It is a publicly known fact that as from 7 May the United States Government suspended its trade reiations with Nicaragua, including cancellation of sea and air navigation between the two nations. 65. The proscription of coercive economic measures aimed at putting pressure on the soverei.sn will of a State is one of the fundamental principles of international law that has been enshrined in numerous mtdtilatend agreements and instruments. 66. We would refer to the Declamtion on Principlesof International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States ia aecordence with the Chatter of the United Nations, adopted in 1970 by the General Assembly by resolution 2625 (xxv), which stipulates: **No State or group of Statee has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the internal or external aR&e of any other State. Consequently, armed intewention and all other forms of intetfemrtce or attempted tltmats against the pcmodity of tbe State or against its political, tcD node and cultural elements. are in violation ofittternational law. “No State may use or encourage the use of eeonomic, political or any other type of measures to coerce anotber State in order to obtain front it the subordination of the exercise of its sovereign rights and to secure from it advantages of any kind. . . . “States shall conduct their intemationel relations in the economic, social. cultural, technical and tmde fields in accordance with the principles of sovereign quality and non-intervention”. 67. The inter-American system is itself based on the principle of non-intervention. The charter of the Organization of American States lays down in article 19 that 68. In addition, the Latin American Economic System has on a number of occasions considered the question of coercive measures. In September 1983. at its ninth special session, it condemned the application of such measures against countries of the region. At its tenth regu!ar session, held in October 1984. the Latin American Council adopted another decision on coercive measures, in which it recalled the commitments undertaken by the contracting parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and affirmed that the application of such measures undermined the peacemaking efforts of the Contadora Group. 74. The principal aim of the Government of Mexico has been to guarantee in the Central American region. as in any other region, the right of self-determination and its practical corollary, political pluralism-pluralism that will make possible in each country the develop ment of its own social organization and ensure for each State full sovereignty over its political and economic processes as well as the grcatcst freedom in their intcrnational relations. 75. Ideological differences between countries. like the diversity of their social traditions and structures, should not be made a reason for confrontation. In a complex and diverse world, international relations must be based on tolerance, genuine co-operation and justice, and all forms of discrimination, hostility and exclusivity must be set aside. Contemporary history has much to teach us regarding the grave dangers of acting in a way that runs counter to that objective. 69. Furthermore, there is a norm of customary international law to the effect that in times of peace trade ports should be open to international traffic and that access to such ports by vessels cannot be prevented in a discriminatory fashion because of their nationality. 70. In keeping with the relevant provisions of the Charter, the Security Council must determine in the light of the facts the measures that should be adopted to guarantee the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Member States and to establish peace and security in the Central American region. 76. Following the events that led to this debate the Government of Mexico formulated a statement in which it repeated that the harmonization of politicdl agreements between the parties involved was the only appropriate way to settle the conflicts in the Central American region. My country stressed the urgent need to prevent tensions that might lead to confrontations and to avoid any friction that might lead to a generalized confhct in the area with consequences that would extend far beyond the Central American borders. 71. Mexico deplores the fact that the diplomatic efforts undertaken by our Government to safeguard the essential prhtciples of international coexistence in the geographical and cultural area closest to us to are impeded by acts of force. We know that our position is in keeping with the unanimous attitude of the international community in favour of a peaceful solution to the CMfi3l American con&t and with the historic determination of the peoples of Latin America to defend r sovereignty and independence in the context of w respect and co-operatton. 77. Mexico, together with the countries which have committed themselves to the Contadora process, has been promoting a responsible dialogue among all the States of the area, on political coexistence on the basis of mutual respect and economic and social co-operation. We want to prevent the Central American conflict from becoming one more element in the Fast-West Confrontation-We have therefore reallhmed the principle of non-alignment as the formula for peaceful, orderly and harmonious coexistence in Central Amer. ica. Our ultimate purpose has been to put forward strictly Latin American formulas to solve the problems that must be dealt with and resolved by us alone. 72. At the end of September Iast year, at San Jod. Costa Rica, there wti a joint meeting of the foreik ministers of Central American countries, the member countries of the European Economic Community, Spain, Portugal and the Contadora Group. Speaking on behalf of the latter. the Mexican Minister for Foreian Affairs said, “With respect to economic and so&l development, the Contadora Act gives expression to understandings in favour of development and Central American integration” and also contains “obligations to promote trade on an intrazonal and extraregional basis, and proscribes coercion in economic reiations and discrhninatory practices which are an obstacle :o trade and economic ties between the countries”. 78. Furthernore, Mexico has advocated the establishment of a frank. constructive dialogue on a basis of equality between the United States and Nicaragua and has offered the hospitality of its own territory for this purpose. The Manz&illo~talks embodied the-effective possibility of solving. by means of negotiations based on mutual respect, the differences between two sovereign States with which we maintain strong relations of ftiendship and co-operation. 73. At that meeting a proposal was made to activate co-operation between the countries of Western Europe and Central America in keeping with the support that such nations have consistently offered to the Contadora 79. At one time this dialogue led to a climate of detente and provided a basis for understanding which 80. Mexico insists that regional differences must be resolved in keeping with the provisions of Chapter VI of the Charter. Economic coercion is incompatible with the objectives pursued in the process begun by Contadora. We renew our call to all States to respond effectively and clearly to the diplomatic action that we have undertaken. We invite the countries concerned to resume in a framework of dignity the dialogue that was interrupted. 81. The Central American crisis has been the subject of consideration by the Council for several years now and has also been on the agenda of the General Assembly. In its resolution 3914, of 26 October 1984, the Assembly urged “all States, in particular those with ties to and interests in the region, to respect fully the purposes and principles of the Contadora Act.” 82. Despite the unequivocal and unanimous pronouncement of the international community, aggressive designs are still clearly standing in the way of the Contadora peace-making efforts in Central America. The time has come to choose between peace and war, between imposition and dialogue, between lasting principles and transient passions. 83. Scrupulous respect for the principles of law and the nractice of diolomatic negotiation in the search for genuine solutions’to the probhmsof our time should be the constant norm in Member States. This is the best way of commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations: it should be celebrated not by ceremonies but by political decisions that confirm our desire for peace and justice. $4. Mr. LIANG Yufan (China) (Inro~remrion from Chinese): I am very pleased to see you, Sir, the distilpished representative of Thailand. a friendly nelg& bouring country of China. presiding over the meeting. The Chinese delegation warmly congratulates you on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for this month. We are sure that with your outstanding talent and rich experience in diplomacy you will em&k the Council to accomplish the important tasks facing it in May in an excellent manner. I wish also to take this opporiunity to express our thanks to your predecessor. Mr. Javier Arias Stella of Peru, for his valuable contributions made during his tenure of the presidency of the Council last month. 85. The international community has always been much concerned with the situation in Central America. The Security Council has been seized ofthis issue many times before and emphatically reaffirmed in its resolution S30 (1983) “the right of Nicaragua and of all the 86. Both the Security Council and the General Assembly have adopted resolutions firmly supporting the effort made by the Contadora Group in seeking a peaceful solution to the Central American issue and urninn all the narties concerned to render their coo&&on to the Contadora Group. However, what bothers us is the fact that the United Nations resolutions on respecting the independence and sovereignty of all the countries of Central America have aot been fully implemented and that there still exist various forms of outside interference, resulting in a continuously turbulent and intranquil situation in that region. 87. Recently the United States declared that it would impose a trade embargo against Nicaragua, which caused further deterioration in the relations between the two countries. Many countries have expressed their concern in this regard. The Chinese delegation has consistently advocated that disputes between States should be settled through peacelid negotlatlons in accordance with the basic nonns guiding international relations and on a basis of equality. We maintain that the interference in the internal alBtlrs of Niearagun by the United States and its exertion of pressure on Nicaragua by imposing a trade embargo and through other measures constitute violations of the putposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and will aggravate the tension in Central Am&a. to the detrlment of the peaceful solution of the problem of the region. 88. The Chinese delegntlon is of the view that the Central American question should be settled on a fhlr and just basis by the Central American counwles through negotiations in accmdanee with the principle8 national selfdetemrlnatlon and fnc Born any outside interference. T+ Contadorn Group has made UIuc- ~~g~“~ andhasthuswonwldespreadprpiKfromtheinterttiUlOd-Y.IhcChhtCStdtkostiDttWkh8StO miterate here that China resolutely supports the ContadoraGroupinitseffortforapeacefulsolutlondthe Central Amerlean issue and hoper that the United States and the other Parties concerned will mpond effortssotbattbetenslonhtCentmlAmerlcaaiayk rdaxcd. 89. Mr. BlERRlNG @enmark): Mr. Prasldem, fvlr I wish to congratulate you most sincerely on your accession to the twesider~~~ of the Security Council for the~oth(liy.lscnurrrthotwithy~richex~ rknce in diplomacy you will make a vaMabk contrlbutiontotheworkofthecouncil,nndIwplru~youot the co-operation of the Danish delegation. Furthermore, you represent acountry with which Denmark has always had special ties of friendship and co-operation. 90. Once again the Council is seized of the serious situation in the Central American region. Acts of violence leading to loss of human lives, misery and violation of human rights have long been a fact of daily life. The tense situation has for several years attracted the attention of the world and has been a cause of great concern to us all. 91. The crisis in Central America is closely related to the processes of change in which the countries of the region are immersed. The centuries-old social and economic iqjustices and oppression are at the root of the present situation. Just and durable solutions to the social inequalities and economic underdevelopment cannot be achieved by armed force, or by any other form of coercion. The escalation of violence offers no hope to the peoples of the region. Only economic and social reforms, a more equitable distribution of resources and a commitment to democratic systems of government through free elections can solve the underlying problems of the countries concerned. Respect for the fundamental principles of non-interference, the inviolability of national frontiers. self-determination without external pressure and the settlement of contIicts by peaceful means through negotiation is of overriding importance. Nothing is galned by drawing the problems of the area into an East-West context. 95. In line with the belief in the value of trade and economic co-operation as expressed in the San Jose communiau& my Government is of the firm view that the imposition of economic sanctions-though not violating general international law-will in no way help in solving the problems and reducing the conflicts of-the region. It is understandable that the long-standing situation of instability and unrest in the region gives cause for concern to neighbouring countries. However, tension in the region will increase, and the embargo puts the Contadora process in serious jeopardy. thereby in CentraI~mericri, 96. The United States hasdemonstrated in the past, in the most magnanimous way, its readiness and ability to mount large-scale assistance to countries and regions in distress. The time has come to transform the crisis in Central America into an opportunity: to seize the impetus it provides and to use it not only to help the countries of the region to secure their freedom from aggression and violence but also to help them with their social and economic development. 92. The main responsibility for the solution of regional problems lies with the countries in the reglon itself. My Government has therefore fully supported the peace efforts of the Contadora Group since they were initiated. The Contadora process constitutes a political and diplomatic eITort -with a potential for achievements of the greatest signifkance. The four Contadora eountrles, In close c&&oration wltb all the.Central American Governments concerned, have shown a persistent readlneas to continue the process, despite diffdtks encountered, and have indeed obtained remarkable results. But it is a fraglk undertaking and demands of all parties directly or indirectly involved the utmost flexibility and restraint. 97. Meanwhile we urgently appeal to the parties to refrain from any action which will further aggravate the l3lluauon.

First, I welcome you, Sir, the representative of Thailand. to the respondble post of Fresklent of the Security Council. We are certain that with your customary diplomatic acumen you will continue to guide the work of the Council this month successfully. I take this opportunity also to express our gratitude to the representative of Peru, Mr. Arias Stella, for the skiiful-i wouid say masterly-way in which he canied out the functions of President during the month of April, which was by no means an easy month from the point of view of the Council’s work. 93. The Contadora nrocess has gained support from the whole international community, without~exceplion. In its unanimously adopted resolution 530 (1983). the Security Council commended the eIforts of the Contadora Groun and appealed urecntlv to the interested States to co-operate~fuiiiy wifh &e Group, whiie at the same time reaftIrming the right of Nicamgua andofau the other countries k the &a to live in peace and security, free from outside interference. These positions have since been supported in resolutions by the General Assembly, also adopted unanimously. This international consensus and support of the Comadora effort must be maintained. 99. Today is a special day for all mankind and for the United Nations, The peoples of the world are cele- 100. The military alliance that came about during the years of the war demonstrated the potential for cooperation that is inherent in the joint strttggte for peace and a better future for mankind. Today a message has been issued by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union and the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union. Its title is “To the Peoples. Parliaments and Governments of All Countries” bn the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War. This tness88e emphasizes that “one of the main lessons that have &en l&med is that agsression has to be resolutely end concertedly cornbated before the actual flames of war flare up.” 101. Today, the Soviet Union is appealing to 8ll peapies, parliaments and Governments to heed the voice of reason and, through joint and active efforts, to halt the gradual trend towards the abyss of nuclear catastrophe and to bar the way to a new WBI. 102. An impnmmt part in 8ll this undoubtedly will have to be played by tlte United Nations. The message to which I have referred go8s on to lndluue that it is in the common interest of 8ll countrks to promole the enhenced effe4tivenesr of th8 United Nations 8s 8n internotional tool for peace 8nd s8cufity 8tnong peoples and in the implearcnfatlon of the lofty @ procI8Im8d in its Ch8rt8r: to s8ve succe8ding wr fmm the scourge of w8r 8nd to ensure char peoples live tog8thef in the world 8s good neighbours. 103. The dekg8tion of th8 Soviet Union supported Nic8ragua’s request for an urgent tne8ting of the Security Council. We list8ned c8mfully to the statement made in this chamber by the representative of Nic- 8mgu8, Mr. Ch8morro Mom. The f8cts cited in th8t excclkntly phutned 8nd bnlsaced stptement confIrm th8t this request WB) well founded. IO4 The tremendous 8l8rm felt 8t the rt8te of atrain in Central America has been qui’e clearly expressed today in the statements of 8 numkr of oth8r St8tes Members of the United Nations. l&any rpeskerr hove expressed the general view of the Movement of Non- Aligned Contries, comprising approximately IO0 States of the world. On 7 May this year, the Co-ordinating 105. Over the past four years. problems connected with the situation in Central America have been a constant feature of the agenda of the Security Council. We have seen that, despite existing United Nations resolutions, the situation in that part of the world continues to deteriorate. It is becoming an increasingly dangerous source of international tension. There is one reason for this: the further escalation ofanti-Nicaraguan action on the part of the United States, action aimed at interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State and at the toppling of its leg8J Government. Preparations for the expansion of armed operations carried out by the Somozists and their allies are being accelerated and directly co-ordinated by United States personnel. 106. The spring of this year has been characterized by a further round in preparations by the United States forces in Central America, with clearly interventionist intentions. Evidence of this is the utmrecedented number of United States servicemen who were assigned to that part of the world during the “Big Pine” and “Univers8l Trek” manoeuvres. as well as the fact that and that landing operations are be&g further perfected. The t&tories of cert8in Central American States 8re being turned more and more into a springboard for a dev8st8ting anti-Nicateguan WBC. 107. Having emtmrked.on the course of s$ving tlte cyern ofC+tnl Amence by force, the Umted Slates ?I? In tactics of openly blocking any ways and m88ns 8ffe&tg 8 political settlement in th8t u8rt of the world. It is p&ciOely Ike f8ult of the Unlteditates that the United States-Nicamgtmn t8lks were broken elf and that the p88ce efforts of the Cont8dor8 Omup have bean tbwartad und8r conttivcd pmtcxts. 06h8mi- 8&y, wltkoutb8ckingitspositionupby8ny8rgtttnent8- tbn, Washi~ has r8j8cted 8ll constructive propos8lr made by the Nicamguan Government and has ignored all its tenders of good will. 108. From time to time. pursuing obviously tactical purpostcr, tlte United States h8s not shrunk from resorting to m8ooeuvrer designed to obfuscate the new, even more dangerous rt8ge th8t h8s been r88ched in its 8ggmrive policy in that part of the world. Under the guise of s048lkd peace plans, wh8t is in fact being rqcm;g is a &** OrKe dii L ite iaieird iirwture of Nicmgua, changes in its foreign policy. A sovereign country is being instructed, in the form of an ultimatum, about which States it may main& reiations with and which St8ter it may not maintain relations with. Am was aptly stated in this connection by the President of Colombia. Belisario Betancur, these plans ore no more and no less than “preparations for war”. I IO. At the same time, as we know from information that has reached us, the Pentagon is actively working out the details of further military action to be carried out in Central America, based on its “experience” in Lebanon and Grenada. It would seem that the lessons of the not-so-distant past, including the past of IO years ago. have not been properly learned. What the ancients said was true: whom the gods would destroy they first make mad. ’ Ill. All these acts have been carried out ooenlv. flouting generally recognized principles of morality; international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Such a course of action cannot but arouse legitand indignation within the United States itself: 112. The latest link in the chain of lawless actions was the imposition by the United States of a trade embargo and other discriminatory economic measures againsi Nicaragua. All this has been done in spite of established international principles and the bilateral and multilateral commitmentsVentered into by the United States within the framework of the United Nations, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and other omnizations. The clear purpose here is to damage the economy of a developing country and to bring its people to their knees by means of a trade blockade. It Itas not been concealed that these actions are iatended to bolster the general interventionist policy pradsed against Nicaragua. 113. It is well known that unilateral political limltatkmsontradeand&itraryboycottsorsanctloneofany kind create an atmosphere of tension and mistrust in international economic relations and undermine the legal basis of those relations. 114. In this connection it is not inappropriate to recall once again that. while imposing embargoes and blockades against States unwillina to act at the behest of Washhigton. the United Stat& has for many years now stubbornly defended the racist r&he of Pretork against the imposition by the Security Council de&clive international m. I IS. We should be very grateful to the United States delegation ifit could explain to the Council why, wbenever the question of imposing sanctions against South Africa arises, United States representatives assert that such action would not yield the desired result. They have claimed that what is needed in the case of the uparrheid regime is “dialogue and constructive engage- 116. The statement made today by the representative of the United States only corroborates the arguments put forward by Nicaragua. The basic purpose of that statement was to attempt to justify increasing intervention by the United States in the affairs of that small country. He tried to “explain” why the United States should be interfering in the affairs of another country, but he said nothing about the main ooint at issue-who gave Washingtonihe right to carry’ out such intervention? That is a question to which the Security Council would like an answer. So far it has received-none. 117. The representative of the United States accused Nicaragua of some sort of intervention in the atfairs of its neighbours. One wonders why those neighbours and other Latin American countries either have been silent or have spoken out against United States activities. Finally, when he asserted that some sort of special relationship exists between Nicaragua and the Soviet Union, the representative of the United States could cite only one fact: that President Ortega had visited Moscow. It would be rather stretching things to consider every visit by a head of State to another country’s capital to be some sort of subversive activity. 1 think. by the way, that tomorrow President Ortega will be in Madrid. I lg. The present events around Nicaragua must necessarlly be considered in a broader context. As emphasized in his statement of 23 April this year by the General &rotary of the Central Committee of the evunist Party of the Soviet Union, M&hail Gor- * “The United States onenlv claims the ‘riuht’ to riding roughshod over, the interests of other coun- Irks and paopks, es well as the traditions of internationalmlalknsaadexistinntraatksandanteG mmls. It c4xulady creates ts ofcdlictMd the lhmal ofwar by exaw-bating the situation first in one part of the world, then in another. Today the United States is Uueamning the heroic people of Nicaragua with military violence, trying to deprive it Otits~andsov~ty,~itdid$thecaseot the peopk OfGrenada.” 119. The Soviet Union mly rqiects and condemns the policy of aggression, intervention in the internal &airs of Nkarqua and State terrorism which i3kiaspvrusd~thatcountry.ItrisesinMence ofthein&nabkrigMsoftheNkamguan people to free, detnocra& and independent development, and it stands fldy behind that peopk in its snuggle against the aggressive inroads of imperialism. This approach, which we maintain as a matter of principle, was confvlmd during the recent visit to our country of a delegation from Nicaragua, headed by Resident Ortega. 121. Indeed, that position cannot but be shared by all who truly cherish the ideal of peace and genuinely acknowledge and defend the principles of the Charter. This is what is demanded by United Nations consensus decisionson the situation in Central America. includinn Security Council resolution 530 (1983) and Genera Assembly resolutions 3800 and 3914. This is made abundantly clear by the violent reaction throughout the world to the most recent steps taken by the current Administration in Washington. 122. In our opinion, the Security Council will be acting correctly-and responsibly if ii demands that the rights of Nicaragua be respected like those of other countries, including its rlghifreely to determine its own political, economic and social system, and lf it condemns intervention in the affalrs of Central Amerlcn and the illegal imposition of economic embargoes and calls for an immediate end to those actions. 123. Mr. WOOLCG’IT (Australia): Mr. President. I could speak about the ties that link our two countries. but it is ~stdflcient to say that I am delighted to congratulate you. as the distinguished representative of a country of the south-east Asian region, a region of which Australia regards itself as a part, on your assumption of the oresidencv and to assure YOU of my delegation’s confidence thnt you will dis&rge yo& duties with great distinction. I should also like to express our -appreciation to the President for April. Mr. Javier Arias Stella. for discharging his duties so skilfully and effectively. 124. We are considering today developments ln a t-egion with a long history of violence and insect&y. It is a region with serious economic. social and polkkal problems stemming from centuries of exploltatlon and iqjustlce. The problems of the region may not be new, but they are serious, and the international community has an obligation to take a responsible interest in developments in Central America, as well as doing what it can to help better the lot of the peoples of that region. 12% bfy country is situated far from Central America. but our membership in the Security Council places upon us an obligation to play a constructive and r&onsibk role in the search for peaceful solutions ‘to those issues which come before the Council. 126. Australia’s views on the situation have been clearly expressed on a number of occasions over the 127. The Security Council should do all it can to SUDport this process of negotiation. While it is the ContadoraGroup which is doing the hard work. the Council can support it by pointing to the principles and practices which should guide all States involved. Most importantly, all Stat& should fulfil, in good faith, their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations, including the obligation to settle international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security and justice are not endangered. 128. In applying these general principles to the particular case of Central America, we can make certain observations. All Central American countries have the right to live in peace and security, free from outside interference. This principle was restated in Security Council resolutioa 530 (1983) and remains valid today. Nicnrngna has the right to choose its own form of Government, without outside interference. The use offorce to resolve disputes is to be deplored, no matter who uses it. The cycle of violence in Central America must be stopped The Contadora process should be fully supported by all States. not just ln their rhetoric, but also in their actions. Trade sanctions in this case will not, In our opinion, achieve the end they are snpposed to achieve. but nm likely to have the opposite effect -that is. to immase tensions and thus hinder the Cont&In process. 129. My ddegath listened attentively to the statements of prec&ng speakers. AustraUa understands U&d States concerns in the r&n and does not deny thattbeUnitedStnteshasarlghttokconcernedabout what is happen@ so close to its own borders. It is natural for all countries to be concerned about what is hap@ngintbeirneighbomhood. It is in this context that the Anstrallnn Prime Minister and Fomipn Minister have made clear that they do not consider the impositionoftmdesanctionstobeanappropnateactionin ik churiiriancer. The Atisiiaiiaii Goveiniiicni regrets that this step was taken. 130. To conclude. I make a plea to all countries involved to refrain from violence or the support of violence in Central America. Australia calls on all parties to avoid provocative actions which may increase tensions or complicate the search for a peaceful solution to the problems of the region. 139. Therefore France cannot but earnestly appeal for dialogue while at the same time reaffirming its commitment to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, to the continuation of the Contadora process and to all those bilateral negotiations which have been initiated in order to produce the necessary and urgently needed easing of tension.

The next speaker is the representative of Cuba. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. -

1 congratulate you, Sir. on your assumption of duties as President of the Security Council for this month. I am certain that with your great experience and skill you will successfully guide over the proceedings of this important body. I also congratulate Mr. Arias Stella of Peru, a distinguished colkague Corn the America which is watching us today with deep concern and hope in the Council’s ability to assume its responsibility regarding the delicate situation in Nicaragua. The excellent work done by Mr. Arias Stella in the Council has faithfully reelected his concern for and commitment to our peoples. 133. I should be remiss if1 failed to remind the Council of the concern caused to my Government by any increase in tension in Central America. whatever its origin. 134. When military actions led the Security Council to adopt resolution 530 (1983) in May 1983, we were pleased that certain ftmdantental principles of the Charter were unanimously reaffii by members of the Council, particularly, in the fourth preambular paragraph, “the obligation of States to settle their disputes exclusively by peaceful means”. 142. Once again it is necesary to call upon the Security Council to consider the situation created by the u&stified, unilateral embargo the Governme& in Washington has imposed upon Nicaragua. This new sten in the escalation of United States Government 135. Thatunanimityabouttheneedtofindameansto bring about peac&l developments in Central America and about support for the efforts of the Cotttadora Group were also expressed at the last two sessions of the General Assembly, in its resolutions 38/lOand 39/4. the many politi&l, economic and military acts of aggression which that country has had to endure practically from the very momem when the satrapy of the Somozas, the illegitimate offspting of Yankee ntilitary intervention in Nicaragua, was defeated. To the political harassment, the press campaigns designed to distort the image of the Sandinist revolution, the training, arming and financing of counter-revolutionary bands, the mining of ports and the carrying out of endless m&ry manoeuvres on the borders and coasts of Nicaragua must be added the embargo now imposed to kill the people of Nicaragua with starvation. 136. That is the course of action we wish to see taken in order to find a lasting regional solution in Central America. The conclusion and implementation of the Contadora Act would enable all the countries ofCentral .&g&a to hvrlnn &no tb linea frrrly &cl! by --. ---r - m..v -. . - - - _. - - - their populations. 137. The undertaking of the Contadora Group cannot but be adversely affected by the coercive measures taken against Nicaragua. My country regrets all the more that that has occurred, since the Ten of Europe have just sent a special good will mission to the Group and to the States of Central America. 143. The pretext used to impose this criminal embargo is the trip of the Resident of Nicaragua to the Soviet Union. Since when does the President of a sovereign and independent country have to ask permission of Washington to take a trip to another capital? In the fully about the fact that its allies meeting in Bonn a few days ago expressed disagreement with the embargo against Nicaragua. In other places, friends of the United States have added their voices to those who disagree with that measure. Never has the isolation been greater. It must consider this carefully; it shows, fore it. My delegation joins previous speakers in exfurth&-more, disagreement with the policy-the United States has been conducting against Nicaragua for so manv years. . . Council for this month. We likewise congratulate your 146. Why does the United States not negotiate honpredecessor, the President for the month of April. estly and calmly with Nicaragua? Why do& it not sup. . port with specitic. tangible and serious actions the 153. efforts of the Contadora Group to arrive at a peaceful Like every other peace-loving member of the international community, we in the Tanzanian delsolution. when Nicaragua has demonstrated flexibility egation have been following developments in Central and the political will to neuotiate? This embargo is a America with deeb concern and therefore the debate in harsh blow to the efforts of Contadora in the sea&h for the Council on th’e complaint by Nicaragua with keen a solution. The embargo must be rescinded by those interest. We believe that at stake in the admittedly who imposed it, thus making a contribution to easing teneion in the area. Why does the United States not explosive situation in that area are the very principles of the United Nations, as embodied in the Charter, on exercise intelligence and political courage and negowhich the very survival of most, if not all, nations tiate with the legitimate constitutional Government of depends and on which the future of pence and security Nicaragua, headed by Daniel Ortega? rests. 147. For 26 years now Cuba has been the victim of this criminal and inhuman policy of blockade, which indicts stttfering upon peoples but at the same time makes them stauncher defenders of tbe cause they uphold. 148. Justas4Oyearsago when theroarofthecattnons was falling silent, out of the ashes of the bombs in the cruel war unleashed by the Nazis and the Fascists a cry surged from the peoples, a cry is surging again: peace -peace in which to devote our ene@ies to develop merit. The Nicaraguan people want peace with digr&y-peace to rebuild the country destroyed by So. moxa; peace to rebudd that which was destroyed by the murderous bands of Somoza’s henchmen who today are given logistical support and guided by the Central Intelligence Agency. 155. It cannot be overem&asized that a lastlna s&ttion to the problem-with &gard not only to Ni&agua 149. We ask the Security Council to heed the cry of but to the whole area-depends entirely on strict obthe peoples in our America and act on the basis ofthe servance of the principlesbf the Charter. particularly Ortization’s Charter by supporting the Comadora remeet for the independence, sovereignty and terri- Group so that reason and dialogue may prevail and the ton% integrity of all States. In the case of Nicaragua, thunder of guns and cruel embargoes by those who act a non-aligned State, its non-alignment should be rewith arrogance cease. swcted. To that end. therefore. the parties should refrain from any acts that amount to aggression and inter- 150. The Government of the United States has acted ference in the internal affairs of other States. and no unilaterally in imposing this embargo, an action which, effort should be spared in seeking a solution to any under the terms of the Charter, falls within the comdisputes through peaceful means. -- ~--

Mr. President, I should first like to thank you, and through you the other members of the Council, for the opportunity you have accorded my delegation to participate in the Council’s deliberations on the item betending to you the high tribute you so well deserve on what we know will be your successful leadershin of the 154. On more than one occasion the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, of which my country is a devoted member, has reviewed the situation in Central America and expressed its concern at the disturbii develonments there. While indeed the security of States In the area is being undermined, these de&p. ments now pose a serious threat to httemational peace. Therefore the timely complaint by Nicaragua to the Council and that country’s call for a peacetid settlement of the dispute cannot but be commended as an exprerrsion of the spirit that should guide all the parties concerned. We therefore wish to take this opportunity to add our voice to that of the Government and people of Nicaragua in their appeal. 157. At its thirty-eighth session the General Assembly took what many of us deemed to be one of the most significant decisions of that session when it adopted by consensus its resolution 38/10. entitled “The situation in Central America: threats to international security and peace initiatives”. That resolution was the product of many hours, indeed many days, of hard negotiations among the members of the Contadora Group and the countries directly concerned. As we all know. that resolution, inrer ah, unequivocally reaffirmed the right of al! the countries of the Central American region to live in peace and to decide their own future free from all outside interference or intervention. It reaffiied that respect for the sovereignty and independence of all States of the region was essential to ensure the security and peaceful coexistence of the Central American States, and it expressed support for the efforts of the contadora Group. 162. The Government of the United Republic of Tanzania pledges its solidarity with the people and Govemment of Nicaragua during these trying moments. The Security Council, as the body responsible for the preservation of peace and security, can do no less than give encouragement and support to ongoing genuine efforts aimed at bringing about a long-lasting peace and a just solution to the problems in Central America.

The next speaker is the representative of Poland. 1 invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Sir, the delegation of Poland wishes to congratulate you, the representative of Thailand. on your assumption of the presidency of thiscouncii. We are convinced that your diplomatic skill. intelligence and wisdom will help this body to deal effeetivelywith the difficult tasks ahead of it. 1 take this opportunity to express our admiration for the way in which the representative of Peru, Mr. Javier Arias Stella, guided the deliberations of the Council during the month d April. 158. It was our hope that such an unquivocal pronouncement of the General Assembly, made without a vote. would be a harbinger of peac&l negotiated solutkmstothefBmbkmBdtheregiDn.EvenmoreimpDrtatt,itwnaonrexpe&thmthatmorttothreatsiutd dttha bored on force would come to an end. The verylscttbnt,on~vexcd8nis~8othjs./tbadbcen 165. Several times already my delegation has presented the position of the Polish Government on the Nicarauuan complaint to the Security Council and on the in&ease in tensions in Central America. Poland has asked to speak before the Council this time also in order to expr& its concern over certain threats to international security because their dimensions transcend the Central American region. ~greatlyeneoum@theinter- 19. It is regrettable. however, that that has not been thecaseandthat.onthewhok,thi4shavegonefrom bsdtowcwse.ThatNicamguahasf&obli&tohave recourse to the Council yet a&t testifies to the fact that, far fFom being alleviated, its concerns have still not been met aad have even become mom pre3sing and intense. 166. The Security Council has already dealt with open and covert acts of aggression committed against Nicaraaua in sdte of the readiness of the Nicaraguan Gov- - . emtint to ~@a+ B SACion of ihe COG&~ 2nd in s&e of the efforts of the four countries of the Con- &Iota Group. i66 ?&. Cii ...dN.,inGiia prehensive exposition to the Council. brought before it yet again a series dalkgations dacta of aggression and subversion and other forms d provocation against Ms country. The international community cannot remain passivein thefaceofall theseactsofdestabilixation,all these acts of economic strangulation now being catrled out against Nicaragua. 167. Referring to these developments, my delegation emphasized that the crisis in Central America was the result of the extension of different destabilizing factors rather than being in any way attributable to East-West 168. It is with grave concern that we have to state that the United States has recently intensified those activities. My delegation followedwith great attention yesterday the statement of the representative of Nicaragua describina in detail all the unlawful actions against his country. ?he development of events is cam&g legitimate alarm. The United States flagrant interference in the atfairs of a sovereign State is demonstrated by its being made clear in Washington that what the United States Government wants is a change of government in Managua. Any further pretence about “covert action” is now ludicrous. The international community now knows beyond any doubt that the United States Administration openly supports military action against Nicaragua. A variety of measures is being applied to coerce the Sandinist Government. 169. We are witnessing another example from a long list of countries that have been subjected recently to a purely political reasons. I use the term “so-c&d economic sanctions” because they were not approved by the Security Council. It is no surprise to my unttttry, or to many others, that the policy of economic pressure against Nicaragua in order to make that aover&n State comply with the political wishes of a more pow&l country originates in the United States. Using as a pretexi the hternal developments towards a m&e just and democratic order in Nicaragua, the United States has been undertaking wholly ideol~cally motivated action a@rst Nicaragua encompassing every aspect of international relations, including the economic aspect. 170. It is hardly necessary to orove that such a nolicv is totally unlawful and inc&sisient with the prov>sio& of the Charter of the United Nations. In particular, the measures to which 1 have referred are clearly inconsistent with Articles I and 2of the Charter. They depart from such fundamental principles of internati&al~law as those concerning the sovereign equality of States and respect for the tights inherent in sovereignty, non-intervention in internal affairs and co-operation among States. Such steps are followebes in our case-by bi&&@ ifiie~i&Oi;~ w&r&& & G-G tkcs ‘fi wija tradiction with a basic and universally recognized norm of the law of treaties, paclu runt servo&u. The economic restrictions also undermine the established practice of international trade relations, contiled in various international instruments, that political ekments are not introduced into trade and commerce. The said actions should be treated as unlawful and unjustified 172. The extension of political tensions into the sphere of economic co-operation introduces an dement of uncertainty and instability. It also creates an extremely dangerous precedent for the future. Many States are reluctant to commit themselves to broader economic co-operation, fearful of increasing exposure to political pressures. 173. It is therefore, in the opinion of my delegation, high time not only to think but also to act vigorously in the direction of strengthening confidence in international economic relations. Confidence-building is a broad and prolonged process. However, sting the process of confidence-building in the most constructive spirit would make a small but important contribution to the positive restructuring of the present environment of international economic relations, thus providing a favourable stimulus to political relations. Within the framework of such steps, we can also foresee a constructive settlement of the contlict between the United States and Nicaragua. 174. There is no doubt that the main condition for the restoration of neaceful relations is the immediate cessa- Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America paves the way for lasting +ace in the region. Poland shares the conviction of the four Cotttadora States that “the Contadora Group is the appropriate forum for dealing with the Central Ant&can situation”. as expressed in the information bulletin from Panama City distributed as document S/l7103 of I5 April 1985. 173. To conclude. the delegation of Poland, reaffuming its fum solidarity with Nicaragua, requests that the Security Council make a strong call to the parties to the conflict to abstain from any action aimedat destabillzing or undermining other States or their systems, including the imposition of trade embargoes or restrictions, blockades or other sanctions not author&d by .& Cm&. Ai ihe wbs wmd sw wi-& their conflicts through bilateral and multilateral negotiations within theContadora process. Further, the sovereignty of States and the inalienable right of States, Nicaragua included, to determine freely their political. economic and social systems should be reaflirmed. Last but not least, all coercive measures of an economic orother nature. which violate the primple of non-inter-

The next speaker is the representative of Algeria. 1 invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

1 am very pleased to be able, on behalf of the Algerian delegation, to express my congratulations to you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this morth. We are convinced that your competence and wisdom are the best guarantee of prudent conduct of the Council’s work. I should also like to take this opportunity to extend my congrattdations to Mr. Arias Stella. the representative of Peru, on the way in which he discharged his duties as President of the Council last month. 183. Finn and honest support for this Act would finally have permitted the efforts of the Contadora Group to reach the stage at which a downward spiral in the tension in Central America could have begun and accelerated. However, it seems that with the decision on the embargo on trade relations with Nicaragua the tension in the region has increased and thus justifies renewed and increased concern as to the future course of events in the region. 184. Once again we see that the situation, because of its extreme gravity, requires the greatest restraint so as to prevent any action that might provoke a sudden escalation of tension. At the same time, it makes it necessary that the greatest encouragement be given by at1 States, in particular the most powerful among them, to the Contadora Group, whose patient and praiseworthy undertaking merits more careful consideration and a better tribute than the imposition of a new obstacle to its persistent efforts to promote a peaceful solution to the problems of the region. 178. For too many years now the situation in Central America has been constantly marked by disquieting signs of a dangerous evolution. Following an inexorable logic of confrontation, it thus threatens to break out at any time, with consequences of unpredictable dimensions, into a regional conflagration fraught with danger for international peace and security. What makes matters worse is that this evolution is takina date in the global context of an international situaticuthat is particularly troL %I and in which tangible signs of renewed confidence cannot yet be discerned. 185. It is clear that the trade embargo decreed by the United States agahsst Nicaragua is no kind of reward for the efforts of the Contadom Group, nor will it lead to a restoration of stability and peace in Central America. On the contrary, this measure is likely to cause further exacarbabon of the tension at the same time as it se riously reduces the chance of a negotiated political settlement. 179. There has therefore been from the very beginning much food for serious thought on the part of the international community. 180. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, whose very history bears witness to solidarity and work for progress and peace, has constantly expressed its increasing concern through the assiduous attention with which it has followed events, continually voicing its support for the right of the peoples of the region to self-determination and independence. 186. Adopted in violation of international law, this measure nuts couoter to the Cotttadora spirit of reconciliation and harmony. It is unjust in its nature and di&proportiort?& in its scope; it will certahtly harm ccanomc mterests of a State wtth bnuted national msources which is tacklittg the sarious repercussions on the domestic front of an intematio ml economic crisis. The impact ofthat crisis is all the greater because of the mobilixation of all Nicaragua’s national means to face the constant threat to its sovereignty and independence. Contrary to the principles of the Declaration on Principles~of lnter&ioriai Law concerning Friendly Relations and cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [Generul Assembly resolutlon 2625 (XXV), annex] the embargo is also a further attack on the principie of noninterference and non-intervention in the internal atfairs of States. it is a serious departure from the course of dialogue and negotiation. At the same time, it is proof of the continuation of a mistaken approach to the problem ofcentral America, which is persistently depicted as an East-West confrontation. 181. The Security Council, for its part, is seixed ofthe question and has already reaflirmed in its resohttion 530 (1983) the right of Nicaragua and of all States in the region to live in peace and security free from foreign interference. That was certainly a timely reaffhmation of a right which the Gene& Assembly has in a most responsible way devoted itself to promoting as inalienable. 182. In addition to this unanimity, four Latin American countries-Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Vene- Zueki-hPve undertaken painstakingiy to reconstruci a consensus for peace in Central America and to achieve the translation into reality of the good will aroused by the Contadora process in the five Central American countries. Inspired by obstinate determination and optimism, these countries have devoted patient efforts to the preparation of an Act on Peace and Co-operation 188. Reconnizine that the initiative of the countries members ofthe Cbntadora Group was an action based on fundamenta! respect for that right, Algeria from the outset unreservedly supported their eff&ts. They are exemplary efforts that are a true challenge, in view of the complexity and difficulty of a task which an unfavourable international situation has made particularly acute. They are sound efforts as well, because they will lead to the necessary rehabilitation of negotiation in contrast to confrontation and will ensure that dialogue prevails over mistrust and suspicion. They are timely and persistent efforts also, since they reaffirm the urgency of reabsorbing regional conflicts within their regional framework, at the precise moment of the welcomed resumptio,r of dialogue between the super- Powers. 189. Quite clearly, then. the work of the Contadora Group by its significance. KS beyond the initial limits of an urgent recourse to an adhoc initiative and reaches the level of a symbolic responsibility in efforts that basically revert to the choiceiaid down in the Orgatu~ation’s Charter, which @es pride of place to recourse to dialogue and negotiation. 1%. So today we must chart the course to a true return to the s&it of Contadora by ~IIY and unequivocally re&irming our support for the &tadora Group’s action. This meeting of the Security Council is being held on the very eve of a meeting scheduled by the Contadora Group. It is our hope that the Council;clearheadly and calmly. will adopt e lucid position that may be seen as encouragement for the resumption of the Contadora process and. at the same time, as a message of hope for the peoples of CZittal America. 191. The PRESlDENT: The next speaker is the representative of Brazil. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

I should fust like lo add my delegation’s congratulations to those already expressed to the President of the Security Council as will as to the representative of Peru, the-President of the Council last month. 193. MY Government and I are very mateful for this opportunity to address the Security council at this time. I should like to call the Council’s attention to the statement issued by the Brazilian Government in Brasilia on the item before the Council. It has been circulated as document S/17166. 195. The road to negotiation, particularly the one being followed with the valuable co-operation of the Contadora Group, is the only way to attain a valid result, through respect for the right of peoples to selfdetermination an> ‘hrough strict observance of the principle of non-Interference. I%. In line with the wsition it has always taken, Brazil deplores the use o&iIateral economic-measures that are inconsistent with the Charter of the United Nations and with the charter of the Organization of American States and that pose new obstacles to negotiated solutions. We appeal to all the parties involved to abstain, inspired by a true desire for peace, from any acts or actions that endanger the prospecls for understanding and to make a direct commitment to negotiation efforts. 197. Brazil is convinced that negotiation is still the option. Those who because of their more direct interests in the Central American question have, accordingly. more concrete responsibilities must clearly and firmly exercise the option for negotiation, since neither confrontation nor the use of force will solve the problem in Central America.

Four names remain on the list of speakers for this afternoon’s meetinS. In view of the lateness of the hour, those speakers will be c&d upon at the next meeting of the Security Council. u)o. Mr. SORZANO (United States of America): There have been repeated allegations that the trade embar and other economic measures that the United States has taken in recent days constitute a violation of the~roftheUnitedN&ns.Letmeagainrepeat that there is nothing in the Chatter that prevents a State from exercising its-&@ to terminate trade. While under rule chatter the secudty cwncil may mMds!e certein types of economic measures and bind all States, the Charter in no way precludes action by individual States in pursuance of their customary and sovereign r@hts to safeguard their security. 201. There have also been allegations that the trade embargo by the United States against Nicamgua vie 202. It is Nicaragua that is engaged in a course of action which is a massive violation of the charter of the Organization of American States. It is conducting a campaign of subversion and aggression against its neighbours and is violating the political and human rights of its people. The United States decision to cease trading with Nicaragua is intended primarily to prevent Nicaragua from deriving benefits from trade with the United States which would, directly or indirectly, support its illegal, aggressive and destabilizing course of action in the region. 208. On 28 September 1939 another secret German- Soviet motocol modified the arrangements made that August! all of Lithuania was to be-a Soviet sphere of influence, not a German one, but the dividing line in Poland was changed in Germany’s favour, being moved eastward to the Bug. 209. On IO October 1939, the Soviet Union compelled Est6nia. Latvia and Lithuania to admit Soviet aarrisons onto their territories. Approached with si&ilar demands, Finland refused to comply. The Soviet Union attackid Finland on 30 Novemb& 1939. After a heroic defence, Finland was forced to sue for peace on 6 March 1940. Soviet terms were accepted: beyond the earlier demands that had led to Finnish resistance, the Finns were forced to cede areas in the Salla and Kuusamo communes and their part of the Fisher Peninsula and to undertake the building of a railway from Kemijarvi to the frontier. 203. The repiesentative of the Soviet Union, Mr. Troyanovsky, spoke eloquently about the great Allied victorv in the Second World War against the forces of Hiderite fascism. He spoke movingly about the contributions the Soviet people made towards that victory, and indeed the Soviet people must be recognized as having sacrificed tremendously and as having contributed enormously to that particular victory. The Soviet representative also noted that that event of 40 years ago indicated the potential for joint collaboration in desirable directions. Had he stopped there 1 would not have asked to exercise the right of reply. However-and unfortunately-the Soviet rep resentative continued by accusing the United States of violating international accords, of interfering in the domestic affairs of States and, especially, of interfering in the internal affairs of neighbouring countries. 210. In June 1940, Romania was compelled by the Soviet Union to cede Bessarabia and northern Bukovhta. 211. On I3 April 1941, Japan concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union. 204. What I should lie to do is refresh the memory of the Council and that of the Soviet delegation. It would be nice to have historical amnesia, but unfortunately some of us are burdened with a memory of history. 212. So much for Soviet non-interference in the affairs of its neighbouring States, and so much too for Soviet attitudes about Hitlerite fascism. 205. In 1939. Hitler had the Rhineland, Austria and Czechoslovakia, and his eyes were turned towards Poland. Poland, conscious of the designs of its neighbours, had entered into e non-aggression pact with Germany ln 1934 and a non-aggresslottpact with the Soviet Union in 1932. On 26 November 1938, Poland also concluded a further treaty of friendship with the Soviet Union.

The representative of Nicaragua has asked to speak in exercise of the right of reply. I now call on him. 214. Mr. CHAMORRO MORA (Nicaramra) f&rpretation from Spanish): I would have p&e& not to swak in redv, as I have just asked to do. First of all. I Adder &t &at has be& &lid today by delegations members and non-members of the Security Council clearly demonstrates the concern of the international community about the recent measures adopted agahtst my country, which increase tension in the region and undermine the Contadora peace process which seeks a negotiated political solution to the problems facing Central America. 206. Yet. durinn the niaht of 23 Aumst 1939. the German-S&&t ion-aggr&sion pact--the inf&us Hitler-Stalin pact-was signed in Moscow. The pact’s secret protocol stipulated that, ifchanges a&&g Finland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were made, Lithuania’s northern frontier should be the dividing line bt-wen Gere7- ;-j “...?LI .&res &ini,uence, thti c: lllO” St” wv,e s in Poland the line should be approximately that of the Narew, Vistula and San rivers, and that Bessarabia should be a Soviet sphere of influence. 215. Secondly, I would have preferred not to speak because the statement by the United States representative amazed me so much that quite-frankly I have almost lost my powers of speech and my ability to think clearly and calmly. 207. This cynical agreement stupefied Europe even though its secret proic%d was then unknown to all but 217. It is the general practice for that delegation, in its attempt to divert attention, to use a string of womout arguments regarding a whole series of aspects relating to our internal policies. arguments which, it seems to me, they don’t even believe themselves. I think not even Mr. Sorzano himself sincerely believes those arguments, but he feels obliged, as a representative of his Government. to repeat them over and over again, ad nauseam. 218. Yesterday I spoke of the description by the United States historian, Richard Hosstadter, of the paranoid style of United States foreign policy, whose principal characteristics include a constant leap of the imagination from the incredible to the unimaginable and the characterization of the enemy as an implacable, satanic force. I also mentioned that the various Unlted States representatives were apt to use metaphor and Orwellian inversion. and I asked who corrupted language, who polluted words, who stood on the side of truth and who was lying shamelessly. 219. Today’s statement by the representative of the United States proves the truth of the assertions that I made yesterday, which is why I have ventured to repeat them. At thesametIme,thky leadmetoaskhowhe can have respect for this forum, which is charged with ensurhtg int&ational peace and security, andhow he can so underestimate the intelIlgence, sensitivity and understanding of the members of the Council. 220. 1 cannot fail to ask all these questions, which retlect my perplexity and my anxiety, having heard, among other things: “On every occasion that Nicaragua has appeared beforetheCouncil. it has sought eithertoforestall the progress of the Contadora process or to interfere in the internal affairs of the United States by seeking to itiuence our domestic political debate about Central America.” [Supa, para. 34.1 1 thank the representative of the United States for ascribing to my poor, small, non-aligned country that ievel of poiitical, miiitary and economic power whiccb it exercises and through which it influences and channes processes taking p&e not only in Latin America &l Africa but in other parts of the world, and which it also uses to prevent the realization of the desire for liberation and independence of some territories that still suffer under the colonial yoke. Those assertions require no further comment from me. 222. I shall not use this opportunity to refer, as the Americans are used to doing with reference to us. to the internal affairs of the United States. We respect the right of self-determination of peoples, unlike the United States, which interferes in the internal affairs of the peoples of Latin America and other reglons of the world. I shall not refer to the many denunciations of violations of human rights that have recently anneared in some United States newspapers about ihi use of totture even here in prisons in New York. Neither shall I refer-because I do not want to interfere in United States internal affairs--to the almost 1,ooO United States citizens who have been arrested in the past few days in various United States cities, solely because they oppose the unconsidered decision of the United States Government to implement a trade embargo aminst Nicaragua. Nor do I want to refer-because. I-insist, I do not want to interfere in United State: internal affairs-to the interrogation that various United States citixens have been subjected to when they have returned to Uttlted States territory after travelIinu to my coutttty. FIMUY. I will not dwell on the inve&gati&ts that have be& made of a series of United States citizens eimnly because they had tele phone coetacts with our p&manent Ml&on to the United Nations. 223. I now turn to other aspects. I do not want on this occasion to dwell either on the well-known and thoroughly condemned double-standard policy towards my act&-&itlcal,wonomic aftdmuitary~sion.The members of the Cot&l and the lntematlottaI contntunity are very well aware of the pttbllcatkms that the American pmss constantly makes available to us, and also know ofthe debates In the United States Congress and ths eccret documents that have &c&ted and have beenplacedatourdisposal. 224. I shall not refer to the alleged desires of the United States for a polItical solutioa and for support of Contadora. It pays Upservice to the work of Contdora, but In realhy its support is ckarly reco@zd in the National Security CouncII document made public towards the end of last year, in which the Americans congratulated themselves on having effectively at that moment blocked the Contadora process. 225. Nor shall I dweU on theirjustifications today for the embargo against non-aligned, peace-loving Nic- “Each of these drafts is linked in one way or another to sanctions and is consequently inimical, we are convinced, to our common objective of independence for Namibia. We do not consider economic sanctions an effective way Of influencing political decisions. We believe that a study of history will support our opinion that such measures were not effective when they were applied against Italy in the 1930s or against Rhodesia in 1970.” 230. 1 should like to draw the Council’s attention to the fact that the representative of the United States, without even knowing what the representative of the Soviet Union would say in the Council’s meeting today. nevertheless launched into a scurrilous anti-Soviet tirade in an attempt to rewrite and distort history. It was an unsuccessful, a dirty trick. 231. Yes, we are truly at odds with the United States when it comes to the lessons of history. It was the United States which, in plain view, committed a true outrage against the victims of fascism when at the highest State level a few days ago the American President laid a wreath on the graves of SS butchers. But we are not going to play into the hands of the representative of the United States and get into questions which have nothing to do with the item on our agenda. I should like to suggest to the United States representative that his Government listen to the clamour of African peoples for the need to implement sanctions of every kind against the South African regime and its criminal policy of apartheid. 226. Finally, owing to the advanced hour and because representatives have other commitments, I shall not now-although I reserve my right to do so tomorrowexpand uuon the extensive legal arguments that I mentioned yesterday to support-our denunciation of the violation of the Charter of the United Nations. the charter of the Organization of American States and the General Agreement an Tariffs and Trade, as well as the principles of tbe Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. 232. We have on the agenda an item on the situation in Central America. The United States representati ‘e in his main statement has already tried once again to drag the name of the Soviet Union into what is taking place in Latin America. It was a very clumsy and unsuccessful attempt. The intervention of the American imperialists in Latin America began long, long before the Soviet Union existed on the map of the world. 227. I merely wish to pose a question to the representative of the United States, considering the content of his intervention today. If tbe United States really considers tiny, non-aligned, underdeveloped Nicaragua a threat to its security and its forelgtt policy and therefore feels obliged to declare a state of emergency, why. since it is a member of the Security Council, does it not use this lofty forum-wbicb is entrusted precisely with watching over international peace and seeurltyto denounce Nicaragua, which, it says, is commlttbtg aggression against it and which, it says, constitutes a&eat to peace and security? If the-united States is so sure of itself-if it is so sure it is not vlolatlng the Charter of the United Nations and tbe charter of the Grganization of American States and other international agreements, why does it not resort to existing organs, such as the International Court of Justice, instead of acting in a contrary manner and disregarding tbe validity and competence of the Court on these issues? I think these are two exirtlng forums available to tbe United States; they would provide an approprlate means for it to validate its assertions. Before using force or resorting to aggression, the United States should exhaust the available means for tbe peacefui settlement of disputes available to States Members of this peace-loving Grganixation. 233. About one hundred years ago, at the end of the last century, tbe United States Marines landed in Riode Janeiro, then the capital of Brazil. What Soviet agents were tbev seeklnn? At tbe end of the last century. the United States M&es on three occasions landed in Buenos Aires, the capital of Argentina. What Soviet agents were they seeking then, Mr. Sorxano? 234. The United States, as 1 have already bad occasion to say, baa conuttltted 82 acts of intervention in Latin Am&an countries, including 10 against Nicaragua. Tbls is why. Mr. Sorxano, despite all your slanderous assertions, it is not the Soviet Uulon but the United States tbat should be feared in Latin America. It is no a&lent tbat tbe president of a Latin American country with bitter bony expressed his regret that God was so far and tbe United States so close. 235. Tbe PRESIDENT: I call on the representative of tbe United States, wbo wishes to speak in exercise of tbe rlgbt of reply.

The Nicaraguan representative indicated that my presentation this afternoon so surprised him that he almost became speechless and could almost not reason straight. In view of tbe fact that what be said here at length a moment ago was a repetition of what he had said at length yesterday, I promise the Council that zt8. The PRESIDENT: I call on the representative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, who has asked to he allowed to speak in exercise of the right of reply. 237. With regard to Mr. Ovinnikov, I thought that in view of his imminent departure it would be a pity if we did not have one further sparring match. I apologize to the members of the Council for keeping them here. I would just note that when 1 referred before to the Soviet Union’s “friendly” relations with its neighbours I was taking an awfully small slice of Soviet history and an awfully small slice Of geOgraphy. The lateness of the hour, however, prevents me from beginning to expand that slice of time and geopraphy. As Mr. Chamorro Mora said, we all have commitments to which we have to attend. In deference to those commitments I will stop here.

I call on the representative of Nicaragua, who has asked to speak in exercise of the right of reply.

I shall try to keep my promise not to take up much more of the Council’s time. Having heard the United States representative, however, I would merely suggest to him-not as an argument for use in his next statement to render me speechless-that he appeal to his Government to halt its aggression against Nicaragua. Then 1 will be silent and not need to calI for meetin8s of the Security Council

The representative of the United States was rl8ht when he said that we had several sparring matches in the Security Council. What he did not say was that he did not win a single one of those matches.

The representative of the United States has asked to speak in exercise of the r&M of reply. I call on him.

I, too, am becoming speechless but am wilhng graciously to concede that the Soviet representative has always bested me in all these things. The meeting rose ut 7.40 p.m. NOTES ’ United Nationa, neofy Se&a, vol. 367, No. 5224. a la~r-AmericPnT~1yofR~ip~Ao~~~~.8~otRlode Janeiro, 2 September t947. Ubld., vol. 21. No. 324 to).)