S/PV.2600 Security Council

I wish to inform members of the Council that I have received letters from the repmsentatives of Cuba, Kenya, Mali and South Africa in which they request to be invited to participate in the diiion of the item on the agenda. In accordance with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion, without the right to vote. in conformity with the mlevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of ihe provisional rules of procedure. At the lnvltotlon of the Ausldenr. MP. Ntd (Mol(l took o pkttx ot the Cowtctl roblo; Mr. Omtms Oliva (Ctthaf), Mr. M&ho (Kenya) and Mr. wn srihbrpllyg (South @iat) took lhepkt?S?W?Vt%tf#thm,OrIheSidk~~cormdl chamk. 4. lhc PRESIDENT (btteg)twtotfon flvm Russ&m]: I should like to inform members of the Council that I have mceivedaIetterdated2$JuIyfromtheC!hairmanofthe x thmitue qamst ApmrArM, which reads as : ‘1b3~thehonwttoncpwrttheSeMityCouncil(o permItmetoparticipatelumycap&yasChaimmnof thEspeeipl~~~nd~U~thC~ vlsionsofruk3!loftheCuuncil’sprovi&Mlruksof pramlute, in the Council’s co&&ration of the item mwqucsuonofsouthAfIica’“. 5. Gnpmviousoaasions,theCouncilhasextendedinvitaUons to mpmcntoUves of other United Nations bodies inconnectionwithtbeconsiderationofmattersonits agenda. In m with past practice in this matter, I r ?f+ the Council extent an invitation under rule 39 ~~;VII NICS of procedure to the ChalmIan of the “!4pccz “5Tonktt iiiph.t ApdiG. ItlbKLtsodecklcd

The Councit L meeting today in response to the requests con- I 7. Members of the Council have before them document s/17354, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by Denmark and France. 8. Mr. de Kf%OlJLARlA (Franc4 (~~fer~refuiOn/rom French): First, Sir, let me wish you the most effective possible presidency. Your widely acknowledged diplomatic abilities, amply demonstrated during our consultations. convince us that our confidence in you is well placed. We are very happy to have you as President and wish you every success. 9. Secondly, mindful of the fact that last month the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Trinidad and Tobago presided over an imposing number of meetings, with a very heavy agenda, my delegation would therefore ask his rep-mative hen to convey to him our appteciation of his tine conduct of those debates. In addition, I pay tribute to our colleague the representative of Trinidad and Tobago, who also displayed mt intelligence and diplomacy. 10. “nK qwrtheti r&u of South Aftica is abhorrent to all persons committed to just& and human rights.” In making that statement the day kfore yesterday, the prime Minister of France, Mr. Laurent Fabius, recalled a wellknown position of my country. which my predcassora and I have expressed on many occasions within these walls. France is totally opposed to racial discrimination and llcjcasit,allthemorrwhenitis~asasystem. I I. Thii year, when TV ate celebrating the fortieth an& versary of the Or&anization, must 1 recall that in the Pmamble of the Charter of the Unitai Nations, the pcopks of the united Nations have de&red heir determination “to nemnn faith in fundamental human rights, in the d$dn&aaddtiA y ?,=3n per-4 in theeqd rights i2. Ihcb%&erforFo&gnAHairsofFmnccreconrrrmcdthatfundaJWntalpmiti4mhminNcwYorkon9 &to&r of hst year during a &al me&g organ&d by the Ctmbrwn of tbe Speciar Committee against &7*&i. 13. Fram shares that position with the other memb of tbe European Community, whose Ministenr for Foreign Affairs, in their declaration of 23 July, expressed their “gravest concern at the continuance of human suflering in South Africa caused by the qwrfheid system” [sn s/17362 unnex]. II. A,p?fMd h mrr?wy 10 !!!e mnn! r???! pd!!ic??! prk!- cipks on which our society is based. Its elimination. as was &led in Brussels by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of France, Mr. Roland Dumas, offers the only prospect for a pomibk settlement. Neither arrests, arbitrary detentions, the policy of forced removal of populations nor vidrnce exercised by the forces of law and order can be a solution. 15. None the less-and again I quote the head of the French Government--“Ihe events of recent days have shown a new and serious deterioration. By declaring a state of emergency, by conferring full powers on the army and the police, by multiplying arbitrary an&s and by giving the order to tire on the populations, the South African Government is increasing its repression.” 16. Those are the facts that led my Government to request an emergency meeting of the Security Council. 17. It is indeed the Council’s duty to renew its condemnation of the system of uporrheidand the practices that derive from it, including the mass arrests that the government of Pretoria has just initiated. It should also call for the immediate lifting of the state of emergency and the prompt and unconditional release of all political prisoners-including Nelson Mandela, who has been imprisoned for more than 20 years. 18. The draft resolution which my delegation has submitted for the Council’s consideration [S//7354 urges States Members to take a certain number of measures against the Republic of South Africa. Faced with the increased suffering endured by the men and women of South Africa, the international community expects from us a reaction that is both firm and realistic. It is in this spirit that we have drafted the text on which we have invited the Council to take a position. Some may find, in one sense or another, that this text does not meet their own concems. What we aft seeking in this tragic situation is a unanimous stand on the pan of the international community. 19. France, for its part. has decided immediately to recall its Ambassador to South Africa and to suspend forthwith and unconditionally any new French investment in that country. 20. May I be allowed. by way of conclusion, to quote once again the Rime Minister of France, Mr. Fabius. who said, “France is, by tradition, a land of human rights and freedom. It cannot turn a blind eye to the flagrant violation of fundamental human rights. We hope that many other countries will join us so that justice and wisdom may finally prevail in that part of the world.”

I should like first to congratulate you, Sir. on your accession to the presidency of the Council for the month of July. This first formal meeting of the Council is taking place late in your presidency, but you have in the informal consultations which have heen under wav d!s!ng !kp CCL’+ 4 !!F month shown the high prof&onal qualities. the impartiality and the good humour which the Council looks for in its President. 22. I extend my delegation’s cordial thanks also IO the repmntative of Trinidad and Tobago. and the Minister 23. My Government and the British people are horrified at the growing violence within South Africa. This violence, which has continued throughout the last year. has now claimed over 400 lives. It bus occurred not only between members of dilferent racial groups. but within those groups. It is the tragic but inevitable result of the deepseated frustration of the majority of the people of South Africa. Repression provides no answer. The South African Government must address the root cause: the need for fundamental reforms. 24. The state of emergency imposed in 36 districts of South Africa since last weekend has now been followed by further deaths and the detention without charge of hundreds of people. Such action, in adding to the numbers who languish in detention without trial, will solve nothing; it simply increases domestic tension and international concern at the situation. In Britain, Parliament has been debating the situation in South Africa until the early hours of today, 25 July. 25. The sense of parliamentary and public outrage in the United Kingdom is shared by our partners in the European Community. The Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Ten issued a unanimous declaration in Brussels on 23 July deploring all acts of violence in South Africa and calling for an end to the state of emergency and the release of all those held under its provisions. The Ten stressed that the tirst requirement was the rapid opening of dialogue between the South African Government and the authentic representatives of the non-white community, with the clear goal, Inrpr alio, of ensuring adequate representation of the black community at the national level [see S/17362, MIIPX]. It was, I am sure. right to put dialogue at the top of the list, for the way forward must be through negotiation. 26. The British Foreign Secretary, Sir Geoffrey Howe, in a speech to the Royal Commonwealth Society in London on 23 July, gave further emphasis to the British Govemtnent’s strong views about the present situation in South Africa. 27. He racalled that a quarter of a century ago the then British Prime Minister, Mr. Harold Macmillan, had warned the South African Parliament that the wind of change was blowing through the continent of Africa and that the growth of national consciousness was a political fact. Sir Geolfrey Howe declared that apmthefd was unacceptable, unworkable and indefensible; it was contrary to all British and Commonwealth values and was given added repugnance by the existence side by side of two communities-a ruling minority and a majority deprived of power-between which the inequalities were vast. Most repugnant of all was the fact that these inequalities were built upon foundations of racial di.scrimination. 28. There is no disagreement within the Council. indeed within the whole United Nations, on these points. We are 29. It would not be responsible to call for measures which, on the basis of extensive past experience, including the experience of southern Rhodesia, we know to be ineffective. It would not be responsible to call for measures which would have a damaging effect on the population 0’ South Africa and of neighbouring countries, without achieving the end which we all desire. It should be common ground between us to maintain a balance of pressure and persuasion in our relations with South Africa, keeping open the channels of communication and the prospect of economic advancement for poorer sections of the community while insisting on far-reaching reform. 30. As Sir Geoffrey Howe stated on 23 July, the state of emergency has sharply underlined the urgent need to redress fundamental grievances. There must be action of a convincing and effective kind to create a climate of conftdence which will permit a real dialogue with genuine leaders of the black community, whom blacks must be permitted to choose. 31. Sir CieotTrey called on the South African Govemment to take the following steps: the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and other acknowledged political leaders; an end to forced removals; an end to detention without trial; an end to the state of emergency; the progressive abolition of dllminatoty legislation such as the pass laws and the Group Areas Act; a commitment to some form of common citizan&ip for all South Africans. 32. Our objectives in this debate must be to persuade the South African Government to take these steps and to implement the far-reaching reforms which we agree to be necessary. Our objective is to show South Africa that there is an alternative to the present violence and repression. This objective will best be achieved if we approach the issue with seriousness and a sense of responsibility, and above all if we express the unanimity of view which undoubtedly exists.

First of all I should like to congratuiate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for t..e month of July. 34. I would also take advantage of this opportunity to express our deep admiration for the extremely efftcient and skilful way in which the Foreign Minister of Trinidad and Tobago and the representative of that country handled the Council’s affairs during the very busy month of June. 36. My Government once again strongly condemns this inhuman uwr/&id system, which the latest measures clearly aim at preserving. These measures will only lead to a further increase in the human sufferings caused in South Africa by the upartheid system and result in further violence and bloodshed. 37. The state of emergency must therefore be brought to an end immediately in the interest of all concerned. and all those held under its provisions released without delay. Denmark’s unequivocal condemnation of the apartheid system is well known and was stated clearly during the Council’s deliberations on the situation in South Africa only a couple of months ago. My Government has in many ways implemented this policy in practical and concrete action, and we have also emphasized the necessity of the Council’s adopting manrkttory sanctions against South Africa. 38. The latest manifestation of the racial policy of repression clearly demonstrates the need for increased intemational pressure against the apt&e&i system. The South African Government must be brought to understand that the up&&d system has to be abolished while it is still possible through peaceful means. 39. Denmark strongly believes that the situation in South Africa constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security and that the Government of South Africa is guilty of acts of aggression and breaches of the peaa, in violation of the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. 40. Pending mandatory sanctions tmder Chapter VII of the Charter, it is important that the members of the Council co-operate quickly, in a spirit of comprontise. in order to reach agreement on measures against South Africa which can in an effective way increase the international pressute. 41. Consequently, Denmark co-sponsors the draft resolution presented today. 42. Mr. ‘YALTERS (United States of America): Mr. President, I would like to begin by joining my colleagues who have expressed to you their congratulations on the r&!ful pnti imprhl way i* w&& y+ hg+ve q+&*!gj !hc Council’s consultations and deliberations, wisely and with humour. On behalf of the United States delegation, I would like to express ou tnks to you for that. 43. Although I had but a brief opportunity to observe their conduct of the Council’s business, I wish to express 44. This is the fourth time in as many weeks that the Council has met to discuss issues relating to South Africa. Such is a measure of the insecurity and violence that beleaguers the area. bringing anguish to so many. 45. Today, however, we are not discussing a military strike or the efforts of a people to realize nationhood; we are discussing a Government’s treatment of its own population. Such a discussion must focus on one overriding goal: what the world can do to help abolish the system of apartheid whereby a person, because he or she is not white, is deemed socially and politically inferior. . 46. My country underwent a terrible civil war to rid itself of institutional&d servitude and prejudice. Brother fought against brother until an abhorrent racial system was eliminated. We wish no country to undergo the same haemorrhage of lives and talents that inevitably results when one man seeks to oppress another. 47. Since the formal instigation of aparrhetd the United States has sought, in a variety of ways, to encourage the leaders in Pretoria towards a truly humane government. There are those in this room who, while sharing our objeetives, criticise our means. They say we have not done enough to premum the South African Government on its internal policies, and that no signiticant change can k effected without totally isolating Pretoria economically and politically. 48. The United States ftmtly believes, however, that such an isolation would lead to more bloodshed, to increased autarky of the South African economy, to a curtailment of external influence to effect change and, in the end, to greater suffering for tlte very people we are all trying to help. 49. The United States condemns unequivocally the systern ofom. The Administration of Prdknt Beidgan holds uprtr&id directly @ble for the tragic events oceuring at this time in South Africa. Particularly under the present state of emergency, we look to the South African Government to exercise its msponsibilitk in a manner which respects the fundamental rights of all South Africans. The violence and deaths must end-now-so that South Africans can proceed to a meaningful dialogue leading to urgent, fundamental reforms and an end to the system of upurfhefd. 50. My Government has on numerous occasions over the .,_- _ ^..._.,^ A ,- .Le -... L *b-L--- a-Y------r :- -..L ,W.Y cv,,+c,cv L” LOC OUYIII ,-x,,&coII ““.‘,I~LIICII,, 111 puulit and in private, its firm conviction that up&reld will sooner or later lead the country into chaos. To underscore the seriousness of our conviction, we have undertaken various measures. For example, in an effort to eliminate opurrheid, United States arms sales to South Africa bave been embargoed since l%3. and in 1977 the United Satcr military and police for items which are not covered in the United Nations embargo. In December of last year [256&h meering]. the United States joined with other Security Council members in voting for an embargo on imports of arms and ammunition produced in South Africa. We have recalled our Ambassador to Pretoria for consultations. 51. Our commercial relationship is now also restricted. We extend no official credits to South Africa. The Export- Import Bank is essentially prohibited from tinancing United States sales to South Africa except under very restrictive circumstances. The Overseas Private Investment Corporation does not provide investment guarantees for South Africa. Our representative at the International Monetary Fnnd must actively oppose any facility involving use of Fund credit by any country whieh practices upurtheid, uniess the Secretary of the Treasury makes certain certifications to Congress. United States trade fairs do not travel to South Africa. We carefully review export license applications for the export of, among other things, United States crime control equipment to prevent the use of such items in the enforcement of upurfhed. 52. My Government seeks to eradicate apartheid by employing the full power of its diplomacy, by working with elements in South Africa that share a vision of peace and harmony, by encouraging fair employment practices for United States companies there and by involving ourselves in financing programmes-of some $30 million in three years-to give South African blacks better training and opportunities. We are joined by Americans from many walks of life, our companies that are spending millions of dollars to aid the black working man in South Africa, our press, civic organizations and other bodies. In short. United States policy has teeth. 53. Furthermore, we believe our actions have had 23 &ect, but that extreme measures will not produc: the desired result. We are not convinced, however, that certain elements of the draft resolution under consideration are suitable means of discouraging upurtheid. Particularly the suspension ot new investments troubles us. It can only disrupt the functioning of an economy that has in recent years been increasingly open to blacks and has grven them growing power to eliminate apurtheid. Between now and the end of the century. the black population of South Africa will double, and thousands of Africans from neighbouring States will seek employment, as they now do, 54. The United States will continue to speak out and act against oppression in South Africa. The dignity of mankind is at stake, The situation in tiuth Africa is dangerous. Human lives are at stake. It is time for the international community to act responsibly and to use its influence constructively, not to take actions that will have the opposite effect from those intended. We call on all States to join with us in responsible and constructive action. month of July and to express our appreciation of the very skilful manner in which you handled our informal consultations earlier this month. 56. I wish also to express brielly the thanks of the Australian delegation to the Foreign Minister and the representative of Trinidad and Tobago for the exemplary manner in which they discharged their duties throughout the month of June. 57. On four separate occasions this year, the Council has been called into session to consider the policies of the South African Government--first in relation to upurtheid, then in relation to Namibia and subsequently in relation to its actions against Angola and Botswana. We regret that circumstances require us yet again to meet to consider South Africa’s actions. 58. Australia’s policy on apartheid was set out at length in our statement to the Council pn 8 March [2571sr meerkg], and I will not repeat what we said on that occasion. I wish, however, to emphasize that our opposition to apartheid is fundamental. Apartheid is a universally condemned system of State-controlled racism, and it is backed by a range of draconian security legislation. It disadvantages and degrades the overwhelming majority of South Africa’s population. It is at the root of the political instability and tensions which increasingly atllict southern Africa. 59. In a statement on 22 July, which has been circulated to members of the Council [s/IIJJJ, .-xl, the Australian Foreign Minister, Mr. Bill Hayden. vigorously condemned the decision of the South African Government to introduce a state of emergency in 36 districts of South Africa. Mr. Hayden urged the South African Government to enter into dialogue with the real leaders and representatives of the black communities in South Africa in order to avert an impending catastrophe. 60. The state of emergency is the first introduced in South Africa since 1%0, when the South African Govemment invoked emergency powers in the wake of the Sharpeville massacres. It gives the South African army and police authorities nearly unlimited powers of arrest and detention and search without warrant, and extensive powers to impose curfews and censor information about unrest and protest in affected areas. While non-white South Africans, and. indeed, some courageous white South Africans, are daily deprived of their basic human rights, the intrc+ duction of the state of emergency reveals starkly the extent to which the South African authorities are prepared to go to shore up the uparrheid system. We are often treated to South African assertions that South Africa is a defender of democratic values in the face of a totalitarian onslaught. These protestations have been shown once again to be hollow by South Africa’s own recent actions. Repression and violence are the weapons of totalitarianism. not of liberal democracy. 62. The Australian Government strongly condemns those moves further to restrict human and political rights in South Africa. The fundamental concerns, needs and aspirations of black South Africans will not be addressed by the state of emergency. So long as 73 per cent of the population is constitutionally excluded from the political process there can be no prospect of stability in South Africa. 63. Recent cosmetic attempts at reform in South Africa have failed to produce dialogue or political stability. On the contrary, they have resulted in widespread protest and violent opposition. The process of reform upon which the South African Government claims to be embarked has proved ineffective as a means of redressing fundamental wrongs and has been increasingly discredited. 64. ‘Ihe state of eme:gency was imposed after months of violent protest by the black community against the Government’s constitutional measures. Some 500 people have been killed and thousands injured since the new discriminatory constitution was promulgated last year. The South African Government and security authorities have responded to legitimate protest and grievances with shocking and widespread repression. 65. Leaders of black political movements, including the UDF and the Azanian People’s Organization (AZAPO), as well as of student, church and community groups, have becn~ted.MostofttteleadersbipoftheUDFhaabcen put on trial on charges of treason. Administration, edttcatimandamnma! in manytownshtpttavebrokendown, 66, Inourview,thcstateofeme~willnotprovidea permanent end to violence. Rather, it is more likely to encourage people to feel that the only way to achieve real progmss Iii through confrontation and violence, 67. The storm clouds of frustration and anguish darken daily over southern Africa. If the South African Govemment dccs not turn away from confrontation to reconciliation within its own boundaries. inevitably and tragically that storm will bunt. The Australian Government therefore calls upon the South African Government to lift the state of emergency in those districts in which it has been imposed and to set free immediately and unconditionally all political prisoners and detainees. 68. On a number of occasions in the past, Australia has made it clear that it remains ready to support the imposition of mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa in response to its UP,V&~ policies. The draft resolution before us urges States Members to take a number of 69. In conclusion. I should like to cmphasize that the Australian Govcrnmcnt does not condone violence. WC recognise:. however. that only the removal of the grievanccs and the introduction of gcnuiue political reform, through consultation with the real representatives of the black community, can offer the prospect of lasting and peaceful solutions in South Africa. 70. Mr. QlAN Yongnian (China) (interpretorion from Chinese): At the outset. Sir, I wish to extend to you the warm congratulations of the Chinese delegation on your assumption of the presidency for this month. I am convinced that with your outstanding talent and rich experience in diplomacy you will certainly be able to guide the Council to the successful completion of its work for July. 71. I wish also to take this opportunity to convey our thanks and admiration to the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the representative of Trinidad and Tobago, who served as President of the G>uncil fast month, for their excellent performance in helping the Council discharge its heavy tasks in June. 72. Since the end of last year, the South African m&t authorities, in deface of strong condemnation by the international community, have been conducting sang& nary suppression of the broad masses of the South African people struggling against qmrthefd, thus seriously aggravating the situation in that country. On 20 July this year, the South African authorities once again declared a state of emcr, my in 36 cities, towns and districts, to step up and attempt to legalise their massive repression of the South Aftican people. According to tbc latest reports. moretban800peoplewemermstedartdaboutsdozen killed in three or four days. All justice-upholding anmtriu and peoples throughout the world arc outraged at this new c-lewlopmmt. The Chinese Government and peopk strongly condemn these fmsh criminal acts of the South African autboritiea. They am deeply sympathetic to the black masses who have been subjected to repression and persecution by the South African authorities, and are tirmly supportive of the just struggle of the South African people. 73. It is only a matter of course that the South African authorities should have met with resistance from breed sections of the South African peopk, including many white people, and uith strong condemnation by large numbers of African countries and peoples and all the justice-upholding countries and peoples in the world, as they are still practicing, even today in the 19803, the barbarous policy of u~rtheld which should long ago have been swept onto the garbage heap of history. The General Assembly and the Security Council have adopted ntmurous resolutions condemning South Africa’s poliq of am- /reaf and demanding the complete elimination of that 74. In order to deceive public opinion, the South African authorities have, since last year, been playing the tricks of their socalled constitutional reforms and their “parliamentary and presidential elections**. However, the broad sections of the black people are still deprived of their basic rights as citizens. and the system of opartkid has remained untouched. When this,fraud was exposed by the South African people and the international community, the South African authorities immediately resorted to the Police and armed forces to intensify their rutbless suppression of the defenceless black masses. Since last September more than 500 innocent people have been killed and thousands more have been thrown into prison. The double tactics of deception and suppression only serve to expose further the false nature of the “reforms” made by the South African authorities, who are in essence trying to defend the apartk&f system. 75. The Chinese delegation believes it is timely that the Council is meeting on this matter. The Council should strongly condemn the South African authorities and take urgent action immediately to stop the savage repression of the South African people by the South African authorities. It should ask the South Afrlean authorities immediately to lift the state of emergency, release all the innocent metnbets of the masses detained of late and set free forthwith Mr. Nelson Mandela and other black leaders, as well as all other prisoners arrested for political masons. The Cotmcil shotttd further call upon the States Mentbe~ of the United Nations and the entire international eommunhytoa&pt+73riousmeasuresof~ agfhtst south Afrleaandtoauppo~theheroiestrt@eoftheSouth Aft&n people against opmtkpfd. Shoutd the South African author?te remain umqetent and refuse to implement the tekvam resohttions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, the Cot&l must seriously comider the imposition of cumprehensivc mandatory sanctions against it in eomjtliattce with Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. 76. I wish to reiterate here that the Chinese Government and people have all along firmly opposed and strongly condemned the system of apartkti in South Africa, and have refused to have any ccmtact whatsoever with the South African authorities. They will. as always, resolutely support the just struggle of the South African people against upurrieid and for rafiai cquaiiiy u&i i&i iXtij& wins final victory.

Allow me, Sir. on behalf of the !kwkt ckkgation. to congratulate you heartily on your assumption of the lofty post of President of the Council. 79. The Council is meeting today in connection with the serious deterioration of the situation in the southern part of the African continent. The policy of apartheid pursued by the racist authorities in South Africa has long posed a challenge to the African peoples and to all freedom-loving peoples. That policy has been described in many United Nations decisions as constituting a threat to the maintenance of international peace. 80. Recently, the racist authorities in South Africa have been carrying out massive repression against those in favour of eliminating the inhumane system of upartheidin that country. In the early morning of 22 July a state of emergency was declared, which gave the police and military authorities the right to take unlimited arbitrary action against the majority of the population of the country. Hudteds of innocent people have been arrested and imprisoned. On the basis of fabricated accusations of tmason against the State, the leaders of mass democratic organizations have been anested. Army units and large police forces have been used against unarmed demonstrators. Dozens of people have been killed and hundreds wounded in recent days. Since September last year, the opartheid r&time has killed more than u)o people. Strict censorship has been imposed to conceal the bloody crimes of the optwkti r&me against the indigenous population of the country. Essentially there is a war being waged by the racist r&ime against the majority of the South A&art Population rebelling against that rlgime. For the third time in the last 25 years, the umtkfd r&ime is trying to crush a popular revolt using bloody terror tact& against the native population. 81. Events in South Africa cannot fail to cause wide spread indignation and condemnation throughout the entire world. The worsening explosive situation in the southern ~BII of Africa demands decisive acts by the ecurity Council. 82. ThemcenteventsinSouthAfrieasltowthattheeriminal system of qpmthrld is in the throes of deep crisis. Tlte so.ealled catatitutiollel reforms loudly heralded by the fktoriarCgimelta~tumedouttobermothingleesthan another species of that same qplrrrlicldpoli. The essence of the aprtkhisystem and the polity daggmmion, which causes suRering to the people of Africa, remains unchanged and goes against the basic interests of the people of South Africa and other African peoples. 83. In 1985, when all fmedom-loving peoples are cek- . C--I-L ---:----. ^Z.*-.2.4^-, -l-cwuu omiirig iM totucu, ourfi~*~*~, VI ~8% •hb~*, VIC, WOCUI.I and the estabbshrnent of the United Nations, we find it especially intolerable to have recidivists of the racist inhuman ideology mpmsented by OpOrrkti continuing their work. 84. We would also recall that many of those who now head the apartheid r&time or headed it in the recent past 85. We mention all thu to show that the present @ime in Pretoria is a spritual successor to fascism. It is also known that the fascism of Hitler. in order to camotdlage its criminal plans for world domination, used the bugaboo of a communist threat. The same trick is now being used by the upwtkti r&me. The representative of that shameftd regime has more tban once teaorted here to anticommunist rhetorkz, and we are sum that he will continue to do so. But we hope that nobody wiil be deceived by it with repd to the true gds of the policy of qmrtkti. 86, ‘2he upwrkkf dgitne is a tttaJigttant tumour in the hotly of A&a. It endangers peace and must be nmoved 6urgia3lly; that k eompr&ettsive and binding aanetions must be introduced, as provtded by chapter VJI of the charter of the United Nationa. The argumems, ttdmottitiotts and JttcantatJotts we Jtave heard here today from tJte tepmeahves of some countrJes, wbJcb. indeed, are auppnrtJngtbeRetorJar&JmeinanywaytJteycan,aswccan tee from paot expricnce wiJJ not help the sJtt&3n, The limitd ecmlotttic sattdotls ttletttioned here will not lead to tIteelimb38tioodtber4ime. 87. ItishownhtfofmanyyearsthcsccurityCouncil, the General Assembly and other unitul Jwotm hodial haw V-Q -anendtotheuJ.wtk~sy6tem inficna4mAfrlcaattdkewdnnendcdthe~of equdfigbtatothccntlfepoJndatlonof8otttbAf~. 88, lnPfcaoh&nit~unanimourlyon12Msrdl 1985 [twtaknt arw985)ll, the chacil urged the GovemmetndRetorJatoendvi&neeand twpreMhagaittetthe ttativcpoptdationandagainatotheropponentooffJpurrkefd and to carry out immedJmte nteaattmi to elimittate ~?JowdiJ&thAfriearespondtotJteaeappeab attddemandsoftbeJmematJcmaJcommuttity7lIte~ riaatttborJtie8erudelyJgnoredthemamJconthmetotrampk upon the ekmmtary human rights of23 miJJkm n&e inbabhamsofSoutbAfricaattdtopersistintheiraetsof h-G &J &m&U wli-h, 89. Obvioudy, the South Aftican racists would not act so bntzetily and plovoartlvely a they CotJJd not rely upon the conutant support of their WeHcm proteetom. mainly the UAi(rd~,who!lekadrnprottPimthepoticyd”cotlstwtive engamnt” with J%wtoria. lltis support for tbe Eghtte slknvs it to carry out a policy of State terrorism and 90. The Soviet Union vigorously condemns the militarypolitical support for the racist regime by certain Western countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. the United States policy of “constructive engagement” with the Pretoria authorities, and the attempts to lead the South African rkgime out of a situation of political isolation. 91. All African countries, all non-aligned countries and all the socialist States have been advocating the adoption of urgent, effective measures against the uparrheld r&ime in South Africe This demand is contained in the decisions of many international forums, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and so universaJ a forum as the General Assembly. 92. Indeed, at its thirty-ninth session, as we all recall, the General Assembly vJgorou%ly condemned the South African uporrheid &ghtte for its continued brutal oppression and vJolence, for its illegal occupation of Namibia and its npeated acts of aggtession, subversion and terrorism against independent African States [rpso!uron 39172 R qf 13 lkdr 1984, porn. 3j. 93. The General Assemb& has stated that only the total eradication of tqmrrhed and the est6bJiiment of a nottracial democratic society had on majority rule, throu& tJte full and free exetcktc of adult suffrage by all the people in a united and nott-ftngmented Soutb AfrJca. eatt lead to a just and Jesting softttiott of the explosive situ&m in south Africa [KM, m. 3J 94. ?lteGendhscmblybas~thcSecurityCouncilto~mea9uresteensttrethetoudtffhlsMnofthe mdstr@JrtteofSotttJtAfrJcaffomtheunJtedNatJonsand JtsfamiJyofof@zatJotte,andbastcquattaJtJte~ty &urteJJtogJ~specieJattenthmtoaction,underChaptcr VJI of th Chnftcr, ngaittut South Africa [i&t, pms. IO ad JJ$ 95. Tbe Soviet Union feeb tbat the Council should act, with the full sense cd raponribjlity gJven to it by tJte Charter, to examine the present -our shuation in southem AfticaantJurgentJytakeeff~mea8itteaagainstthe taeiur@ime,fortJtesitttatJottinSouthAJricaqresetitaa seriou heat to internatioMl pew and security. 96. Recent events in South Africa agttJn underline tJte thneihlessofthedemand,ofAf~statathatthesccurity Council impose, under Cha~ster VJJ of the Charter, cornpreheMivc mandatory satt&mpopinstthepmoria dgime. ne soviet union vigorously supports those demands. The Council must exert its weigh and authority ro~toprtanendtothcSouthATricanracirtrCgime.s acta of repre&m agabtst the Mming majority of 97. In conclusion, I wish to state that the Soviet Union stands united with those fighting racism and uptrthetd. Our country has always given and will continue to give necessary support to the African peoples in their just struggle against apartheld and for freedom and social progress. The Soviet Union will continue consistently to carry out its policy of supporting the national liberation movements, including those in southern Africa, and of firmly and vigorously rebtdling aggressive schemes of racism and imperialism and of pursuing the speedy elimination of colonialism and upartheid in southern Africa. 98. tkfortunately, the two-Power draft resolution that has been distributed in document s/17354 is clearlv inadequate in terms of carrying out genuinely effective t&sures against the racist r&ime in Pretoria. In that tespect, the draft does not go far enough, and needs substantial additions. Therefore the Soviet delegation reserves its position on this ddi rrMMon.

Allow me first to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency for the month of July. I am sure that with your well-known personal and professional gifts, you will ensure that the Council appropriately and in timely fashion meets the lofty responsibilities conferred upon it by the Charter. 100. 1 should like to congratulate c&o the Mitt&er for FOdgtlAihirSMdthCEpSUMtiVCOfTfidddMtd TobagoontheirskiIfttIperfonnattcuintbepre&ncylast tnonth. 103, Theprcambktotttyc4nmtty’spoBucalcowritudon cnshtinestbeprimacyofthehumtlnbci~allmcn,being qualindi@ty,sharerightsofuni~~tythat . -_. mF& w in’& a$--, Fir a& ; m itiii atii *k plSOttiSthCSttpCU3CpttQOSedrocictyMtdthCSlatc. Gbviomly, this profound humanism, which charpcteripr tk!4tateandpeopleofPkru,bmfkctedinitsf4ncign pdicy. 104. Gmsequaktly, Rru is gravely coIy*eAcd at tlu perpetuationoftbeqporpMdsyuerninacountry,opPraairtg 105. Moreover, the South African Government, under the state of emergency, is implementing a policy of practices that have installed a reign of terror, violating the most basic of universally recognized norms of human conduct. 106. The constant repression and the declaration of a state of emergency with all its brutality are nothing more than the simple armed guarantee on which the South African racist system is based. 107. In these circumstances, I believe that the combined force of both internal and external pressure-the latter in the form of specific measures--would have a decisive influence on the Pretoria authorities and bring about conditions more favourable to the struggling lloutb African people. 108. There is no need for me to reiterate here my country’s well-known position, nor to tea&m Peru’s moral commitment to the tlitnination of up&&d and of evcrything that serves to ittstitutionalixe or consolidate it. We are committed to an ‘end to repression, to the ftiing of politifel prisonem and to a lifting of the state of emergency which has led to the trampling underfoot of basic human rights and of juridical norms governing t&tiotts btwcen the State and its oyyn nalionaLq causing wfferingto the majotity moor of the Sot& African pcop!e, which hart ettff~ discritnination. Once the sbatneful system of ~~ltasatlastlxeadlxnm&d,hafrae,rktuocratic, multimcial eociaty be extablislted in that tormented cotmy4mguarsmetin%cqtmlrlghstoauitsdt&ctts. 110. Mr. van SCHIRNDING (&ntth Africa): Pleasa 111.lAmeetthcoumt#aceottrecldtbatmy clovcmmdceanotmgardtbehuemalsituatlonin SauthAfficaasanmtterfordisussiibytbcSecllrity cowril.laedditian.itrcjectsthecounell’r&tIbkstMdar&indebatingtbeda&rmiiofastateofcmetgencyin certainpartsofmycoumrywhikitcboosuto~ dmib aitlaarinu hr nltlar marrlr. --- I.-dwf- -.. -I-. --......v. 112. Itisnotewortbytbattbismeetingofthccouncil dmddhawbtenteqestdbyFrsna,acotmtiy~ iudodyreculuyprodaitncdastateof Ti&Z cTakdo&tilekstuesdgedFEench~ Facilicoculn.~tolejlorts,morethan5~ manbersoftbeFtcnchaaxuityforceswcreaenttoNew 113. It is furthermore signilicant that only the other day there were clashes bet&een police and demonstrators in the French-ruled archipelago of Ciuadeloupe. Crowds of people were reported to have put up barricades around the capital and set vehicles on tire. Shops and public oflices were apparently shut. Evidently those involved wcrc proindependence supporters protesting a prison sentence imposed on a militant separatist. 114. Those developments alone, if not its long colonial heritage, should have reminded France of the difliculties of coping with such emotional issues as civil and political rights. But no, it has seen fit to call this meeting of the Council to condemn South Africa for its handling of what is an immeasurably more complex situation. 115. The Council is aware of the process of reform in South Africa to which my Government is committed. That procffls is aimed at achieving a political dispensation in South Africa involving ah the communhies in the country. 116. The South African Governmsnt stands raadv to black opinion in order to fhtd an quhable’sohttion to our problems which will satisfy the masortable aspirations of ail Ute peoples of South Africa, My Government is seeking to create structures of government which will allow partieipation by all, without domination. As recently as 29 June, +&c~~~~wuntrylDjdtbcfol~htbasumh : “1 tejca anphaticauv the charm that our amtittttional objectivaa run eottttter to eiviliaed qnceptions of human righoe, dig&y and freadom inuspeuivaofma, cokntratrafigiott.Chtrf~ airnistoetmbIc ourpaopfasto~whbotteancubaeiaau&a wayasmey&ntarffyk~buwaeatbcm.bt wcsmdetaDdfw~ 7heimportanttbingistomeettheneedsandaspiratimtscdsouthAffiat*apmpk6. “My Govmnmt stab for an evolutionary process ofadaptationandirmovationbaseduponandtaibraf .A NY Ad..- n w YIY ..,.w.--. .)L *. 6 &f--b tiorttowbicbtbeSoutbAfricanOoclcmmcatbcommittcdka~thewayopcnforunBmitedpatibilitics umqtatibkwithtkcboiccswilicheachpoplhtbn gmlporcummitymaycMnttauywbhtomske. ‘Tbercalpointatiirurhthcreforenotoneofob* tiw but of mdod-the best practical way of ensuring 117. However, one condition has been laid down, that is, that violence should be foresworn as a means to achieve political ends. 1 think that that is a reasonable condition which any reasonable person would accept. In this connection, the South African Minister for Foreign Atfaits said the following, as recently as yesterday: ‘The organirels of violence in South Africa are not striving for the improvement of Black peoples’ living standards or for a system in which Black leaden will have a say in decisions which atfect the interests of all. The door is open for Black leaders who reject violence as a means of achieving political aims to advance Black interests, including Black political rights, through a process of dialogue and negotiation. “It is ptecisety because the establishment of a peaceful disuensation for all South Africa’s communities has manif&ted itself as a test&of the Government’s reform programme that those elements which advoate a Marxist dictatorship have acted to arrest the proxss of reform and to prevent moderate Black leaders, or those who are anti-Marxist, from playing a eonstruetive role in the new constitutional dispensation. Tltey remain silent when asked why 1.5 million workers from neighbouring States come to seek work in South Africa. lhey do not concern themselves with the millions of starving people in other parts of Africa. They are not cotteemed about the laek of politieol rigbts and press freedom in most African countries, precisely because they secretly have in mind a system of tyranny in which not a single lttndamattal right or freedom will k tofemted. Their mcthcds are proof of this. “It is for this reason that the State Fmident bafi appwfedtoallSou&Afr&anstoappmaebotuootm= try’rpfobkm$witbmulual~to~ cldhmaaakdr-sndu~tkpmIna tsspmaematuser.‘Iht ciommmtdossnotdo3tbt th6ttkm&w&yoftkpsoplein~Aflic6~6 pcdttlaoh6&ntoourprobletna.Thfflcbtoomuehat etakeforaHsanhAfriaattsto&owourfutttmtok dctedndbypcfpemltorsofvlolenawttohum people auvt.” 118. It is manifestly &at that my Govermttent has embarked upon sinmre etforts at reform, in stark contradistinctiontomunycountrimoftbeworkI.Moreandmore blwk Afriarns are standing up and saying exactly that, Professor George Ayittcy. a Ghanaian As&ant Rofcunr of Ekmomies at Blooms&r8 University in pCnnsyfvania, rricrrlng to oppo&km detnenta In black Atiica, wrote the fohowii in the wa# S&W Jarrnvd on 22 Jttiy: “Many leadem have either outlawed political parties or have declared their countries one-party States and liqt&tcd tk qqosition. Many opposition men&r8 have mysterlously ttmlshd” He went on to remark, -App@lng a lower standard of morality to black Africa Ways an insulting do&k-standard qurinst blacks.” 120. No Governmen; can allow lawlessness to continue unchecked. The excesses perpetrated by the extremist elements have been beyond belief. In addition to murder, arson and wanton acts of destruction of property, those elements have indulged in such barbaric acts as burning people alive. Essentiai services in the affected black areas have been stopped, transport has been disrupted, garbage has piled up in the streets, shops providing the daily necessities of life have been gutted. and the inhabitants, mainly black pople. feared for their lives whenever they emerged from their homes. It was in ordetto cope with those circumstances that the authorities needed additional powers. They had tried for months to restore order with the normal powers at their disposal, but to no avail. 121. In last night’s opposition press in South Africa, Bishop Tutu. who is no friend of my Government. under a banner headline “End Violence or I Quit” is re rted as saying that if suspected enemies were killed in t I? c way in which a woman was burned alive in Duduza township !ast Saturday, he would leave South Africa. He said before a large crowd, “If you do this kind of thing, I will find it di&ult to speak for the cause of liberation”. And Bishop Tutu was speaking not about white-black violence but &W lutce$qetmtedbyblacksagaiastblacks.Membaaofthe Cotmcilnodoubtwitues&theseeventsandthcBi&p’s remarke via local American t&v&on covenige. 122. Surely the mcmbcrs of the Council must re3lize that ifithatlbeenatallpossiMctorestofeofderandnonndity inthebladiareeebytheuscafnonttal,stan&rdmethoda, the auWritie8 would have done so. But the violence had ~beyottdtkpohttalwh&hit~dbebrougltt lltUk~~apnnatpOlkCsetlon.Addi~SCCUtity msanu~#olilly. 123. We real&d fuUy what the consequences of such action would be. internally as wdl as externally, but we felt we had a duty to the people directly al&ted, whatever the ~mightbe.Andkmee~dlattheemcrgency measures were introduced not to protect white lives and pmpeny but black lives and property in black areas. 124. Ihavethe@nWsionthatsotnemetnbersafthe Cowtdlwotddhavepreferfeditifwehaddmptyigttofed tttcpktsofblackpMplefwacdonbytbeautboritleat0 pUtMcndtOtbCVbkSlCClkflkti~thdtheirdailylii. 125. HaHtbeFrcncbllOtfhemYhrcl~tlmttlle pfotcahofdviliMsunda l!odhkmdume#rcqrdra -lecluhymcnrwcr?whatPbocutbethatdteybaHadoptaltofcprcsstbcviokncethathas Z*$y&F usd +ep-prc tttmmon m those st e-torn colomes aaunacccptsMrMdnquirlngtbeattcndoiloftheCouncil? Would owmight political Ghan* haw provided an II 127. Let me assure the Council that the additional measures taken by my Government please nobody in South Africa. They will be lifted as soon as the vio!ence diminishes. We shall continue the process of dialogue and debate, and nothing the Council may say or plan will deter us from doing what we believe is in the best interests of all the peoples of South Africa.

The next speaker is the Chairman of the Special Committee against Aparfhed, Mr. Joseph Garba. I invite him to take n place at the Council table and to make his statement. 129. Mr. GARBA (Chairman of the Special Committee against &WtM)z First of all, Sir, let me say how gmtied I am that the Council is meeting under your presidency. We of the @e&l Commlt~ agWst &i&e&I wiluti very highly the support of your cotttttty for the just stntggle of tbe oppmsed people of South Africa and your own pereonal conttibutiott to the work of tite Spccia~ Cotttmittee as its Vim. 130. I should also like to Ckpress our gratitude to the MMterforFotei~nAffairsandtheqmaentativeofTtittidadendTobagqwkob&oadcdicatedtnctttberofthe Bpe4M~Qlaimt&#W4forthevetyable mMncrinwbidtclwkdtleeptfaneonductrdtbcworkof thcaautldllectmmtth. 131. <)n 17AugtW 1984,theCotmciladopteditsresolutbr,554(1084),dSlWUdgtllC~fltWoorwitution in South Africa, which excluded the African majority~ and thcekcdonsto~-fordwcolourcd peopkandpeopleafA&tnorigin,wamingthatthey would further aggravate the already explosive-1 rejWat, rxplde-dtti ittdde !hh Africa and reque&g theSecmtaq-Genemltoteportotttheimplementationof thatrWcWion.ltde&kdtoremains&edofthe~ in view of its extreme -mvity. 132. TIM rtponirpldrcgime proceeded, in contempt of the Security Council. to enforce the racist constitution. provoking legitimstc protest by the oppressed majority. h tried to contain the kVIce, deployment o p”p” liar upsurge through naked vioarmed forces against African low+ ships. and detention of leaders of peaceful protest on charges of treason. 134. ‘Ihe Pretoria regime, again in utter contempt of the Council. further escalated killings and repression. Forty blacks in a funeral procession were butchered by the police at Uitenhoge on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Sharpeville massacre, and since then there has been further vialence, including the cowardly killing of unarmed refugees in Botswana. 135. Despite this escalating violence and repression, the racist regime has been unable to suppress the resistance of the oppressed people. who have been driven to the wall and are ftghting for their elementary rights. In its dcspcration it has now declared a state of emergency, authorizing its police and armed forces to arrest, search, torture or even kill the black people and white opponents of upanheid with impunity and to block out news of their crimes through censorship. 136. Alarming reports have been coming out of South Africa shtce the imposition of the state of emergency last Saturday. I will not take the Council’s time to recount them, but I mtut empha&e the extrame gravity of this aihIatllm. 137. The Issue before the C4nmeil is not the mem eaatlation of mpmasion against mle struggling for the p&clpla9oftkc%arteroftlteunitedIu&naandtIte Unlvemal De&ration of Hutnatt RigMa. It is not even the grlumma-,likethoecofSharpcvillc,sowaoend Utteahnge,whlcbwlllIivalahiatoryasbloteonhuman UZbati3eIs of miluone of psopfo-en8 tweh 138. Eventshaveshownthattheracisl~&Retotia baurmist~whiehknnmnootktrwsyof&aling withkgitimauprouetthanthKmghtiknreaIldwhiehis detcminedtouopataothbIgtopracnewtdtemcIst Annhdon. For anyone to suggest, tlterefore, Utat this lawful&gimeeanrestorelawancIorderoreagineerreforrn isagmeslnsulttohumanimelIlgenee. 139. The Cuuneil has repeatedly reeognized+umt recently in resolutionr 554 (1984) and 566(1985)-the legitimacyofthestnrggkoftheoppesscdptopkfaaunited, non-m&i and democta tic South Airka. Rat must be the point of departure for any &cusGon of the present grave &ii in South Africa. 140. TlteoppmmedpeopkofSouthAfticahavebuiha gKatt~movunem, tbanobllhyofwhkbhasbeen aeknmvkd@dbytheawatdoftwoNobelPcsccPrizaina generation, one to the late chief Albert Luthuli and, 141. On behalf of the Special Committee, I am obliged to draw attention to the inescapable responsibility of the Security Council. As we approach the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. I need hardlv remind members of the Council that the drganimtion Gas been seized of the question of racism in South Africa ever sirtoe the first session of the General Assembly in 1946. Hundreds of r~~lutions have been adopted by the United Nations, and the Pretoria regime has invariably defied them with impunity. 142. The Council has proved unable to discharge its responsibility under the Charter owing to the stubborn determination of some of its Permanent Members to protect the upartheid r&me from international action because of profrt from the inhuman oppression of the black people. 143. 1 must recall that as early as 1952 the Atrican and Asian States, in requesting that the Cleneral Assembly consider the question of race ConfIict resulting from upar&&i, warned of the danger to international peace and security. Tlte Security Council recognimd that danger in the wake of the Sharpeville massacre of 1960. And yet, again and again, the Western Permanent Members have oppmed a determluation under Chapter VII of the Charter that the situation in South Africa constitutes a threat to intemational peace and security and calls for sanctions and other measures. 144, The Pretoria @ime has been guilty of countless massacres. It has committed aggression and terrorism a@st Angola. Botswana, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Lesotho and even the Seychelles. But for some Western Powers that is not considemd even a threat to the peace, much leas a breach of the peace, because according to them the obnoxlotts Pretoria r&gime has stood by them “in all the wars they have fought”. Never mind tbii falsiIIcation of history. 145. Webavell&nedatterttivelytotbestttternentoftlte repnmtadvr of the United &alar. With all due rrrpeet, lrisutatementtnotetbanmissedthepoint.Tltequeftionof Sullivan principl& which, in any caBe,arerIotevendheredtobyalltheunltedsuues eompMks~bu3lncuhtsouthAfrlca.~knot merely an issue of qtml employment opportunitim offemd byUr.ritedStatescompamu rupportedby~-of blackawhoseworkingandlivingconditionsdemeantbe value and meaning of human dignity. 146. AprrtMdprimarilydenksthemajorhypopuktior, the exe&e of its inalienable right to selfdeterminatlon. Tbhistbeeruxoftbematter.IwouMask:bowdothe so&led Sulliin principles address this unjustif~ denial7 We have stated on numerous oecaslons &tat *idis notref~,itbastobeemdicated,Itsinhumanevib cannot merely be made leas oppressive. I2 148. The oppressed people of South Africa have a right to expect of the Security Council ancrete and meaningful action which will put an end to the inhuman system of aprvriheldand the terror that is inseparable from it, not yet another resolution that Botha and his clique can defy with impunity. 149. Before concluding, I should like to recall that on 28 November 1975, on the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations, the General Assembly adopted resolution 341 I C (XXX). in which it proclaimed, in paramph 1. “that the United Nations and the international community have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements, and towards those imprisoned, restricted or exiled for their struggle against upatrfrel6’. 150. While the entire continent of Africa feels deeply the humiliirrion of the indigenous African people by the racist minority dgimc in South Africa and considers the liberationst~eofthatopptcsscdpoopleasitsorm,thep~ lemof~lnSoutbAfrlcacannotkregardedas merely an African Irsponsibility. It is in that content that I amgra~ltbattheGoveNmen tofFrancchastakenthe inltlatlvc in condg tbls meeting of the Council. I hope that that inltlatlvr will cn~uragc the active contribution of WesfromallrcgionsofthcworldtotheefTortsofthe Ufdted Natkms for the ellli@lon of the scourge of M 151. I thank you, Mr. Preskknt, and, thugh you, all thc~ofthaCouncilfortbisopportunitytomakea rratemntoalbehaKofthespceialcommitteeagaiMt Aporrkcid. 152. n# PRESlDENT (inlerprptotion from &u&m): Ike next speaker ia the reprmcntativc of Mali, who wishes tomaLeastatcmmtinhiscapacity~~Chairmanofthe GroupofAfrican&atcsattbeUnitcdNaticmsforthe month of July. 133. Mr. NIARE (Mnli) @uqmti,fm lkwh): I wbh first, Mr. Rwbt, to offer you on behalf of the GroupofAfricanStatcsandonmyownbehalf,warm congratulaticxtsonyourassumpionoftbep~kkncyof the Couitcil for this month. I am particularly happy to do 10, ktce you T a friendly country, the Ukninian sovietsocialist blic, whose undeniable and formidable commitment to freedom and dignity make possible a full understanding of the tra@y of the African people. I3 155. Finally, I thank you and the other members of the Council for having invited me to speak here as the Chairman of the Group of African States. 156. The Council is meeting today toconsider the serious situation prevailing in South Africa following the proclamation on 20 July 1985 of a state of emergency in 36 black towns, thus giving the security forces in that country unlimited power to arrest, torture and assassinate ali black opponents. By proclaiming that state of emergency, the Botha government is trying to massacre the people and conwlidate and perpetuate the abominable system of apmheid. 157. Since making that proclamation, the racist Pretoria Government has refused to give any information, which shows that the regime is preparing to intensify the reign of terror while concealing its immoral and inhuman acts from international investigation. 158. This latest atrocity in the criminal career of optkid shows the *me’s strong but futile determination to oppose the advent of freedom and self-determination in South Africa. The Pretoria r&me’s violent intransigence is encouraged by certain Western countries which are its allies. It is clear that the latest action is only one more link in the long chain intended to strengthen the up~hti r&ime artd to perpetuate the domination of the white minority. 159. The Pretoria r&gime’s ideology is such that one cannot expecl to engage its leaders in a constructive dialogue capable of bringing about an evolution of its anachronistic structures. To proceed on the basis of illusions about an internal evolution in the country through dialogue, without the abandonment of the racist ideology itself, would be a negative ee that could only strengthen the structures of oppression. 160. The basic p&km is the rules and practices of the racist Pretoria r@te, and the only solution is the total elimination of -heid. lltcre is an urgent need for the international community to keep up its pressure on the Pretoria r&me to oblige it to restore the legitimate rights of the South African people, by the establishment of a free. indivisible and democratic South Africa on the universal basis of human rights. 161. llw Group of African States cundemns the policy nf cw?t?r~ve er!ge~g?-!w?! srd al! c&r feelnf~~~ nation with um which encourage the racist Pretoria r&irne in its intransi~. It calls on the international community-and in particular the United Nations-to shoukier its responsibility as regards uprrrlscld and the increasing threats it v to international peace and security. It calls upon the Council to take the ne#ssary measures under Chapter VII OF the Charter for the total isolation of the uparfhfd *me. It rcaffkms it wiidarity 162. The Council should make the Pretoria regime clearly understand that this declaration of the state of emergency is bound to worsen terror and conflicts in South Africa itself and throughout southern Africa.

We are very happy to see you, Sir, presiding over the Council. and we wish you every success, particularly as we consider the item to be of the greatest concern to us all. 164. I wish also to express our deep gratitude to the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the representative of Trinidad and Tobago for the examplary manner in which they conducted the Council’s proceedings last month, when the Council considered another item pertaining to southern Africa that is also of me greatest concern to us. 165. The Council has just concluded three meetings in succession last month to consider the actions of the South African Government, which are in contravention of the principles of international law, and that country’s refusal to abide by United Nations resolutions, whether on its persistent illegal occupation of Namibia or its aggression against neighbouring States. Now the Council finds itself obliged to meet again in order to consider the worsening situation in South Afriea itself. That situation is the result of the policy pursued by the Government of that eotmtry, which has imposed a state of emergency on the black inhabitants, depriving them of their right to equality and human dignity. 166. I wish immediately to express our gratitude to the French Government for havhtg decided to free% all new investment in. South Afrka and to recab the French AmbarPsdor from that country. We also thank Ftanee for its initiative yesterday in cnIIing for a meeting of the Courtcil to con&der the deteriorating situation in South Africa. The&oupofAfrieanStateaba6madea&rilareaIltoday. ThemeasunrstakenbyFraneeareaprecursorofother measures to be taken by States which have bean reluctant to take such rneaauma so far. 167. It must now be absolutely clear that the mainindeed, the only-reason behind all the regrattabk elemerits of the situation in South Africa, including the repmsiorandaetsofvioknragaimttbebkekpopulalion carrkd out by the South Afriean rwrnc, is the policy of aprthetd mbbomly pumxd by the Government of South Africa, in &lit of the international eonscienee . - and wtll. 1 he Ptetoria *me tiii never succeed in eonceaiing that truth or in justifying the state of emergency which has been declared to give unlimited powers to the security forces and to permit them to enga~ in mprmsion of the defenceless black population. 168. When the Council recently considered the question of Namibia, my delegation stated [2583rdmee@J that the I4 169. The international denunciation of the actions of the Pretoria regime, which are based on the policy of apurrheid and on repression of the black population, has become evident in recent months, increasing when the regime declared a state of emergency aimed against the black pop ulation and granted itself full power to determine the fate of the inhabitants, Public opinion everywhere, and people of all views, have demanded that the inhumane upmheld regime be brought to an end. It is now imperative that all Governments in the world. particularly those which malntain close relations with the Pretoria regime, use all their influence to exert pressure on the regime to make it see reason and stop trying to conceal a reality which is obvious to everyone. It is clear that all attempts of persuasion and conciliation have failed to dissuade the racist regime from its policies and practices, which have been rejected by all the f~untries of the world. 170. We have had occasion in the past to note the Council’s special responsibility to force the South African r&ime to respect its resolutions, which the r&gime eontinues to defy. We have also indicated that permitting that r&me to continue its racist policies will uldmately bring a bloody eonfliet, whose eonsequeneea would transcend the eonfmes of South Africa and affect the entire southern Afrkan region, with repercussions harmful to interMtional peace and seetuity. Current events demonstrate the truthdthosepn?dii. 171. That is why, today more than ever before, the Cormcil must shoulder itx resPonsibilitlea, entrusted to it by the international community, for the maintenance of intemational pcaee and security. It is the Council’s duty to meet its responsibilities and not to hesitate to make use ofall the resources available to itunder the Charter of the United Nationa. Any slackening in discharging this duty will have repercussions for the Council’s prestige, its status on the international scene and its future effectiveness. Rut there will also k unforeaeeabk consequences for the inhabitants of ^kuth Africa. whatever the Miour of iheir skin. Untii when shall we delay application against the Pretoria r&ime of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter7 172. The Council must demand that South Africa rescind the state of emergency, which is aimed against the black population, along with all other emergency and spe cial measures which have been adopted. The Council must 173. The Council is in duty bound to demand that the Government of South Africa embark unconditionally upon a dialogue with the true leaders of the black majority to lay the foundations for a democratic, authentic Govemment in South Africa, in which all inhabitants, whatever the colour of the skin, would participate on an equal footing, and to put an immediate end to the upurtheid regime. I/A The Council, finally. must ensure that the South African regime understands cicarly that if it ignores those demands. the Council will be compelled to enforce the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. It has become imperative that the Council make the Pretoria regime understand that the world is not prepared to pay the cxorbitant price it will have to pay if the Pretoria regime persists in its unacceptable policy of upurtheid in southern Africa. 175. Egypt reaffirms that it stands by the side of its brothers in southern Africa and that it is unswerving in its support of their heroic, legitimate struggle for justice, democracy and equality. We have every conftdence that the blond shed by the valiant freedom fighters will not have been shed in vain, but tbat it will result in real progress, making it ultimately possible for the people of South Africa to recover its full rights. 176. Mr, VERMA (India): Allow me fimt of all, Sir, to congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency for the month af July. Although the Council is meeting formally for the first time under your presidency only towards the end of your term. we have had ample evidence behind the scenes of your diplomatic skill, wisdom and dedication to duty, as wall as of your perennial good cheer. We are conlidcnt that you will guide our &liberations with sagacity and bring them to a fruitful conclusion. 177. krmit me also to convey our congratulations to the Minister for Fomign A&its and the repmaentative of Trinidad and Tobago for the admirable manner in which they c4mductedthecouncil’spoceedingsduringthemontbof June. If& We welcome and appreciate the initiative taken by France to convene this meeting of the Council to consider the ever-worsening situation in South Africa, This initiatiw has received the support and endomnt of tbe Group of African States, which has also asked for Security Council con&ration of the subject. 179. The current tragic happenings in South Africa come as no surprise. The indiscriminate violence once again unleashed by the racist Pretoria r@ime, the killing and maiming of innocent and defencckss people, the massive and arbitrary arrests and detentions and all else that is associated with the state of emergency imposed last week in South Africa have a familiar ring to them. We have long become accustomed to these frenzied actions of a r&g& 180. The Government of India strongly condemns the imposition of a state of emergency in South Africa. which. as the Special Committee against Apartheid noted in its statement of 24 July, amounts to a declaration of war against the oppressed people of South Africa and the opponents of upurtheid. If the racist regime hopes that by this act of desperation it will be able to check the inexorable tide of population resistance against apartheid, it is naive to do so. 181. Sharpeville. Soweto. Crossroads and Uitenhage are but some of the grim reminders of the escalating cycle al violence unleashed by the racist regime against innocent men, women and children. They are, at the same time. milestones in the glorious struggle of the vast majority of South Africans for selfdetermination. freedom and human dignity. The nationwide demonstrations in South Africa against the upariheid regime, the overwhelming rejection of the socalled constitutional reforms, the strikes and boycotts, are all proof that the people of South Africa are astir, that they have seized the initiative and that policies of intimidation and terror cannot crush their indomitable spirit. 182. My delegation and many others have time and again said in this Chamber that the responsibility for the persistence of an explosive &union in South Africa must devolve m part on the Security Council itself for the ineffectiveness of its actions so far, and more particularly on those in the Council who have prevented firm action from being taken against the uparfheid r6gime. Apurtheid is a crime against humanity. It is an intrinsically violent system, bred on the violence that it tinds necessary IO inflict upon its hapless victhns. it cannot be reformed; it can only be eradicated. Patience and persuasion have not worked, nor have innumerabte resolutions of the Council. Pretoria has turned a deaf ear to the crescendo of international opinion. The people of South Africa have determined that upartheid must bo destroyed, come what may, and that, if the Council does not act with a sense of purpose, they shall act on their own through mass popular mobilization. The cycle of violence and bloodshed produced by racist terror can only intensify. 183. The Council, therefore. cannot afford to vacillate, but must act decisively. Them can be little doubt of the threat that tbe situation in South Africa ,oday poses to international peace and security. The non-aligned countries are convinced that comprehensive mandatory sanctions are the only answer.

At the outset I should like to convey to you, Sir, my delegation’s sincere, warm congratulations on your assumption of the presidency for the month of July. We are confhnt that your experience, 185. Allow me also to cdprcss my delegation’s gratitude to your predecessor, the Minister for Foreign Anjirs of Trinidad and Tobago, for guiding the deliberations of the Council on the question of Namibia to their successful conclusion. mlhr success was indeed one in a series of important questions before the Council, which benefited greatly from his statemanship and guidance. I also wish to pay a wcll-deservcd tribute to the representative of Trinidad and Tobago, for the competent and dignified manner in which he conducted the Council’s proceedings during the remainder of the busy month of June. 186. The Council is convened in an urgent meeting today in response to a request made by the representative of France, joined by the Group of African States, to consider events taking place in South Africa. My delegation fully supports the timely convening of this meeting. The events prevailing in that country constitute not only a negation of a necessary democratic process, and thus are a matter of concern to the peace-loving nations, but are also a serious threat to international peace and security. 187. My delegation learned of the deteriorating situation in South Africa with grave concern. Moreover. the recent heinous acts of the South African Government. which have caused tremendous sufferings through the arbitrary arrests and detention of hundreds of black people, further indicate the inhumane extent of its abhorrent policy and practices of upl&ti, as well as the moral bankruptcy and perfidy of the racist Pretoria r&gimc. The extent of such shameless hypocrisy is indicated by the statement of Pretct da’s representative, particularly when he asserted that the state of emergency was imposed in order to protect black iives and black property. 188. My delegation is of the view that the root cause of the present unrest is oprrheld. in particular in its depriving the black majority of their legitimate rights and continuing the r&hne of oppression against them in South Africa. The just solution to this problem can only be the total eradication of apur&?ld and the establishment of a nonracial democratic society in which all segments of the pop ulation, irrespective of colour, race or crecd,can determine for themselves their own future. 189. My delegation joins with the previous speaken in paying homage to the countless men, women and children who have made and are making the supreme sacrifice in the continuing struggle to establish a just and free society in South Africa, based on racial equality and human dig- + zud 1,. &I Aair Ined .J *ha ~~.e~~~ae 4 r-&-IA , , “.... ,” 1,s .**... .a...” “1 ,a*. .mYY.~ “. “pw.SHW. 190. 11 is a matter of profound concern to the intemational community as well as to my delegation that the South African Government persists in its arrogant det-kince of council resolutions and cotMug to treat with disdain and cynicism the Council’s actions in this mpect. Thailand% position with regard to uparrkid has been and 191. My delegation therefore strongly condemns the Pretoria &ime for its imposition this month of the state of emergency in 36 districts, which will not only aggravate the sufferings of the black maioritv in South Africa but will also exacerbate tension a& t&eaten international peace and security. In this connection. my delegation demands that the racist Pretoria r&ime end its policy and practices of upartheid. cease the oppression of the black majority which became unbridled through the declaration of the so4kd state of emergency, normalize conditions in the 36 districts in which it has been imposed, set free immediately and unconditionally all political prisoners and detainees and comply with all relevant United Nations resolutions without further delay. 192. Mr. BASSOLE (Burkina Faso) (interpretation from Freti&): Although the hour is late, before getting to the heart of the matter I should like first of all. Sir, to congratulate you sincerely on your assumption of the presidency for the month of July. Your great diplomatic qualities and your acute sense of human relations have led all of us in the Council to admire you. We are convinced that under your wise and dynamic conduct of our proceedings. our deliberations will help to benefit the people of southern Africa who have been victimised by the barbaric racists of Pretoria for their faith in justice and their profound aspiration to freedom and independence. 193. I should like to pay a tribute also to the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the representative of Trinidad and Tobago for the outstanding work they did when they presided over the Council in June. 194. For nearly a month now the Council has met constantly to consider the consequences for the whole of southern Africa of the irresponsible policies of the odious upmtl#id r&me of Pretoria. While it was striving mightily to fmd ways and means of freeing Namibia from the colanial and racist domination of that r&time, information reached it from Angola and Botswana of violations of the national sovereignty of those States, with the usual consequences. 195. Now, by means of the declaration of the state of emergency. the racist rCgime of Pretoria has entered a new phase in carrying out its programme designed to perpetuate its domination over the peoples which it has constantly been oppressing solely because of the colour of their skin. The intemationai commumty once again seems to E passive witness. Although voices have been heard. and will continue to be heard, in various quarters around the world denouncing and condemning this recent escalation of violence that is bring suITered by our South African brofhers. everything kads one to believe that they wilt not be enough to put an end to the grim designs of the Pretoria regime. Arbitrary arrests as wrll as illegal detention will 197. The profound meaning of these aggressions against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of neighbouring States, this unquenchable thirst to silence for all time the voice of freedom lighters by all means, and primarily through violence, resides in the larger context of the burning desire of international imperialism to dominate the world. 198. What is happening in Namibia, Angola, Lesotho and Botswana. and now in South Africa itself-and I am talking about the terror that the racist rkgime has constantly been sowing in South Africa in general-is part of the same pattern, that of an embattled regime assailed from all quarters, from within and from without, trying vainly to retrench itself within its last redoubts-the pattern of a regime which to survive-and for how much longer?-believes only in violence. 199. This entire orchestrated pattern is nothing other than a sign of certain collapse, the death rattle of a regime in agony. hated and hounded from within, denounced and condemned without a r6gime that feels its inhuman aportheid system shrinking irreversibly. 200. For how much longer will the international community abandon the peoples of southern Africa struggling for their liberty and independence to the death-throes of the paranoia of the South African racists? 201. For our part, we say it is high time to use the only lmguage that South Africa understands: the language of force. As to the Council, this should be reIYected in the immediate adoption of comprehensive mandatory sanetionn a@rtst that r&ime under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. Should the Council do that, as we hope it will, it will not k for want of having vied to avoid rceoum to this ultimate sohltion. 202. ‘Ihe peopk and Government of Burkina Faso wed come the French initiative. As Mr. Thomas Sankara. Pm& dent of the National Council of the Revolution, Prariint andHeadofSseteofBurLinaFaso,eaidina~gic along these lines addres& to Mr. Fran@ Mitterrand. Presiit of the French Republic: “It is a pleasant duty for my people and its political leadership, the National Council of the Revolution and myself, to address to you very sincere congratuIations and our strong support for the recent courageous and just steps, in keeping with the revoiutionary tradition of Franoc, that your Government has just taken against the fascist sentinels of South Africa. “The people of Burkina Faso salutes this political decision and ls happy to note that the fraternal people of France has realized that the real nature of the racist dgimc of Pretoria is only a repetition of the Hitkrite “The logic of your commitment means that, together with other peoples, we can hope to pool all economic and military means to uproot from our planet once and for all this last cancer of humanity. “When the French Government announced its decision actively to boycott Pretoria, we had no doubt that our black brothers of South Africa were happy, as were all those who, whatever the colour of their skin, have fraternal feelings for all other human beings. Not to force ourselves to pursue this noble combat could give rise to frustration, disappointment and even greater traumatism and by complacency or complicity, deliver these men and women to their butchers because they believed in our determination. “ln this part of Africa there will always be more indulgence for those whose pessimistic evaluations of their means will have prevented them from embarking upon a crusade against apartheid than for those who have only half-heart&y engaged in battle. “Today, as heretofore, the people of Burkina Faso firmly and decisively supports the fraternal French people in this noble struggle, which once again illustrates the ideals of peace, democracy and progress so dear to all peoples of the world. “We take this opportunity you have given us to sup port a courageous act and appeal to other Western countries to learn once again to cherish and to pay the price of freedom for all.” 203, While welcoming the French initiative which brought us together today, we feel that it would have had, and stilI might have., greater effect if without any hesitation or half-measures we could adopt a strong draft resolution. 204. My delegation would have preferred to see the Council take a decisive step towards the logical solution by deciding to act under Chapter VII of tbe Charter. We regret that that is not the case, because France’s draft nsolution remains very far from such a decision. 205. However, we venture to hope that the consultations to be hell wiii provide an opportunity for aii of us IO express our views on the draft, make it more consistent and rally a consensus in the Council on its new contents, 206, The PRESIDENT (ittterpretatton from Sudan): The next speaker is the representative of Cuba. I itwlte him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 208. 1 take this opportunity to extend my delegation’s gratitude to the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the representative of Trinidad and Tobago for the constructive way in which they conducted the Council’s proceedings last month, when on three occasions the same criminal as today, that is, the racist rkgime of Pretoria, was arraigned before the Council: first. because of its obstinate and absurd idea of perpetuating its domination over the Territory of Namibia, thus violating all the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly, the Security Council and all those international bodies which have been obliged to consider the problem of Namibia; next, because of its attempt to blow up the oil installations of Gulf Oil in the province of Cabinda, in Angola; and then, because of its flagrant and criminal act of banditry against the military installations of the African National Congress of South Africa at Gaborone, the capital of Botswana. 209. Today we have before us evidence of what has so often been said by some delegations in the Council and in the General Assembly, that is, that channels have been blocked for the South African black masses to eliminate the uprtheid r&me by means of dialogue, and we are now witnessing a pneralized uprising in which people are no longer afraid of bullets, bayonets or tanks. A whole people has risen with a single voice and cried out, as was put by Archbishop Tutu: Liberty, liberty and equality for all! 210, Dozens of towns where blacks live have been destroyed or damaged, thousands of persons have been left homeless, more than 800 have been arrested. and the racist police and army have declared open season on blacks like something out of a Tatzm film. Five hundred dead is the minimum toll of black South African victims in the past IO months for the sole crime of having asked for racial equality in the land of their birth. Let us all be aware that those mas.ses will fight to the bitter end to achieve their goal: the elimination of a~rlheid. There will be no peace until apurth&j has been eliminated. 211, How long can we go on tolerating this situation? It is not simply a violation of human rights, but a cowardly and cruel act of genocide. which has worsened today with the offiial assumption of certain so-called emergency powers that are nothing moR than a sham, since everyone L- __- -L-r .L--..-L-... L~OW~ umb rutvuywu~ rZjiri~i~~S IOiig hisioiy arbiirary arrests have been carried out, thousands of blacks have been murdered, many persons have been summarily gaoled without triai. with the utmost disrespect for the most elementary r~rms of human rights. 212. But his measure by Mr. Botha reveals the state of desperation and fear to which these cowardly racists have ix 213. It is very clear that what we must do is adopt all necessary measures to halt this cruel and inhuman state of affairs. Humanity can no longer witness indifferently the genocide of the South African blacks. We should like to seize this opportunity to appeal from this tribune to all men of goodwill for us to unite our voices, our energies and our efforts to bring about the fmal elimination of the odious and inhuman evil which is upurtheid. 214. Today, more than ever, we recall the following words uttered by the national hero of my country, Jo& Marti, who said: “I feel that one of my children i, b.eitrg killed whenever a man is deprived of the freedom of thought.” 215. No human mind could have conceived that at the end of this century there would still persist such an odious r&ime. Those who up to today have been invoking all kinds of arguments to support South Africa now see the results of their policies. We hope that those who have advocated the policy of ‘oonstructive engagement” and attitudes of indulgence towards South Africa will relinguish them, thus avoiding contributing lo any continuation of the practice of State terrorism that prevails in that country, the victims of which are not only the black people of that country but neighbouring countries. There can no longer be any excuses for failing to apply to racist South Africa the measures laid down in Chapter VII of the Charter or for continuing to oppose the outcry of the whole of mankind. 216. I should like to quote another saying of ,the great Jest Mati: “To watch a crime calmly is to commit it”. 217. In paragraph I4 of its resolution 566 (PBS), adopted on 19 June, the Council urges: “‘States Members of the United Nations that have not done so to consider in the meantime taking appropriate voluntary measures against South Africa, which could include the foliowing: (a) Suspension of new investments rind application of disincentives to that end; (b) Re-examination of maritime and aerial relations with South Africa; (0 Prohibition of the sale of krugerrands and all other coins minted in South Africa; (d) Restrictions on sports and cultural relations”. 218. We are gratified to see that some States have already taken steps in that direction, and we would urge 219. My delegation believes that it is essential that the Council assume its responsibilities and unequivocally demand South Africa’s immediate abolition of all the discriminatory laws against the black comm;lnity, that is, the definitive end of u~rtheti, an immediate lifting of the socalled state of emergency just declared by Mr. Botha; and the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela, who has for 21 years languished in racist prisons, and of all the other political detainees who have been imprisoned simply b~cx~se they bave opposed apartheid, 220. If Sourh Africa does not heed these demands, the situation will, in the view of my delegation, become more and more explosive with *‘cry passing day; thousands of people will shed their blood on the path to liberty and equality in that country. 230. The racist @me is intent on hoodwinking the world by pretending that all it is attempting to do is to maintain law and order within its borders. Its allies and kith and kin abroad have lost no time in abusing the Charter of the United Nations in their protestations that, although they reject upurtkid, South Africa should be left alone to restore law and order within its borders and generally mind its own business. 221. Therefore it is the duty of each and every one of us today to call an end to the genocide of a people by a regime that has lost its reason, a r&gime that reminds us of the attempts 40 years ago to trample the soil of the Ukraine and reduce to ashes the great values of universal civilisation. 231. My delegation joins issue with the racist r&me and its supporters and sympathizem. It has been and remains our firm conviction that what is happening in South Africa today, grave and appalling as it is, is neither new nor an internal matter on which the international community. through the Council, can irmain indifferent. It is not new because the black South Africans have lived under the de fucro emergency state of affairs for years. They have known no privacy of theip homes, and arbitrary arrests and detctttions, not to mention wanton killings, have become a painful way of life. 222. Eternal glory to those who have fallen in the name of liberty and racial quality in South Africa! I should like to conclude by once again quoting from Jo& Matdz **We are not working for the applause of the selfuh few: we are working to join the futttte company of the martyrs**.

The next speaker is the repmentative of Kenya. I invite himtotaLeeplaceatthcCouncilteb~andtomakehis statement.

I thank you, Mr. President and, through you, the members of the council for mting my deltgation to participate in this important debate. 232. Similarly. the recent action by the racist r&ime is not a mere exercise in maintaining law and order but a vicious and ruthless intensification of the evil system of upurtkti The international community-and the Council in particular-has long and repeatedly condemned and rejected upurtheid, The racist regime’s continued defiance of world public opinion, including the opinion of the world’s highest court and of the Council itself, is not only ample proof of the inadequacy and failure of the measures and methods employed 80 far and the consequent legitimate duty of the rest of the world to speak out on behalf of millions of black Africans against whom atrocities are being perpetrated by that r&ime, but an eloquent testimony of that r&ime’s true character as an outlaw State. 225. Africa has just spoken through the Chairman of the Group of Aftican States, and this statement is made in full solidarity with what hs said, with which we fully associate ourselves. 224. We should like to expms our appreciation to the French delegation for its initiative in railing for this meeting; we in the Group of African States joined in calling for it. 227. This meeting of the Council is takinn daec pc hundreds of black South African families mo& &bury tens of their innoant children, women and men brutally killed by the ta&t @me in that country. 233. l’herefore, by their own conduct the racist oppressors have forfeited any claim to apeak in the name of all South Africans, let akme try to justify their criminal acts in the name and under the fraudulent pretence of maintaining law and order, when they themselves are mischievously engaged in disrupting the live0 of innocent and peaceloving black South Africans who have been denied peace 228. l%e only crime committed by the black population of South Africa is their insistence on full tealization of the fundamental rights of every human being, including such I9 ‘South Africa had a responsibility to its people not to be prescribed to by foreign Governments ‘about what is in the best interests of the oeople of South Africa’ “. 234. While it may be readily conceded that under the Charter of the United Nations, and the charter of the Organisation of African Unity, as well as under international law, no State-and much less the United Na!ionshas any right to interfere or intervene in the internal affairs of another State except under certain restricted circumstances, as I have already stated, apartheid has been condemned and rejected and declared to be a crime against humanity. Therefore, upurtheid or any acts, whether of commission or omission, in furtherance of that evil, are not and cannot be an internal matter for South Africa. In any case, when the leaders of that abhorrent system speak of rejecting being dictated to from outside as to what is good for South Africans, the question may be posed as to what, in their definition, constitutes South Africans. Can they seriously contend that the total subjugation of the black population, who are the vast majority of that cotmtry, is a demonstration of the wisdom of the white racist minority which the international community must praise and support, and to which the only alternative is that dreadful spectre in the mind of the white racists known as international communism? surely, arbitrary arrests, detentions and unprovoked murders of innocent black children, women and men cannot be in the best interests of the people of South Africa, white or black. 235. In sum, my delegation strongly deplores the curtent situation in South Africa, particularly the wanton loss of life and destruction of property. The cause of this tragic and worsening speztacle is the evil system ofqpmrireid. llte racist &gime must wake up to the reality that no amount and -frustration of the majority of the population. 236. My delegation, therefore, is u&need that, Iirst. greater pressure, in the form of mandntoty and eomprehen&e sanctions, needs to be strictly and sc~puIously applied against South Africa, Secondly, it is the view of my delegation that the racist r&me should embark on imtnedlate dialogue between the different races of that cotmtr)r with a view to instituting a democratic system of goventment. Thirdly, the uprtheti dgime should immedia@ly and unconditionally release all political detainees, including Nelson Mandela, to facilitate the process of peaceful political solution to the evil problem of up&r&i. Council the text of the statement made yesterday by Mr. Daniel arap Moi, President of the Republic of Kenya, in the wake of the impositio,, of the state of emergency in a number of black South African towns. He said: The Government of the Republic of Kenya has been deeply grieved by the recent declaration of a state of “It is in the light oi these realities that the Kenya Government vehemently condemns the declaration of a state of emergency in the black towns of South Africa by the Pretoria rt!gime in a futile attempt to silence the black people of South Africa from their legitimate demands for emancipation from the tyrantlical and oppressive regime. “It is abundantly clear that the imposition of the state of emergency will not solve the chronic problem of South Africa. There can never be political peace in that country until the Pretoria rhgime introduces and upholds justice and respect. The Government of Kenya therefore believes tbat a lasting solution of the problems in South Africa is the total dismantlement of the uprthetisystem and immediate introduction of popular democracy throughout the country. We therefore call upon the Government of South Africa to release immediately and unconditionally all political detainees, including Nelson Man&k, and to commence, without delay, discussions with the true leaders of South Africa with a view to adopting a democratic constitution for the future Government of scwtb Africa. “Nothing short of this can ever prevent the imminent social tribulations and catastrophe in that country.” 238. Mr. de KfiMOULARIA (France) (intqwetutlon from Ren&: The reoresentative of South Africa. whom I io not see in the Cha&er and whose absence I reg& while letting it be clearly understood that the situation in his country is of a colonial type, was so bold as to compare the repression in South Africa and what is alleged to be happening in certain parts of the territory of my own country. There is a fundamental difference, among many others, which the representative of South Africa was wrong to disregard. France does not have an institutional&d racist r&me, nor a system of State racism. The laws of my --.L.-, “.,I.,-- x-.:-A:-- ^_ A.- Lee:- -I-l-- --1-----C?-- .““.A.., II*Pu r),” “mIAI*u”II “0 ,‘,G UaaII) “1 UK WIU”‘ “1 Iub citizens. 239. I now turn to another point. My delegation has put forward a draft resolution [S/5/17.3.54j. In order to make possible certain consultations that have been requested, I ask that the meeting be suspended for 45 minutes, which should enable us to vote when we resume.

Again speaking on behalf of my colleagues in the Council who are members of the Non-Aligned Movement, I associate myself and them fully with what the representative of France has just said about our deep regret at having had to delay the Council for so many hours. I am sure that you will understand, Mr. Resident, that we were making great efforts to reach consensus on the draft resolution. 245. I have listened to the request of the representative of France, Bearing in mind the negotiations and consttltadons that have aheady been started and the stage that we have reached in them, I ask on behalf of my colleagues that we take no decision on the draft resolution tonight, in order to enable some of us to consult our Governments on a number of points that still give grounds for disagfeemcnt. 241. Mr. de KEMOULARIA (France) (httwptetdon from French): I am pleased by the statement of our colleague and friend from Burkina Faso, since consultations are apparently necessary. I ask that the meeting be resumed, say, at 8.30. which allows 45 minutes or an hour for negotiations. I hope that we shall reach agreement. If by chance, though I find it difficult to believe, there is still need for further negotiations, we would report that to you, Sir, on resuming. I think that would be wise, and I am happy to see that the representative of Burkina Faso Is nodding assent.

We have heard statements by the representative of Franoe, co-sponsor of the draft resolution now before the Council, and by the representative of Burkina Faso, who spoke on behalf of the non-aBgned members of the Council. 247. I should like to say that much work was done by those representatives in the past hours; they have not wasted their time. All who were present in these corridors were able to see that truly intense, hard work was taking place. This attests to the @eat sense of responsibility with which the Couttcll has approached this matter.

The Council has heard the proposal by the representatives of France and Burkina Faso to suspend the meatlng under rule 33.1 of the provisional rules of procedure. 248. Beating in mind the proposals just put forward, and the fact that a few speakers remain to be heard, I propose, lf there is no objection, to adjourn this meeting now. The next meeting will be held today at II a.m. to hear the speakam ramah& on the list. I would ask interested parties to meet before that time to continue their consultatlomi sothatthaGnm&lwillbeabletoadoptacle&ionau%p tabla to all. I& meeting was suspet&d at 7.45 PA, lRurs&y, 25 JIJV; it rewmed at 12.05 a.m. FWy, 26 Jdy. 243, Mr. de KEMOULARIA (France) (inrerpretution /fom Fred): I wish tirst, Mr. President, to apologize to you and my other colleagues for the length of our consultations. It should certainly not be taken as a sign of disrespect for you or the Council. Having said that. I propose, The meet& twe 01 12.10 a.m., F&y, 26 July 1935