S/PV.946 Security Council

Since no other member of the Council has inscribed his name on the list of speakers, 1 calI upon the representative of the Congo (Brazzaville), who has asked to exercise his right of reply.

1 have asked to be allowed to reply to the representative of Portugal because, in his statement at the last meeting, he alluded to my country. Firstly, however, 1 shall make a brief observation. At this moment, Africans are continuing to suffer in Angola, Cabinda and Mozambique, despite the state':' ments of .. q Portuguese representative who is vainly attempti. ~[. 00 persuade world opinion that peace and order prevail everywhere in the Portuguese colonies. 28. At this moment, in Angola, Africans are being tortured-Africans who have no means of self-de- 30. The two Africans whom we see here 1:Ieside the representative of Portugal-one of them kidnapped in the Cape Verde Islands, and the other imp't'eflsed in Angola itself-know the extent of the tragedy better than anyone in this Chamber, and cannot be ignorant of the critical situation in the Portuguese colonies of Africa. One of them-Ml'. Monteiro, who was in the Central African Republic last year for the independence celebrations of this sister country-acknowledged, during a friendly discussion at Bangui itself, that Portugal has always pursued an evil and retrograde policy in its African colonies. 31. We Africans of free and independent Africa would be very happy to see genuine natives of Mozambique and Angola coming here to defend the standpoints of a fr~e and independent Mozambique or Angola, in the place of these two brothers, who must be wondering at this juncture "what the devil they are doing in this gaUey" of Lusitania. 32. Ml'. Salazar-and 1 say this with vigour-is a cruel man. We now know his true character. The representative of Portugal, who spoke yesterday without the slightest conviction and is merely trying to please his master, tacitly admitted aU the atrocities which we described here in connexion with Lisbon's policy in Africa. Despite the, cries of censure uttered by the whole world at the time of the shooting and machine-gunning at Luanda, Ml'. Salazar is determined not to caU off his operations. 33. Just this morning, through our information channels maintained by African nationalists we received reports of three new incidents, to be added to the number of those which we have lamented here-incidents which present those responsible for them in a revealing light. 1would like an immediate, outright denial from the representative of Portugal, if these reports are false or erroneous. The representative of Portugal can even, if he wishes, seek information on the matter from the Portuguese Embassy in the Congo. 34. Listen to this! The Angolan patriot Simao M'Futa has just returned from Angola, miraculously and after a thousand difficulties; his two lips have been pierced. The local Portuguese authorities-that is, the authorities in Angola-had arrested Simao M'Futa simply because they had found on his person some copies of the paper La voix de la nation angolaise, published at Leopoldville. The lips of this unhappy man had been pierced so as to hold a padlock-a large padlock; the meaning of which is that while, in the Congo and elsewhere, there is freedom of speech, in Angola one must remain silent unless one has been authorized to speak in support of "Salazarism". The patriot Simao M'Futa, then, returned miraculously to Leopoldville with his two lips pierced. 37. It is easy to understand, now, why the Portuguese representative opposes the sending of a factfinding mission to Angola. Things are happening there which are a disgrace and a shame to our century. Yesterday 1 presented here a full account, supported by concrete facts. 1 gave dates; 1 named places and individuals concerned. The representative of Portugal did not, to my knowledge, deny any of these facts. He confined himself to taking' refuge in humour, imagining that this provided protection for him. On the pretext of making a clarification, in keeping with the policy of lies so dear to Portugal, he spoke of thousancl.s of Brazzaville Congolese at present wo!'king in forestry undertakings in Cabinda. 38. The representative of Portugal is a State Attorney General. 1 learnt this only yesterday and the news frightened me, for it is sometimes dangerous to tackle such people. But the Portuguese representative's attitude and way of interpreting facts recalled to my mind what Mahatma Gandhi once said, and 1 quote the words of that great man: "When 1 was a child, 1 learnt that the lawyer's calling made lying a necessity." 39. If 1 was dealing with a man of good faith, 1would not hesitate to ask him: firstly, the precise location of these forestry undertakingsj secondly, the names of their Portuguese directors; thirdly, the method whereby these Brazzaville workers are recruited; fourthly, the date of the labour-recruiting agreement signed jointly by my Government and the racialist, slave-labour Government of Lisbon; fifthly, the exact names of the Brazzaville Congolese employed in these supposed forestry undertakings. 40. But what purpose would be served? The representative of Portugal yesterday read out a newspaper article in which the author-a Frenchman, Ml'. Christian Jayle-sings the praises of Angola and apparently extols the conduct of the Portuguese. The Portuguese representative introduced this gentleman to us as President of the National Assembly of the Congo (Brazzaville), but failed to inform us of the date on which the article had been written. Up to this point, 1 really would not have believed that the dissembling of the truth had always been legal tender in Portugal. Fortunately 1 have now learnt that such is the case, and 1 shall lose no time in warn.ing my Government and my country of the facto 1really could not have believed that, in Portugal, the distorting of facts was regarded as perfectly natural and as nothing to be ashamed of. AIl African States which are familial' with my country know that the President of the National Assemblyat Brazzaville is a true Congolese, elected for the first time in 1959 and re-elected in 1960. His name is Ml'. Alphonse Massamba-Dêbat. 41. Since our accession to independence, then, we have had only one President of the National Assembly-a son of the country, a man of whom we are r 42. Ml'. Christian Jayle, who has no political position in the Congo (Brazzaville), is obviously not well Imown to the Portuguese representative. Ml'. Christian Jayle, like other Frenchmen before him, was President of the Territorial Assembly, not of the National Assembly, at a time when the political régime in our country was known as the "Loi-cadre". And if Ml'. Christian Jayle ventured to write such an article, he certainly did not write it on behalf of the Republic of the Congo, of which he is not even a citizen. Moreover, my Government has never sent him on an official mission to Angola, either to study the political and administrative structure of Angola or to request any form of assistance. Ml'. Christian Jayle is an excellent journalist and a writer of great talent; he is perfectly free to write whatever he thinks proper. But 1 do not see what purpose was served by reading out here, yesterday, a supposedly sensational article in which the colonialist, "Salazarist" spirit is praised to the skies. 43. To sum up on this point, and particularly"to remind the Portuguese representative of the facts-he acknowledged yesterday that there were Portuguese and Portuguese Africans-I will repeat that the President of the National Assembly of the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville) is named Ml'. Alphonse Massamba-Débat, was first elected in 1959, and is a genuine Congolese. With a cynicism worthy of a good member of Ml'. Salazar's team, the Portuguese representative chose to ridicule Ml'. Stéphane Tchichelle, the Deputy Prime Minister of my country. 1 will not spend unnecessary time on the wholly frivolous remarks which we heard here yesterday, for there is something more serious, something requiring a rapid solution-the plight of the Angolan martyrs. However, 1 must remind the representative of Portugal that Ml'. Stéphane Tchichelle, who is also the mayor of the town of Pointe-Noire, has relatives near the frontier and in Cabinda. On the frontier itself, Ml'. Stéphane Tchichelle has some land on which he has built, a fact which cannot fail to cause the Portuguese authorities in Cabinda great anxiety; they must, 1 feel sure, have reported the situation to the madiaeval Ml'. Salazar. For the Portuguese authorities, especially those at the frontiers-at all frontiers-never have an easy conscience. 1 would not have believed that the representative of Portugal could make such remarks as we heard yesterday about a statesman. At any rate, our Deputy Prime Minister, Ml'. Stéphane Tchichelle, does not have on his conscience the atrocities for which Ml'. Salazar must bear the responsibility before God and humanity. And if one day Ml'. Stéphane Tchichelle should go to Cabinda, the Portuguese representative may be sure that it would not be in order to dan',Je or to try out the local wines, and he will not be going alone. 44. The representative of Portugal will never succeed in distracting our attention from the Angolan tragedy by pleasantries. In Angola and Cabinda Afrila 45. In view of the stubbornness of Portugal, which continues to regard its colonies as patrimonies bequeathed by God, and in view of the endless afflictions which are being visited upon the peoples of Angola and of all the other Portuguese possessions inAfrica, my delegation, on behali of the Government of the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville), adjures the members of the Security Council to uphold and support the request put forward by Liberia, Ceylon and the United Arab Republic. 46. On behalf of my Government, my delegation particularly requests the United States of America, France and the United Kingdom to use their influence in order to bring Portugal to a sensible frame of mind, with the object of encouraging and promoting without delay the independence of martyred Angola, as weIl as of the other Portuguese colonial possessions. 47. Ml'. President and members of the Security Council, there are Africans, there are men who are suffering. Think of them and act forthwith.

1 calI upon the representative of Ghana who has asked for the floor in exercise of the right of reply. 49. Ml'. QUAISON-SACKEY (Ghana): It is with great humility that 1 have come back to this seat to speak once again-this time to exercise my right of reply to what was said here by the representative of Portugal. It is with great humility that 1 do so because 1 know that this Council is engageà in a subject which is very important and very dear to many millions of Africans. 50. 1 am very chary normally of bandying words, especially with my colleagues in this Organization, but 1 cannot possibly let the occasion go by without intervening briefly to place on recorq my great horror for the statement which the representative of Portugal made against my country. When 1made my intervention yesterday 1 never attacked Portugal as a country. 1 was attacking the Portuguese system in Africa. Perhaps 1 may say that Portugal prosecuted my own country, Ghana. For seventy years we were trading with the Portuguese. My own language is full of Portuguese words. When Prince Henry of Portugal sent d'Azambuja, a favourite courtier, to go to the Gold Coast of Ghana, he brought word that the Portuguese would like to settle in my country. The reply given to the courtier by the King of Elmina was: "1 order you to look at the waves which come and go~ In the same way as the waves come and go, so would 1 wish the Portuguese to come and go." So, the Portuguese never settled down permanently as they have done in Angola. Perhaps, if they had done so, our lot would be the same as our brothers in Angola. 51. In the statement made at the last meeting, which is perhaps unique in the annals of the Security Coun- 52. Perhaps the Counci! would like to know that as soon as Ghana became independent on 7 March 1957, these words were spoken by the President, then the Prime Minister of Ghana, Dr. Nkrumah. 1 quote what he said: "The independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked with the total liberation of the African continent." Only a few clays ago, in reply to another attack made against our President, he said: "1 can never be neutral between colonialism and African nationalism." 53. Rence, if it is subversive for a country, such as mine, dedicated to the principle of seU-determination, to the eradication of colonialism, to racial equulity and human rights-if it is subversive for such a country to do aIl within its power to ensure the earliest fulfilment of these aspirations, which are not merely the aspirations of aIl African peoples, but are enshrined in the Charter of this Organization and in previous resolutions of the Assembly, then surely someone must be deceiving himself, and not we. 54. If the representative of Portugal himself were to decide as of today to renounce his fàith in the legitimacy of the repressive measures and atrocities against the nationalists of Angola, were he to decide to join in the fight for freedom and independence in Angola, we would assure him that he would find a ready welcome in Ghana. His distinction and eloquence would be very useCul if channelled in the right direction. Even if he were to wish merely to visit Ghana in order ta see how democracy works in the interest of aIl the peoples in complete freedom and without discrimination as to race, colour, creed or political views, he would equaUy find a ready welcome. In either case, 1 assure him, on behalf of my Government that his passage money would be paid to come to Ghana on the condition that 1 also would be allowed ta visit Angola to stay there for the same period that' he was staying in Ghana so that we could compare notes. 55. The representative of Portugal made a recital here of aU the material benefits which the Angolan people are enjoying. Man cannat live by bread alone. It is not the trees, the boulevards, the beautiful 56. l will end by saying that in Angola there is a lamentable oatalogl1e of human misery, of reprisaIs and of human degradation, and l appeal ta this Council to give every consideration to the draft resolution which has been so weIl tabled by the representative of Liberia in the names of his own country, of Ceylan and of the United Arab Republic [S/4769], and ta give every support to it. 57. Ml'. CROWE (United Kingdom): The draft resolutian tabled by Ceylan, Liberia and the United Arab Republic refers twice in its preamble to an aUeged danger to international peace and security. That is not in itself surprising, because the representative of Liberia, in asking that this Council should deal with the incidents which had taken place in Angola, invoked, as he had to do, Article 34 of the United Nations Charter. But at the time of the adoption of the agenda a number of representatives around this table, including the representative of the United Kingdom, pointed out that it was not sufficient ta involm Article 34. This Council would be competent to deal with the matter raised by the representative of Liberia only if there were in fact a situation likely to endanger the maintenance of international peac~ and securityi and obviously, the onus of showing that there is such a situation must l'est on those who aUege it. 58. l have listened very carefully to aIl the speeches which have been made in this Council, but my delegation does not considar that they have demonstrated that there i8 in fact, in Angola, a situation likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security. Moreover, to proceed in the fashion suggested by the draft resolution seems also ta be inviting the Security Council whoUy to ignore the limitations placed on its jurisdiction by Article 24 of the Charter and to concern itself with matters which have been before the General Assembly and which may again be raised there. It is a wholly new interpretation of our Charter ta say, as the sponsors of the draft resolution appear to be saying, that by simply alleging a danger ta international peace and security this Council can take up the question of what effect aState ought ta be giving to a resolution of the General Assembly. 59. To proceed with this draft resolution therefore seems to my delegation to mean stretching the functions of the Security Council in such a manner as to blunt the edge of its major task, namely the maintenance of peace and security. For these reasons my delegation will be unable to vote for this draft resolution. 60. Ml'. BENITES VINUEZA (Ecuador) (tranblated l'rom Spanish): When the question of the inscription of this item on the agenda was being discussed, my delegation stated that it would vote in favour of inscribing it, although my Foreign Ministry had some doubts regarding the competence of the Council. l feel that it is now my duty to explain these doubts in accordance With my specific instructions. 62. We heard the representative of Portugal, in his statement of 10 March [944th meeting], say that there was no dispute, conflict or sim11ar issue between his country and Liberia, the State which submitted this item to the Counc11; and in his turn the representative of Liberia indicated that his country felt no hostility towards Portugal. From these statements it would appear that there is as yet no situation of international conflict between two States and that, as we understand it, the problem arises from different interpretations of generally accepted facts. The facts we have in mind are the following. 63. A few days ago there took place in Angola sorne disturbances, culminating in attacks on police stations and prisons, which were quelled by tha Portuguese police but which resulted in fatalities. The funeral of the victims led, in turn, to further disturbances and further deaths. Liberia's way of assessing these facts differs from that of Portugal. In Liberia's view, they demonstrate the existence of a national liberation movement harshly repressed by Portuguese colonialism, and this opinion has been endorsed by the representatives of the Congo (Brazzaville), the UnitedArab Republic, Ceylon and Ghana. Portugal for its part contends that these occurrences are the work of international communism, and the causes mentioned by the Portuguese representative at the meeting of 10 March included what would appear to be a combination of international Marxist propaganda, intoxicating drugs and African witchcraft. 64. Just as the assessments of the facts differ, so do the solutions proposed. For the representative of Liberia, any manifestation of African nationalism is of concern to the whole of Africa, with no distinction as to ideological colouring in the political context or as to languages and cultural background in the sociological contexte For Portugal, the matter is a purely private one of its own, since it regards Angola as an overseas province in which a model multiracial society has been created, with no "apartheid", with high wages and with great educational opportunities, where the children, both black and white, play together and the young girls are initiated into puberty with gay dances. 65. My delegation wishes to maintain an attitude of impartial objectivity, and does not seek to intervene in this disagreement as to interpretation. Rence 1 shaH merely analyse the legal aspects of the Security Council's competence. The Council has, under the 66. Hence, in accordance with the specifie instructions of my Foreign Ministry, my delegation will abstain from voting on any draft resolution which would imply recognition of the Council's jurisdiction. 67. My delegation would now like to state its view that the African peoples which are still dependent are not faced with the dilemma of choosing between colonial oppression and the totalitarianism of the left. The dilemma of that choice, which is sometimes used as a threat, has no "raison d'être". Africa is not a blind alley, or an alley with only one exit-towards oppression. There are many roads leading to freedom based on respect and human dignity, which is not the privilege of any race; to economic co-operationbased on the peoples' right to dispose freely of their own natural resourceSj and. to international co-operation based on the equality of all States without distinction as to continents. 68. My delegation feels that there ought to be sufficient understanding-or, if we wish to use the words of the representative of the Congo (Brazzaville), a proper application of the Christian doctrine-to prevent the dependant African peoples from falling into frustrated despair and from losing all hope. 69. Africa is a continent marching towards the futurej and we are convinced that it will find its own formulae, its own ideas and its own original forms of national political structure, so that the peoples which are still dependent will attain to full self-government in a free world. To make them choose between colonialism and totalitarianism, as the only alternatives, would mean a tragic sealing of their fate-so tragic that we should have to place above the African continent the inscription which Dante read on the portaIs of hell: "Leave all hope, ye that enter".

In discussing the inclusion on the agenda of the item we are considering, my delegation pointed out that there was a problem of jurisdiction which had to be taken into account if the powers conferred upon the Security Counci! by the Charter were not to be exceeded. 71. Everything we have heard during the debate on the question of Angola convinces us that we were 72. Chile has been most zealous in the defence of human rights and, in accordance with the principles of the General Assembly, has always shown its sympathy for the oppressed peoples which aspire to independence and are at present suffering because they are in subjection and are living in conditions of social and economic inferiority, deprived of freedom and with no hope of progress. 73. My delegation does not object to the question of Angola being dealt with in other, competent organs of the United Nations, such as the General Assembly or the F,conomic and Social Council. Nor does it object to the competent organ chosen making any investigations it may consider necessary. 74. But the injudicious manner in which this Council agrees to deal with matters submitted to it may become a dangerous precedent for the future. It is not desirable to depart from the strict legal rules on which the Council's existence is based, byintroducing political and social considerations, deserving of our respect and favour though these may be. If we do not abide by the provisions of the Charter concerning the limits of the Council's field of action, we may defeat our own ends, and, instead of promoting a solution of the problems, may delay and obstruct it. 75. For these reasons, my delegation will have to abstain from voting on the three-Power draft resolution in document S/4769.

When the Security Council debated the question of the inscription of this item on our agenda, my delegation expressed certain reservations. We said that we did not know enough about the nature of the problem to say whether the Security Council was the proper forum in which to discuss the question. However, in such circumstances my delegation usually favours the inscription of an item, even if only fol' the purpose of further elucidation and clarification. l was careful to add that such an inscription should not be allowed to prejudice the rights and claims of anybody concerned. Now we have had a very acrimonious debate, and after this debate some points have become clear, while other points remain obscure and in doubt. 77. One point made clear is that Portugal threatens nobody. Portugal does not wish to disturb the peace and security of any country. So far as that is concerned, l am not saying anythi.ng new, because the representative of Liberia never accused Portugal of harbouring designs of aggression against any country. 78. The secOl:." point is whether the conditions prevailing in Angola are such as will make the situation 80. The representative of Liberia at the last meeting, quoted from a statement 1 made in 1947 in connexion with the question of Indonesia. That debate was quite typical of the stand that my delegation takes on aU colonial questions. There was a circumstance which 1 should recaU to the members of this Council. My country has manifold relations with Indonesia and with the Indonesian people. My people knew the conditions in Indonesia quite weIl. We knew how the Indonesian people feIt about their connexions with the Netherlands. We were convinced by the summer of 1947 that the people of Indonesia genuinely and reaUy desired separation from the Netherlands and that they wished to become an independent nation. We were sure that the continuation of the older régime could only be achieved by the continuation of the military campaign which the Dutch had already commenced against Indonesia. The connexion between the peace and security of the world and Indonesian independence was very clear to my delegation. 81. Now with Angola the connexion is not clear. My delegation has always spoken and voted against colonialism. But 1 should like to submit that no organ of the United Nations should discourage any country from promoting political associations on terms of equality and freedom. Whether Portugal will succeed in the experiment in its effort to form such an association or not is very hard to say, but at this moment 1 feel that the Council should not take a stand on this question. 1 think that for the time being it is better for the Security Council not to intervene in the situation in Angola. For this reason, 1 r13gret that my delegation is not in a position to support the draft resolution sponsored by Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic. 82. Ml'. MENEMENCIOGLU (Turkey): A great number of highly important questions have been referred to during this debate: The emergence into free life of the vast continent of Africa, the right of aIl peoples to self-determination, the liquidation of the archaic system of colonialism. The views of the Turkish people and of the Turkish Government on these vital issues are known to aU and have been placed on record in the proper organs of the United Nations at the proper time. We do not feel that these high principles need to be discussed at each occasion or that they should form a basis for a controversy where such a controversy does not exist. 83. Because of tb'l limited scope of the activity of the Security Council, we are here today to discuss a specüic question, namely the applicability of Article 34 of the Charter to certain specific incidents. The Security Council is the highest instrument of the 84. During my first statement on the question of the inclusion of the item in the agenda [944th meeting], l expressed certain doubts whether the Security Council under Article 34 was the proper organ to deal with these incidents at this stage. Having now studied the draft resolution presented to us, these doubts are far from being dispelled. 85. My delegation recognizes the efforts of the cosponsors to overcome a number of obstacles, legal, practical and otherwise, in the present texte Theil' good intentions "are evident. On the other hand, when another question affecting Portugal, the question of providing information to the United Nations under Article 73 e on its possessions in Africa, was discussed in the General Assembly. my delegation voted against the Portuguese point of view. We voted for the resolution requesting such information [1542 (XV)]. 86. However, as l have already stated, each organ of the United Nations has been entrusted with particular duties and responsibilities by the Charter and we, the smaller members of this Organization, must observe most scrupulously the full and correct application of boll the Articles of the Charter, and more particularly those concerning the Security Council. 87. l do not deem it even necessary to reiterate that my Government is opposed to all forms of colonialism, wherever and by whom such a horrible system may be applied. We disapprove and deplore all acts of oppression, and we were particularly shocked by those examples c.ited during this debate. However, what we are asked to decide is whether the Security Council, the organ of the United Nations which was created for the specüic purpose of intervening in cases of dangers of world peace, should be seized of the recent incidents in Angola. On this count my delegation regrets that it cannot support the request of the co-sponsors, and will therefore abstain. 88. Ml'. SUBASINGHE (Ceylon): l just want to make a very short intervention. A short while ago we heard a number of interventions. The position has been taken by some of the representatives that no argument has been adduced to prove that there is a threat 90. With respect to the threat to international peace, must the Security Council consider a situation a threat to international peace and security only when military planes are roaring about the skies, only when guns are booming and machine guns are rattling? 1 do not think so. 91. We believe that in the sensitive world of today, where colonial peoples struggle for independence, there is always a threat to international peace by allowing a situation to deteriorate, in which the great Powers get drawn in. 92. As we have seen after the Second World War, when the Viet-Namese people started their armed struggle against the colonial power of France, dià not the People' s Republic of China get interested in the situation, did not the United States of America get interested in the situation? Further, was there not a situation in which every possibility of open, international war was likely to occur? 93. Similarly, in Laos we allowed the situation to deteriorate when there was a struggle. Did not a situation develop there in which great Powers became extremely interested? Did not a real threat to international peace prevail ? 94. Similarly, in the Congo the demand of the Congolese people gathered momentum very suddenly. Ultimately, before we knew where we were, the Security Council was deeply involved in it and, today, we know at what cost. 95. The contention of my delegation is this: It is quite true that the Angolan people have not taken up arms to fight the military power of Portugal in an armed conflict, but the information that is available to us clearly indicates that a situation is developing whereiiJ. an armed conflict in the future is a likely possibility. 96. 1 am not suggesting that the Angolan people are equal to, or are a match for, the Portuguese armyo At the same time, we are also aware, from the statements that have been made by the representatives of some of the independent countries of Africa, that they feel very strongly about the independence of the Angolan people. 1 am not for a moment suggesting that the African States are going to take up arms against Portugal for the attainment of Angolan independence, but 1 do say that the tension between the independent countries of Africa and Portugal is ever on the increaseo That is why we fear that, if this situation develops and there is further trouble in 97. After aU, what have we suggested? What have the delegations of Liberia, the United Arab Republio and Ceylon suggested? Not armed intervention by the United Nations, not sanctions against Portugal; we have only requested that Portugal acoept the principle of the right of self-determination for the Angolan people, as we have in the United Nations accepted the right of self-determination for aU peoples of colonial territories. ·98. We have said that there are aUegations of a serious nature being made against the Portuguese administration. Th3refore, in order to satisfy ourselves as to whether these aUegations are true or not, sa that public opinion aU over the world may lay at l'est, let us, the United Nations, through an acoepted authority in the form of a sub-committee, ascertain the facts. 99. Are we asking tao much in arder ta prevent a possible threat ta world peace? 1 appeal ta the members of the Security Counci! ta consider this aspect, and 1 once again appeal ta you ta take some action of a minor nature-I repeat, of a minor nature-sa that further trouble may be averted.

Since there are no other speakers, in my capacity as representative of the UNITED STATES, 1 shaU claim the privilege of expressing the views of my Government on the draft resolution [S/4769]. 101. When he first raised the question of Angola in the Security Council, the representative of Liberia, Ml'. Padmore, recognized that the recent disturbance in Angola was not of itself an immediate threat ta the maintenance of international peace and security. At that time he said: "1 believe that there is still time for us ta ~elp ta build in Angola a future of which neither the Portuguese nor the Africans need be afraid. But we no longer have centuries, or even decades, in which ta accomplish what should be a simple humanitarian task." [934th meeting, para. 70] He emphasized several problems with which the United Nations must concern itself: the urgency, in this era of rapid communication, of acting with despatch; the recognition of Angola' s problem being a part of the larger African scene; and the desirability of Portugal' s availing itself of United Nations cooperation and help in the development of its territories in Africa. It was clear from his remarks that Ml'. Padmore was anticipating conditions which, if unchanged, might endanger the peace and security of Africa, ü not of the world. 102. It is in a spirit of seeking the constructive elimination of not just the symptoms, but the sources of friction, that the United States approaches this problem. 1 regret ta find myself in disagreement with the repr'esentative of China and other members of this Council who .present their position with such 103. We in the United States deplore the violence which occurred in Luanda and the tragic loss of life, involving aU elements of the community. Nothing we can do here will restore these people to life. But perhaps we can discourage further violence, which can only make constructive efforts towards the solution of basic problems more difficult. 104. It is only prudent to view the disorders in Luanda in the context of the dramatic changes which have taken place in so much of Africa in the past few years. Angola ls but a part of the over-all picture of evolution on the African continent. The views of the United States have not changed since Jefferson wrote that: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that aU men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.li Those words reflect, we believe, the basic principles which aU Governments would do weU to observe and to implement with aU of the energy at their commando 105. It is no secret that the General Assembly has been interested for years in conditions within Portugal' s African territories. There can be no doubt that the people of Angola are entitled to aU of the rights guaranteed them by the Charter, the right of unfettered opportunity to develop their full economic, political and cultural potentialities. 1 am sure Portugal recognizes that it has a solemn obligation to undertake the systematic and rapid improvement of the conditions of the people of its territories, an evolution which is contemplated by the Charter. 106. The United States would be remiss in its duties as a friend of Portugal if lt failed to express honestly its conviction that step-by-step planningwithin Portuguese territories and the acceleration thereof is now imperative for the successful political, economic and social advancement of aIl inhabitants under Portuguese administration-advancement, in brief, towards full self-determination. 107. The practical difficulties facing Portugal in the immediate future are formidable. If the people of Angola are not given reason ta believe that they, too, may hope to participate in determining their own future, the tension which exists today will grow and may weIl result in disorders which will indeed pose a threat to international peace and security. On the other hand, we aIl know, and know only too weIl, the tragic events which have occurred in the Congo, that huge, unhappy State which lies just to the north of Angola. 1 do not think 1 would be straining the truth to conclude that much ofthe Congo' s problems result from the fact that the pressure of nationalism rapidly overtook the preparation of the necessary foundation essential to the peaceful and effective exercise of sovereign self-government. 109. On 15 December 1960, by Us resolution 1542 (XV), the General Assembly considered that a number of important territories were Non-Self-Governing within the meaning of Chapter XI of the Charter. The Assembly spoke of an obligation which exists on the part of Portugal to transmit information under Chapter XI of the Charter concerning these territories. The Assembly further invited the Government of Portugal to participate in the work of the Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories. 1 mention this because, in the view of my Government, the best course of action for Portugal and the best course of action to promote the interests of the people of the Portuguese territories seems to be through co-operation with the United Nations. In our view, the resolution to which 1 have just referred was an invitation to Portugal to work with Members of this Organization to ensure the more rapid progress of the peoples in Portuguese territory. 1 stress the words "work with". The United States does not read any dark dangers into this resolution. This is a gesture of concern, a gesture of goodwill and, beyond that, an effort toward genuine co-operation in the achievement of goals which are shared by all of us and which are recognized in the Charter of this Organization. 110. Hence, we hope that Portugal will proceed in accordance with the draft resolution now before the Council. In doing so, it would, in the words of Arti- 'cIe 73 b of the Charter on the subject of the people of the ~.Vm-Self-Governii1gTerritories, work "to develop self-government, to take due account of the political aspirations of the peoples, and to assist them in the progressive development of their free political institutions, according to the particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples and their varying stages of advancement". 111. 1 hope that what 1 have said will be taken in the spirit in which it is intended, to encourage the peacefuI evolution of a society in Angola in which men of all races can live together in harmony with mutual respect for the different cultures and ways of life which now exist there. 112. Ml'. ZORIN (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): The discussion in the Security Council on the question of Angola fully confirms the necessity and timeliness of the initiative taken by the delegation of Liberia in raisingthe question of the crisis in Angola in connexion with the colonialist activities of the Portuguese authorities. The attempts of the Portuguese colonialists, by resorting to military force, to suppress the national liberation movement of the people of Angola already constitutes a serious threat to peace and security throughout Africa. 113. In this connexion, 1 cannot agree with the evaluation of the situation recently made by the ment 115. The attention of the Security Council has been drawn to the serious situation which has arisen in Angola and to the need to take urgent and effective measures to force the Governm.ent of Portugal to fulfil its obligations under the United Nations Charter and to comply with the provisions of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, which was adopted by the General Assembly on 14 December 1960 [resolution 1514 (XV)]. 1 am glad to note that the United States representative also considered it necessary to draw the attention of the Portuguese Government to the need to respect its obligations under the Charter and the resolutionwhich reca!ls these obligations and the right of colonial countries and peoples to independence. 116. During the discussion of the procedural matter of the inclusion of the question ofAngola in the agenda of the Security Council, it was already clear that forces were divided in the Council on the subject of the appeal made by Liberia. Faced with a united front of African-Asian States, which unanimously condemned the shameful policies and practices of the Portuguese colonialists in Angola, the representatives of the colonialist Powers in the Security Council did not dare openly to oppose the inclusion of the question of Angola in the agenda. However, it can be clearly seen from the speeches made by the representatives of the United Kingdom and France that they sympathize with the Portuguese colonialist~, do not support the initiative taken by Liberia and would not want the Security Council to take any measures to stop the repressive activities of the Portuguese authorities in Angola. The reservations made by the United Kingdom and French representatives, with a view to casting doubt on the competence of the Security Council to examine this question, show clearly that they are unwilling to discuss this acute problem and that they would prefer not to consider" it at all and, in any case, not to take any effective decisions for the Implementation of the Declaration of 14 December 1960 in the case of Angola. 117. The statement made by the United Kingdom representative today confirmed that the colonialist countries do not want to discuss the misdeeds of the Portuguese colonialists and that the solidarity of the colonialists overrides the provisions of the Charter and the resolutions on the abolition of colonialism adopted by the General Assembly. We can only regret this facto 118. It is not clear to my delegation why one of the Asian countries-my neighbour, Turkey-has not found 119. At the same time, in the course of the discussion it became apparent that the colonialists are now forced to be on the defensive, that they are in isolt.- tion and that their position is extremely unpopula:r. The representatives of Liberia, the United Arab Republic, Ceylon and Ghana and others who have taken part in these discussions have cited countless facts which demolish the unsubstantiated assertions of the Portuguese representative that Angola is an integral part of Portugal and that the situation in Angola is an exclusively internaI affair of Portugal itself. Legal tricks and slanderous devices have not helped and will not help the representative of the Portuguese colonialists to prove what cannot be proved. 120. In the course of the discussions in the Security Council, it has been quite clearly proved: First, that Angola is a typical colony still under the domination of tne Portuguese colonialists, with inhuman living conditions for the indigenous African population, which is experiencing the full severity of military and police terrorism, repressive measures and mass reprisaIs on the part of the Portuguese colonial authorities; secondly, that, as a result ofthese activities by the Portuguese Government against Angola, a situation has arisen which constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security, and that therefore the Security Council must take effective and urgent measures to hait the criminal activities of the Portuguese colonialists in Angola. 121. The statements made here in the Security Council by the representative of the Portuguese colonialists really merit no reply. However, they are of interest in that the Portuguese representative has completely'unmasked himself as a diehard colonialist held over from the sevl...lteenth century, who is still unable to realize that he is living in the middle of the twentieth century and who is greatly surprised and annoyed that the members of the Security Council cannot see the virtues of the Pqrtuguese colonial system, do not appreciate the "benefits" which the Portuguese authorities have for 500 years been ceaselessly bestowing on the African population in Angola and, moreover, criticize and condemn this sacred order which the Portuguese Government would like to preserve in Africa for hundreds of years to come. 122. The representative of Portugal was true to form in sweepingly denying all the facts and all the arguments put forward by other delegations. The best representatives of the Angolan people, the true patriots and fighters for freedom and a radiant future for Angola were cynically described here by the representative of the Portuguese colonialists as criminals and hooligans, who allegedly opposed the authorities under the influence of drugs and drink. All the correspondents and journalists who have reported the savage violence inflicted on the African population in Angola were called liars and deceivers by the representative of the Portuguese colonialists. The same magazine says: "The black worker may be beaten by the Portuguese police at the request of the employer, although this is strictly illegal, and often by the employer himself. A wooden spade, known as a 'palmat6ria', is often used as the instrument of punishment, with holes that suck in the skin of the victims when they are beaten. The victims of the 'palmat6ria' beatings are often incapacitated for work for several days. "One of the intelligentzia at Lisbon told me", the author goes on, "there is some cruelty. We recognize this, but in order to be cruel to someone you have to love him. The African is like a woman. The more you beat him, the more he loves you." This was written by a United States correspondent, -- 'whom the Portuguese representative has not yet included among communist agitators, although he probably will do so in his next speech. 126. The representative of Portugal assured the Council that in Angola there is a multiracial society and that human rights are the mainstay of the political and social structure of the Portuguese State. However, uncontestable facts show that aU these statements are a complete invention, a fiction and a stupid lie. The indigenous population of Angola is being subjected to cruel racial discrimination. As has already been said in the Council, the division of Africans into different categories, membership of 128. The falseness of the claim of Portuguese authorities that in the Portuguese colonies there are no special privileges for any one group, in comparison with another, can be proved by examples from the indigenous legislation itself. For example, article 9 of the Indigenous Statute deprives indigenous inhabitants of such an elementary civil liberty as freedom of movement. If they wish to change their residence in a region which is under the control of sorne local body, they must obtain permission to move from this body. If they want to move to a region under the jurisdiction of another local body, they must obtain permission from both bodies. Article 23 states that the indigenous inhabitants have no political rights in respect of so-caUed non-indigenous institutions. They do not have the right to vote and they cannot join the government trade unions. The same article says that there must be representatives of the indigenous inhabitants in the governing organs of each province. and that they must be elected in accordance with the law, but the law is such that they are appointed by the Government. 129. The representative of Portugal has tried desperately to convince the members of the Council that there is no forced labour in Angola. However. the facts point to the contrary. These facts and the reports of eye-witnesses are more than enough to disprove the claims of the Portuguese representative. For example, the United states review Nation wrote on 4 March 1961: "In Angola the peasants and workers are cruelly exploited. The peasants are forced to sell thelr agricultural produce to the settlers at artificially low prices fixed by the authorities. Workers are forced to work for the settlers and colonial companies. Each year 250,000 Angolans are hired out by the authorities, as though they were not living beings, to agricultural, mining and building concerns." This appeared in a non-communist publication. The review states that forced labour is applied to women 130. For the information of the representative of Portugal, the English newspaper, The Guardian, is also a non-communist organ, as testified by the United Kingdom representative. On 8 April 1960, this English newspaper, The Guardian, said that in the past twenty years the use of forced labour in the Portuguese colonies had continually increased and reached such a point that this type of labour had become predominant both in Angola and in Mozambique. 131. We have heard fine-sounding statements to the effect that white and black school children attend the same classes together. The representative of Portugal apparently wanted to make an impression by speaking of this here in New York. However, in the field of education, as in many other fields, the actual situation, surprisingly enough, does not correspond with these idyllic vignettes of racial harmony. 132. The facts show that the civilizing activities of the Portuguese colonialists in the territory of Angola have led to the result-which, in the opinion of the Portuguese, is a happy one-that accordingto UNESCO data only 1.4 pel' cent of the country' s population receive primary education in Angola. This is much less even than the corresponding figure for the whole of Africa-4.7 pel' cent. The colonialists deliberately keep the people in deepest ignorance, apparently in the belief that education tends to corrupt the minds of the Africans, with an action similar to that of narcotics, and are depriving them of the opportunity to receive education and train national cadres. 133. It is not fortuitous that, after five hundred years of enlightened government and propagation of Portuguese civilization, almost 99 pel' cent of the indigenous population of Angola are still illiterate. It is obviously not fortuitous t..'lat there is the. same degree of illiteracy in Portugal' s other colonies, where areas larger than metropolitan Portugal itself have no schools at all. 134. The representative of the Portuguese colonialists has assured us that there is no economic exploitation in the flourishing Portuguese State. However. this is merely another lie. since economically Angola is a typical example of a colonial territory. Its economy is completely subordinated to the interests of the Portuguese and foreign, including the United States. metropolitan countries. 135. The extortionate trade Portugal carries on with Angola and its other colonies is used to offset the chronic deficit in Portugal' s own foreign trade. For example. The New York Times, another organ "in the pay of the communists", said on 10 January 1961 that by means of trade with Angola and Mozambique Portugal had in 1960 covered $60 million of its foreign trade gap. which amounted to $150 million in all. 136. The policy of Portugal towards its colonies is one of deliberate curtailment of economic development. 1 am su.re that the Portuguese representative would find ft difficult to name any large concern in 137. The colonial authorities are following a consistent policy of "Portugalization" in Angola, trying by increasing the white Portuguese population to ensure for future emergencies a military potential interested in preserving the Portuguese colonial system. One of the measures taken to this end is simply to drive Africans off good land and replace them by European settlers who take over the land belonging to Africans on the pretext of occupying abandoned property. It is therefore not fortuitous that, according to Captain Henrique Galvao, formerly one of the highest officiaIs in the Salazar Government and now described by the representative of the Portuguese colonialists as a communist agent, Angola is suffering from demographic anaemia, an invisible emigration which is the main reason for the population decrease. 138. The representative of the Congo (Brazzaville) has told us, inter alia, how many Angolans are fleeing to neighbouring republics, including the Congo (Brazzaville), from the fine life in the Portuguese colony of Angola. 139. These are the facts. They all contradict the assertions made by the Portuguese representative, proving their obvious falsity, and the Portuguese representative is in no position to refute them. The angry and uncontrolled tone of his statements is a certain indication that the disgraceful cause which he is t'rying to defend here is hopelessly doomed. Like a drowning man clutching at a straw, the representative of Portugal has clutched at a well-worn device everyone is weary of: when one has no rational arguments, one must blame everything on international communism. There might be eccentrics or naive people who will take this odorüerous bait. 140. However, the utter absurdity of these attempts to shift the blame from the guilty to the innocent was obvious to everyone, which is why the speeches of the Portuguese representative were 'greeted with general laughter. In bis statement, the representative of Portugal clearly appealed to the representatives of the colonial Powers for support for the cause of the Portuguese colonialists. That is why he emphasized that the Portuguese Government considers itself ta be one of the most active fighters against communism. It has obviously never occurred ta the Portuguese representative that the ideas of communism can no longer be fought with forae and bayonets. He should remember the outcome of the anti-communist campaign of Hitler and the notorious Axis Powers. Such an attempt looks even more ridiculous and absurd when it is made by the aging Portuguese colonialists who are not distinguished for either intelligence or strength. 142. Along with many independent African and Asian States, the Soviet Union has forcefully proclaimed and again proclaims its sympathy with, and full support of, the struggle of the subjugated peoples for liberation and independence, We proclaim our full support of the just struggle of the people of Angola against the Portuguese colonialists and we decisively condemn all forms of colonialism, including such varieties as Portuguese colonialism. 143, The numerous countries which voted for the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples are now obliged under the terms of this resolution to give full support and assistance to the colonial peoples strugglin.s for liberation and to press the colonial Powers to take immediate measures to transfer aIl authority to the indigenous population of the colonies, 144, It must be pointed out that the representative of Portugal preferred to remain silent during the discussion of the Declaration at the first part of the füteenth session of the General Assembly, pretending that this did not concern him and that he could sit tight until the storm had blown over, Now that the Security Council is faced with the specifie issue of implementing me provisions of the Declaration in the case of Angola, the Portuguese colonialists have become alarmed and are making impertinent and slanderous speeches which are infact directed against all those who voted for the Declaration. Thus, they are challenging the entire United Nations and are counting on the support of their friends in military blocs in order to evade responsibility for blatant violation of the United Nations Charter and the General Assembly Declaration of 14 December 1960, 145, The very tone and character of the speeches of the representative of the Portuguese colonialists are very significant, If, after the adoption of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, he takes the liberty here in the Security Council of speaking in such an insolent, aggressive tone and with such peremptoriness to the representatives of the independent States of Africa and Asia, we may weIl ask how the Portuguese colonialists speak to the Africans in Angola, Mozambique and the other colonies. What we have seen here is the dying colonialist monster baring its teeth. In 146. It ',s the dutY of the Security Council at this time to take measures to restrain the Portuguese colonialists and to ensure the practical implementation of the provisions of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. The present discussion in the 8ecurity Council shows once again that the time has come to consider the question of the immediate abolition of the COlonial system and that it was essential for the General Assembly to adopt the Declaration. Energetic efforts are now needed on the part of the African, Asian and aU other States which voted for this Declaration, in order to put its provisions into practice and to pass from a statement of principles to their implementation. 147. The draft resolution submitted for our consideration by Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic [8/4769] has the merit of drawing attention to the need for an' immediate reaction and the adoption of urgent measures by the Council in connexion with the criminal actions of the Portuguese colonialists in Angola. The draft resolution reaffirms that the crisis in Angola is not an internaI affair of Portugal, but is of an international character, and that the attempts to suppress .the national liberation movement in Angola seriously endanger international peace and security. Consequently, the draft resolution contains a condemnation of the policy and actions of the Portuguese Government, although in our opinion this is not done openly or with sufficient preoision. 148. Another one of the drawbacks of the three- Power draft resolution is that it does not caU for the immediatè adoption by the 8ecurity Council of measures to ensure the freedom and independence of Angola, but merely provides for the appointment of 'a sub-committee to conduct inquiries and to report to the Council. 149. The U88R delegation understands operative paragraph 2 of the draft resolution to mean that it in no way prevents the Security Council from immediately resuming, at any time and at the request of any of its members, the consideration of the question of Angola with a view to taking the necessary measures to solve it. However, on the whole the USSR delegation takes a favourable attitude towards this draft resolution and will vote for it, because this draft resolution reaffirms the right of the people of Angola to selfdetermination and independence. Furthermore, operative paragraph 1, which is extremely important and, indeed, decisive, states that Portugal must urgently take measures to implément the General Assembly Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. 150. The Portuguese colonialists must finaUy realize, that times have changed and thatwe are now not in the seventeenth century, but in the second half of the 151. It is the dutY of the Security Council to bring nearer the day when the long-suffering people of Angola will become free and independent and will build their own life, not at the bidding of foreign oppressors from distant Portugal, but as they themselves wish and in accordance with their national interests.

In view of the late hour and the desirability of reaching a vote before we adjourn, it has been suggested that we might consider waiving the double interpretation, if there is no objection on the part of the Soviet representative or other members of the Council.

In view of the importance of reaching a decision today, the USSRdelegation will, as an exception, not object to forgoing the double interpretation.

Since there is n6 other objection to this exceptional procedure, 1 will now caU upon the representative of Turkey, who wishes to exercise his right of reply.

1 shaU not delay the vote. 1 shaU only speak for one minute in the exercise of my right of reply. Duril1g his statement, the Soviet representative said that he could not understand why Turkey did not express its readiness to vote in favour of the draft resolution now before us. 1 was under the impression that 1 had explained very accurately the reasons why my Government does not consider Article 34 of the Charter applicable to the recent events in Angola. Among other things, 1 said that the scrupulously correct interpretation and implementation of Articles of the Charter concerning the Security Council may constitute a question of life or death for the smaller Members of this Organization. That our competent authorities arrived at this decision in full cognizance of the fact that our ally, the United States, and our neighbour, the Soviet Union, both were in favour of this text must, 1 am sure, give further proof of the strength which we always attach to our convictions.

The representative of Liberia has asked to be heard further before we put the matter to a vote.

1 am going to make a brief statement. 1 do think that, representing the African countries, 1 should again say a few words. 158. 1 hope that after the vote is taken there will be no further cause to hoId you here in a long session. However, my delegation should now like to caU the attention of the members of the Council once again to 1 should like to underline the words "situation which might lead to international friction or give rise to a dispute". In the context of this legal pronouncement of Article 34, it is clear that a situation which could endanger world peace must not necessarily be a dispute between two Member States. This is intended especially for the representative of China. 159. In a speech a few months aga the President of Liberia, Mr. William V. S. Tubman, had this to say: "In the hour of our triumph, we Africans must remember that what we seek is justice and not revenge. There is no time for us to brood over the grievances and sufferings of the pasto We look to the future-a future which we hope to see cleansed of the racial hatred which brought such misfortune upon our own people. We must extend to the white man the hand 'of forgiveness and fellowship. We must invite him to join in burying misunderstanding and in working for a better and happier world." 1 venture to claim that this is a generous and sane approach which the statesmen of the world should be willing to meet at least haU way. But it is an approach on which the representative of Portugal and sorne of the members of the Security Council have turned their backs. 160. The African peoples have appealed to all members of this Council to reflect upon the contributions which the people of Africa have made to the general clefence of human liberty in two world conflicts. By the end of World War 1 the poppies of Flanders fields were blowing over African as well as American, British, French and other European dead. In World War il African blood was shed on many battlefields in Ethtopia, in North Africa, in Europe, in the Near East and in Burma. There' were graves covered by snow and the icy blasts of the northern winds. There were graves covered by the burning sands of a torrid and tropical sun. Is it to be wondered at, is it unreasonable, is it unfair or unjust that we should ask sorne minimum reward for our sacrifices? Are we to be content that only in Africa the high principles 'of the Charte:;:' of the United Nations should fail to apply? 161. We are concerned here with no transient problem which the mere passage of Ume will palliate. You may seek to avoid the issue today, but the problem will come to haunt you tomorrow and fol' a series of tomorrows, in an even more acute and aggravated fOl'm, until eventually you are driven to take your stand on one, side or the other.

1 regret that 1 did not have the chance to inquire if the interpretation of the reply of the representative of Turkey could be waived. 1 wonder if the representative of Liberia would bewilling to forgo the interpretation of his few remarks. 164. Ml'. PADMORE (Liberia): Yes, Ml'. President.

ln that event, with the understanding that the representative of Portugal wishes to be heard at the conclusion of the vote, if there are no further speakers, we will proceed to put the draft resolution submitted by Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic [S/4769] to a vote.

Will the representative of Portugal be good enough to take his place at the Council table? 167. Ml'. GARIN (Portugal): 1 thank you, Ml'. President, for giving me the opportunity to address the Council again. 1 should like to say a few words in clarification of the Portuguese position. 168. During the debate some speakers addressed unwarranted attacks, some even addressed outrageous attacks on Portugal and its policies. What has been said by these speakers is but a travesty of the Portuguese nation-our life, our ideals and our intentions. ln principle, 1 should not deal with such criticisms, as they were made in regard to questions that in our opinion fan outside the scope of the Charter, and for that matter of the Security Council. But 1 will answer them,after all, because although some of the criticisms were advanced in pure bad faith, others were also made perhaps out of the emotions ofthe speakers and, on the other hand, 1 feel that the dignity of my country cannot leave the field entirely to our detractors. 170. Portugal does not practise any kind of colonialism either in Africa or anywhere else. Such accusations can only be made by representatives who deliberately wish to ignore the reality that is Portugal and the basic principles which have always inspired the formation and development of the Portuguese nation. Although dispersed throughout four continents, and made up of many different races, we are a unitary State, politically, juridically and morally. 171. Political subjugation, economic exploitation, the creation of barriers and inequality among the different races, are and always have been alien to the Portuguese nation, though familiar to the political system of sorne of our detractors. We are a unitary State. We do not administer any non-autonomous territories-all the parts of the nation, wherever they are, are independent with the independence of the nation. 172. When present trends in the world accept as fundamental criteria for action in the development of mankind materialistic conceptions, it is my dutY to remind this Council of the case of a people who have always acted, through centuries of history, in obedience to spiritual imperatives and iuner appeals which transcend the immediate interests of human nature. In the great enterprise which led us to open all the doors of the world and to bring into contact with one another the different great civilizations of mankind, we were not moved by greed. Our main objective was to serve an ideal-the ideal of fraternal human communion inspired in us by the Christian civilization. It was the ideal of the integration of all men, whatever the colours or races to which they might belong, in the same human dignity. 173. Before a world full of preconceptions, which proclaimed the superiority of this or that race and which looked down with contempt on miscegenation, we abolished the spirit of castes and of racial prejudices. In the warmth of that fraternity, we created new communities, animated with a new spirit which evolved naturally, geographically dispersed, but united in the love of the same national flag. 174. The contention that forced labour exists in overseas Portugal is a shameless and deliberate falsehood with two aims in view: a dishonest attempt to discredit a nation which by law, morality and customs, upholds the dignity of the human being irrespective of race, colour or creed, and his right to choose in freedom the type of work he prefers; and a scheme to cover up the labour problems and practices in the lands of our detractors. Individual freedom in connexion with work is the fundamental principle inscribed in the POJ'~uguese Constitution and in all our labour laws. Anyone wishing to do so can read and consult them. Portugal has also ratified the two International Labour Organisation Conventions 176. Therefore, one must question the premise that a legal obligation may exist to submit information under the terms of Article 73 e on the Portuguese nationals inhabiting our overseas provinces. But we have always been willing to give information voluntarily about the activities of those provinces whenever such information was requested by the various international specialized agenciesj and many times we even sent such information on our own initiative without any specific request. Thus, we constantly forwarded documentation and information to such organizations as the ILO, WHO, UNESCO and others, and more recently to the Economic Commission for Africa. Furthermore, we regularly provide the library of this Organization with that type of information. Our territories are open for all to observe, and the Government' s public services publish enough data to give a clear idea at any moment of general and administrative progress. 177. What are the allegations against us? One is that we are concentrating troops in Portuguese Africa. Those who seem worried on account of the fact that some milital'y detachments have been placed.there seem to forget that parts of Africa, beyond our borders, are unfortunately going th.rough a period of serious strtie and unrest, which we certainly hope will be only temporary. It is our dutY, even in response to recent resolutions of this Organization, ta see to it that we dispose locally of the means to keep a strict neutrality. Furthermore, we obviously wish to preserve the peace and tranquillity which our populations are enjoying all over our territories and to protect them from criminal attempts coming from the outside, which are always a threat to public arder, as shown by the recent events in Luanda. 178. Representatives who brought up the question of the Indigenousi Legislation seem to forget that we are in entire conformity with the international convention, 179. As regards gratuitous allegations of oppression in overseas Portugal, while protesting against them vehemently, 1 will say that they hardly merit a reply. But it is certainly pertinent to ask a question in reply. Why is it that in the Portuguese community there has been peace throughout aU the Portuguese territories? This tranquil Ufe of aIl our populations is a fact that nobady can deny. The events of Luanda, promoted by outside terrorists, cannot be invoked ta deny that peace and complete calm reign in our overseas territories, a calm accomplished without the use of force, merely by the habit of peacefulUving in common. 180. How is it that we can cross the entire length of Angola or Mozambique with no other aid than the goodwill of the people and their brotherly help? Fundamentally it is the fact that they consider themselves to be Portuguese and have no desire to be otherwise. 181. In this debate a lot has been said about Africa and its problems'. Some representatives have shown little interest in clarifying matters in the Ught of the true circumstances and events as they actuaUy exist in that continent. They have attempted to create an emotional pattern, often at odds with the facts, for purposes of propaganda. 182. My delegation feels that it would be pertinent to stress sorne of the points raised by the Portuguese Prime Minister in a recent speech on the general subject of Africa, for the premises estabUshed and conclusions drawn are as vaUd today in this Organization as they were a few months agowhen the Portuguese Prime Minister pronounced his speech. 1 shall summarize his pertinent observations on the subject. 183. With the exception of Ethiopia, North African States and the Portuguese overseas provinces, it can be stated that, generally speaking, one finds two types of African States and territories. Theil' distinctive characteristics should have given rise to policies conducive to the proper evaluation and solution of their problems. Both of these types of territories were actively developed by the Europeans, so that the basic dividing Une resides in the political attitude of their sovereign States or, in other words, in the aim and purpose of their work. 184. In sorne territories this work of development consisted mainly of the economic exploitation of natural resources through enterprises which did not' require the permanent settlement of white people. The governing States had, or came to have, the intention of educating the indigenous populations towards independence. This purpose and intention was expressed in corresponding policies, and the independence of such territories is nothing more than the recognition of the fact that the desired aim was attained. This is happening and has happened bath in Africa and in Asia. 186. The matter is indeed more complex in those territories which have been populated by bath blacks and whites, especially when the latter occupied free spaces, cleared lands, set up agricultural and industrial enterprises, financed wldertakings, organized public administration and established law and order. 187. Discovery, association by agreement or even conquest, work incorporated into the soil, the succession of generations, are deeds of rights-so they were always considered through the centuries in aH continents-against which the current slogan, "Africa for the Africans", seeks to do nothing else than to remake history-not only in regard ta the whiteswithout possessing enough force to find a solution for the problem. 188. We must have the courage to assert that such cases have no easy solution, meaning an orderiy, fair and progressive one, within the framework of currently popular ideas. Neither will a solution be found within the framework of racism, be it black or white. The only way out would be to follow the path towards multi-racial societies in which aIl races mingled and lived together, with command and leadership confen'ed upon the most competent and the best. Such a process is not always a spontaneous one. Clouds of dust are raised by the anti-colonialist campaignwithout attention and understanding for the problems confronting these types of communities. 189. Instead of understanding and help being offered to overcome existing difficulties, blind attacks are made against the responsible cOWltries and against the naturally hesitating and even contradictory steps taken by their governments. Reason and justice are being sacrificed to wûounded ideologies, and passions and interests have come into play which are neither those of the blacks nor of the whites who live with them. 190. For us, as a composite nation-Eurasian and Euro-African-the foregoing problems are of more than academic interest on accoWlt of the confusion provoked by the same. But we shall confront these problems with the traditional ideals of the Portuguese nation. 191. When the Portuguese nation was evolving and extending itself over other continents, usually over free or fallow spaces, it carried with it, and sought to impress upon the peoples it came into contact with concepts of a nature quite different from those which characterized later forms of European activity. 192. To such peoples who had never known the idea of a homeland, it offered one; to those who were dispersed and did not Wlderstand each other in their 193. The idea of racial superiority is not ours, but that of human brotherhood certainly is, as weU as that of equality before the law, based on an equality of merit, as is proper to progressive societies. 194. In aU those territories the mingling of populations was to aid in the process of evolving a multiracial society. The most important and trulyessential element, however, lay in the spirit of familial' living in common with local peoples: in permitting to aU the possibility of advancement both economic and social: in the principles of a more advanced culture and superior code of ethics which, even when violated, remained nonetheless the rule of behaviour both public and private. For aU this to take root deeply is naturaUy a slow process, but if there results a community with a strong degree of cohesion, then one can assert that the tree has borne fruit: the independence and equality of peoples integrated with theil' territories into a national unitY. 195. A multi-racial society is therefore possible, be it of Portuguese-Asiatic stock, as in Goa, or as we find in Angola and Mozambique, based on Portuguese- African association. There is not, nor has there ever been, anything which could lead us to the opposite conclusion. The simple fact is that these societies exclude aU racialism, be it white, black or yeUow, and spring from the toil of centuries within the principles underlying Portuguese settlement. We would indeed be ill-advised to change the practices, feelings and concepts which have been the secret of our achievement and are still the best safeguard for the future of aU of our populations. 196. We have been in Africa for more than 400 years, which is not quite the same as having arrived yesterday. With us, we carried a doctrine, and this is not the same as being carried by self-interest. 197. We agree that it may be difficult for many to understand our ways, so different are they from the usual; but we cannot, because of this lack of understanding by others, sacrifice Portuguese populations whose place and interests in our national community are sacred to us. 198. It is possible to find many shortcomings in our work, and we are the first to regret that our limited resources should have kept us from greater progress. Much remains to be done, especiaUy as regards communications, instruction and health organization. But even in these sectors, as in everything else, we feel no cause for shame upon comparison with others. Our towns and villages, our railways and our ports, our hydro-electric projects and the preparation and distribution of irrigated lands to blacks and whites, the great and progressive social and educational developments verified on the whole of the population, the mining of our subsoil and our public services, aU have their merits. But the atmosphere of peace and security and the brotherly coexistence between the 199. The living in common of successive generations has forged and consolidated the unitYforeseen at the outset. This unity is, therefore, no political or legal fiction, but a historical and social fact, translated in constitutions, and it raises serious obstacles for those who now intend to dedicate themselves to the task of emancipating Portuguese Africa. They come too late; this has long been achieved. 200. To those inclined to think that we are merely theorizing, we calI attention to the spontaneous and resonant reactions of the national conscience whenever the slightest danger is in sight. In Europe and overseas, on national or foreign territory, the Portuguese, whatever their colour or race, feel their unitY so keenly that they view any discussion of it as a threat, and threats as stabs that cut into their flesh. 201. Undoubtedly, the unitary Portuguese nation represents a unique historical realization the structure of which, different and complex as it is, has always obtained international recognition. It was precisely that politico-social structure of a unitary State, with its overseas provinces integrated in the nation, which was admitted, by unanimous vote, to membership of the United Nations. It is then the ïntegrity and unity of that State-the Portuguese State-which, as well as that of any other State admitted to this Organization, all Members of the United Nations have committed themselves to respect and protect. This has always been the line adopted by this Organization and, very recently, reaffirmed in resolutions of the Security Council and of the Assembly. Certainly, no unitary or federal State Member of this Organization would tolerate a request for the disintegration of that State. No one should be surprised, therefore, if we claim for ourselves the sarne right which others claim for themselves. No delegation, however obsessed by propaganda effects, has the legal or moral right to go so far, and we solemnly protest against those who have come here with such preposterous suggestions. 202. l should like now to reply in a few words to the remarks of the representative of the Soviet Union. It was no surprise to my delegation that the representative of the largest, most successful and, incidentally, the bloodiest colonial empire on earth, the Soviet Uulm., should again take the floor ta insult coarsely and to try to intimidate my country. It is true that Portugal is not a military power, nor is it an empire commanding satellites both on earth and in outer space. Actually, the only weapons we have with which to oppose the Soviet campaign of subversion and terrorism against Portugal are moral and legal rights, our conscience and our clean hands in international affairs. However, as moral rights, human conscience and clean hands in international affairs are factors for which the Soviet representative has no respect, it remains to our disadvantage even to attempt a full reply to his slanderous and false ac- 203. 1 wish to make unequivocally clear that the Portuguese nation and the Portuguese people, regardless of origin, race, colour or creed, concede to the Soviet representative special credentials to speak about colonialism-but not the way in which he has spoken here, because he speaks here on behalf of the worst type of colonialism the world has ever seen: Soviet colonialism, a colonialism so despotic, so tyrannical, so cruel, so merciless, that it has enslaved not only the lives of many millions of people in eastern Europe and Asia, but also enslaved their souls. Yet, recognizing as we do the authority of the Soviet representative to speak knowledgeably of the horrors of colonialism and tyranny, we strongly object to the hypocrisy of his pretence that the Soviet Union has the welfare of the African peoples at heart. 204. 1 submit that it would be a divine miracle ifthe Soviet Government which, by ruthless and violent means, has consistently denied freedom to its own people and to the peoples of many of its neighbouring countries, were now truly interested in what it calls Itthe freedom of colonial peoples" .. The Soviet Government will use anything-anything but the truth-as it will use anyone, to plant the seedsofchaos and hatred on earth so that the ground will be ripe for communist conquest and exploitation. 205. In his apparent thirst to cast a dark veil of aspersions and slander upon my country and my people, the Soviet representative spoke at great length. and repeatedly, about what he called "Portuguese colonialism", and he spoke of it in violent terms, hurling fabricated accusations of atrocities, slavery and the like against my country. It may astonish the Soviet represeiltative to learn that we in Portugal view such things as atrocities and slavel'Y with a great deal of horror. We are a Christian

The dutYof my delegation at this stage is to thank you, Mr. President, and, through you, the members of the Council who have voted with you in favour of the joint resolution submitted by Ceylon, the United Arab Republic and Liberia.

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