S/PV.950 Security Council

It is my privilege to express on behalf of the Security Council our thanks to my predecessor in the Chair, the representative of Chile, whose services and courtesy ail members of the Council deeply appreciate.

Mr. President, you are exceedingly kindand are even, perhaps, exaggerating somewhat, since, possibly because of the fact that Chile is such a lover of peace and tranquillity, during mytermas President of the Council peace and tranquillity were not disturbed; rather as if my country had acted as a lightning-conductor and there was no need for the Security Council to meet or, consequently, for me to preside at any of its meetings. Your tribute to my services was therefore excessive and, as to your reference to courtesy, 1 feel that the courtesy of all members of the Council is not merely as great as but, indeed, greater than any courtesy which 1 might have shown. 3. 1 wish to thank you for your kind words and to extend to you, Mr. President, my best wishes f0r the 4. The PHESlDENT; IVll'. Nathan Barnes takes the sent of Liberia fol' the first Ume, and it Is my privilege ta e~1;end to him the hearty welcome of the Council. 5. Ml'. BARNES (Liberia): Ml'. President, it is my privilege and pleasure ta bring ta you the good wishes of my delegation and ta congratulate you on coming to the Presidency of the Security Council. In all earnestness 1 express the confidence that \mder your able and inspired g11idance our work will prosper and be productive of n full measure of success. 6. And 110W may 1 thmù, you, Ml,'. President, for your very gracious words of welcome to me as the representative of Liberia on this important organ or lile United Nations. On coming to the Security Council, 1 assure you and my colleagues, here and now, of my determination to offer my full co-operation in upholding the dig;nity and prestige of the Council. 1 would take this occasion to reaffirm the adherence of my Government to the Pm'poses and Principles envisaged in the Charter of the United Nati0ns. Adoption of the agenda

The provisional agenda for this meeting is found in document S/Agenda/950. The first item is the adoption of the agenda. Members of the Council will have noted that the representative of Portugal, in his letter [S/4821], has asked tobe heard in the discussion on the inscription ofthe item. As the members are aware, in accordance with the general practice of the Counoil, non-membe!'s do not participate in the discussion on. adoption of the agenda. There have been special provisions made for that purpose, as introduced at the 851st meeting as weIl as at the 943rd meeting. If it is agreeable to the members of the''council, 1propose that after the debate has been opened an opportunity be afforded to the representative of Portugal to make a statement on the adoption of the agenda. 8. Unless there is objection to the provisional agenda [SiAgenda/950], 1 shall declare it adopted. Letter dated 26 Moy 1961 addressed to the President of the Sec:urity Counc:il by the representatives of Afghaniston, Burma, Cambodia, Cameroun, Central Afric:an Republic:, Ceylan, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville), Cyprus, Dahomey,. Ethiopia, Federation of Molaya, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, J apan, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Mada. gasc:ar, Mali, Moroc:c:o, Nepal, Nigeria, Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Somalia, Sudan, Togo, Tunisia, United

In accordance with rule 37 of the provi8ional rules of procedure of the Security councn, and with the consent of the Councn, l propose to invite the representative of Portugal to participate in the discussion of this question, and if there is .JO objection l shaH invite him to take a seat at the Councn table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Vasco V. Garin (Portup,al), Mr. C. S. Jha (India), Mr. 1(. 1(. S. Dadzie (Ghana) and Mr. Gervais Bahizi (Congo, Leopoldville) took places at the Calmcil table. 10. Ml'. ZORIN (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): The Soviet delegation deems it necessary to reaffirm its eal'lier statements to the effect that it does not consider the representative of the Congo (Leopoldville) seated here to be the true representative of the Congolese people. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Emmanuel Dadet (Congo, Brazzaville) and Alhaji Muhammad Ngileruma (Nigeria) took places at the Counoil table. 11. Ml'. BARNES (Liberia): In a letter dated 26 May 1961 [S/4816 and Add.1] , arequestwas addressedto the President of the Security Council that the situation in Angola should be considered as a matter of urgency, bearing in mind thatthe circumstances, as knownto us, constitute a serious threat to international peace and security. The number of delegations which have placed their signatures on this request is, l submit, symptomatic of the vast extent of concern which the present situation in Angola has raised in a very large sector of international public opinion. The letter, asking that this question be discussed in the Security Councn, has been signed by no fewer than forty-three delegations, including my own, and thus reflects an almost unanimous expression ofalarm, griefand anxiety about the situation in Angola feIt by the peoples of the two largest continents in the world, namely, Asia and Africa. My delegation has good reason to believe that many more countries in other continents, even if they have not been signatories to this document, have equally strong sentiments about the matter and are certain to join their voices to our plea, should the opportunity call for it. 12. Members of the Councn will recall that on 10 March 1961, following the presentation ofthe matter before the Council by my delegation, supported by a number of other delegations, the question of Angola was placed on the Council's agenda [944th meeting]. The letter addressed to the President of the Council at that time [S/4762], emphasized the grave potentialities with which the Angolan situation was fraught which concern the maintenance of international peace and security. 13. When the Security Council considered this situation on 10, 14 and 15 March 1961 [943rd to 946th meetings], the delegations of Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic co-sponsored a drait resolution [S/4769] requesting the Government of Portugal to introduce reforms in Angola and requesting this Council to establish a sub-committee to examine the situation. At thattime, somemembersofthe Coun- 15. But the situation in Angola continues to deteriorate. The Government of Portugal, rather than heeding the United Nations caU for urgent reforms has stepped up its military repression of the Angolan people in a growing wave of terror and atrocities which, l dare say, has provoked a full-scale colonial war. 16. It is therefore with immense regret, sorrowand disappointment that, after a relatively short period of Ume, my delegation, representing the African States, is forced by the tide of circumstances to appear again before this Council on the matter of the Angolan situation-and l now state my reasons for doing so. 17. It was to be hoped that the pressure of international public opinion-which was virtuallyunanimous in the view that the Government of Portugal is turning back the clock of history in pursuing an otherwise condemned colonial policy, in its worst andmostbackward aspects-would have awakened the conscience and appealed to the sense of statesmanship of the Portuguese leaders, and ledthemto abandon mediaeval systems of exploitation, cruelty and terrorism. 18. Within the last few months, the United Nations has taken a variety of steps and pronounced a number of principles which render even more glaring the recent acts which have occurred under the auspices of the Government of Portugal in its colonies, and more particularly in Angola. The obstinacy of the Portuguese Government, in alienating itself, even more conspicuously, from the ethical and moral 19. The General Assembly adopted, in resolution 1514 (XV), of 14 December 1960, the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. Soonthereafter, theAssembly adopted another resolution, 1542 (XV), in which it pronounced that the Territories administered by Portugal-among them, naturally, Angola-are Territories for which there is an obligation to transmit information in conformity with Chapter XI of the United Nations Charter. In other words, the Assembly asserted that Portugal is internationally accountable for the administration of its Territories. 20. In March of 1961, this Counci! discussed the:: situation in Angola and pointed out the tragic events· there and the imperviousness of Portugal to arguments calling for compliance with international ethics and obligations. Eventually, in April 1961, the Assembly adopted resolution 1603 (XV), to which 1 have already referred, appealing again to the sense of portuguese responsibility to uphold fundamental human rights in Angola and initiate action called for bythe Declaration and the Charter. 21. So far, the Government of Portugal has not seen fit to comply with any of the mandates incumbent upon it by the Assembly' s decisions and, conversely, it has perpetuated the reign of terror in Angola. Very recently, the Committee on Information from Non-Self- Governing Territories adopted a resolution expressing regret that, in spite of resolution 1542 (XV), Portugal had sent no information on conditions in the Territories under its administration.Y Equally, we know that the Declaration contained in resolution 1514 (XV) has not had the slightest influence on the poUcies of oppression applied to Angola by Portuguese military forces directed from Lisbon and by the PillE. 22. In spite of the heavycurtainofcensorship shrouding the events inAngola, thenewswhichfilters through to us is that the opposite of what could be hoped and expected has been happening. New incidents of mass killings in the thousands, indiscriminate arrests, bombardment of villages, executionswithouttrialhave occurred, and, indeed, are on the increase. We hear about massacres of youths and workers in various parts of Angola. We have a list of localities in which such incidents have occurred. We also have a list of villages which were turned to ashes by bombardments from aircraft, On 26 May the village of Quipako was bombarded by three Portuguese Air Force aircraft, killing thirty-one and seriously wounding twenty-two others; twenty-five houses were completelydestroyed. 23. We are reliably informed that the defenceless civilian population is constantly under heavy Portuguese military aerial bombardment, while the Portuguese Navy is shelling the entire Angolan coast, that the number of inhabitants killed and missing has now reached 30,000 and that the number ofAngolan refugees 25. Further incidents in Luanda, apart from the massacres in February of this year, occur everyday. They include the detention and killing of people who try to assert their aspirations to the right of independence, or the right to be treated like human beings and who protest against racial discrimination. It is only too obvious that the Afrioan people of Angola should and will express their indignation at the mistres.tment suffered at the hands of the forces and the PIDE;aU the more so as it appears from the information leaking through to us that no provocation is too slight to cause repressions completely incommensurate with the offences deemed to have been committed by the African citizens of Angola. Incidentally, there is ample evidence that there are in Portugal and in the Territories considerable sectors of the Portuguese population fuUy sympathetic with the independence movements of Angola and other Territories. 26. It is these recent events and tragic occurrences, which increase day by day and expand overthe Territory, that cause my delegation to urge the Security Council to discuss this matter with aU the gravity and seriousness that it deserves. When we stress the point that this situation bears aU the marks of urgency and is a menace to international peace and security, we mean it literal1y and unequivocal1y. 27. Angola is no longer, andfor the future will be even less, an isolated place in a far-away continent. Developments in Angola must be viewed in thE! light of aIl those events which have been shaping the present world and the present atmosphere in Africa. Our sympathies with any freedom movement awakening in Africa-and, for that matter, in any partofthe globehave become such that we cannot stand by and let events take their course. It is this feeling of sympathy and sentiment for the oppressed that, adding to the concept of international concern, also increases the anxiety about peace and security in the world. The peoples in other parts of Africa cannot remain indifferent to the cry and the appeal from the Angolans, whose only wish is to live a life free from the most grinding oppression and to be permitted to exercise and improve those faculties which impart to man his dignity; to indulge those aspirations which God has implanted in every human heart andto evince that they too have a common nature with aU men, capable of equal refinement and equal advancement in al1 that adorns and dignifies man. l must tell you that no fewer than 100 million Africans, represented by their leaders at the Conference of the African States and Madagascar in Monrovia inMay, 1961, have recognized the situation in Angola as a threat to world peace and stability, have pledged whole-heartedly their material and moral support to the Africans in Angola in their 28. The teeming millions of Africans cannot long be idle witnesses to this bruta.l spectacle of destruction, this war of bloody repression and determined extermination which bas been unleashed upon their brothers in Africa. l ask in aU seriousness: how long must these people pass through rivers of sorrow? How long must they drink 130 deeply from the cup of affliction and degradation? Shall we sit by while there is a situation in Angola where the living will be envious of the dead? 29. The stark horror of the situation isfurtherdocumented in a report in The Observer of London on 20 May. The Observer's Leopoldville correspondent writes of "the thousands of Angolan refugees who continue to flood into the Congo". He states: "Hundreds are dying, mostly in Angolan territory, on the ten- :;-.nd eleven-day journey throughtthe bush to safety. Those who survive have to be"carried on foot or in rickety lorries to Congo hospitals. More than half are women and children. "In Kimpese hospital, run byBritishandAmerican Baptist missions, l found.a seven-year-old boy. The front of bis body was three-quarters rawwith thirddegree burns from a phosphorus grenade. He had been brought in, cove:r.ed with mud and filth, in a wicke~' cradle. Another boy of eight had a buttock shot away. He was rescued after seeing bis father and brother shot dead by a Portuguese raiding party. "Two 'small children with shrapnel head wounds were huddled on one bed. An elderly woman had a bullet in ber breast. A lad of twenty had a 15-inch bayonet wound through bis chest and said he was the sole survivor of a party of eleven. "He had been told to stand with bis hands behind bis back. A soldier had bayoneted him from behind and thrown him into a river." The Observer' 13 Luançla correspondent confirms the spread of Portuguese terror in a 20 May dispatch: "Wave after wave of Africans have been arrested, 1,500 of them in the Lobito area alone. There are no known camps in the area. The local prison holds only 100, and the total disappearance ofthe arrested Africans bas given rise to the most sinister fears. "People arrested inc11:-' . sohool teachers, 'assimilados' and almost ev, 1" African who is literate. Possession of a gramm<i.l." primer, a wireless setor even just a bicycle bas been enough to lead to a man' 13 disappearanoe. Afrioan priests have in many oases been inexplicably transferred to Portugal in 11If the struggle is prolonged, the consequences for Portuguese and Angolans alike are terrifying. Already, the northern countryside is desolate. Il Villages and farms are gutted ruins. For hundreds of miles, as seen from the air, the only sign of life is here and there a rising smoke trail. As one drives out of the capital, only 45 miles before reaching rebel territory, Africans by the roadside hasten frightenedly to doff their hats 50 yards before you reach them." The situation is grave and urgent and requires equally urgent attention from the Security Council. 30. My delegation is fully aware that there exü~ts now in the United Nations a Sub-Committee of five Members appointed by the President of the General Assembly in compliance with resolution 1603 (XV) to which 1 referred a little while ago. 1 can anticipate that there may arise in the minds of some members of the Council a degree of doubt as to why, having a Sub-Committee established for the specifie purpose of investigating the Angola question, an independent discussion is required for the same situation in Angola in this Council. 31. My delegation trusts that the arguments which 1 have just adduced and on which, with the permission of the President, 1 shall very briefly elaborate, will dispel any such doubts. 32. In the first place, 1 wish to draw the Council' s attention to the immediacy of the situation which arises from the pressure of events, the trend of which, as 1 have tried to point out, is on a violent increase. The increasing savagery of Portuguese colonial repression naturally begets a more militant Angolan struggle for liberation and the inter-action of these two forces is rapidly developing into a conflict that threatens international peace and security now-and not several months hence. 33. While the Sub-Committee has aIl our support and blessing, it appears clear that the terms of reference with which it is endowed do not render it capable of tackling the emergency situation prevailing at present in Angola. According to General Assembly resolution 1603 (XV), the Sub-Committee is: lIto examine the statements made before the Assembly concerning Angola, to receive further statements and documents, to conduct such inquiries as it may deem necessary and to report to the Assembly as soon as possible.lI 34. In other words, and this is proper and reasonable, the Sub-Committee is to make a thorough study of the question in all its facets and to apprise the Assembly of aIl the historical and political facts which are important and relevant for the evaluationof the situation. !ts report, as 1 see the present position, 'Nill be due at the early stages of the sixteenth session of the General Assembly, that is, in about four months hence. 35. Nobody denies the value of such action, which was envisaged at the time ofthe passage of the resolution on 20 April 1961 when it was expected that th" 36. Therefore, forty-three Members of the United Nations have brought the Angolan situation again before the Security Councn. The acute and urgent nature of the situation, in our judgement, requires prompt and ,effective Security Council action to hait this carnage and colonial war which already is having frightful consequences. 37, My delegation therefore believes that the most intelligent and effective way to forestaU such consequences is to strengthen the hand of the Assembly' s Sub-Committee and especiaUy to expedite its inquiry in Angola, to caU upon Portugal to cease its repressive measures and to provide theAngolanpeople withpeacefuI means for expressing their grievances and for making rapid progress towards independence and freedom, 38. To this end, I am introducing a draft resolution [S/4828], which is co-sponsored by Ceylon and the United Arab Republic. I shaU read it to the Councn: ":The Security Councn, "Having considered the situation in Angola, "Deeply deploring the large-scale killings and the severely repressive measures in Angola, "Taking note of the grave concern and strong reactions to such occurrences throughout the continent of Africa and in other parts of the world, "Convinced that the continuance of the situation in Angola is an actual and potential cause of international friction and threat to international peace and security, "Recalling General Assembly resolution 1542 (XV) of 15 December 1960, declaringAngola amongothers a Non-Self-Governing Territory within the meaning of Chapter XI of the Charter, as weU as General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14December 1960, by which the General Assembly declared without dissent that the subjection of peoples to allen subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation and asked for Immediate steps to be taken to transfer aU powers to the peoples of these territories, without anyconditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressedwill and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed "2. Reguests the Sub-Conuuittee appointed in terms of the aforesaid General Assembly resolution to implement Hs mandnte without delaYi "3. Calls upon the Portug11ese authorities to desist forthwith from repressive measures and further to extend every faoility ta the Sub-Committee ta enable it to perform its task expeditiouslYi "4. Requests the Sub-Committee ta report to the Security Council and the General Assembly as saon as possible." 39. In discussing this matter, 1 trust we will all bear in mind the wise words of President Kennedy in his address to the United States Congress on 25 May 1961: l' The great battleground for the defense and expansion of freedom today is the whole southern half of the g'lobe-Asia, Latin America, Africa and the Middle East-the lands of the rising peoples. Theil' revolution is the greatest in human history. They seek an end to injustice, tyranny and exploitation. More than an end, they seek a beginning. And theirs is a revolution which we would support regardless of the 'cold war', and regardless of which politieal or economic route they should choose to freedom." 40. That is the basic issue in Angola. It is the issue of whether a people struggling to throw off the yoke of five centuries of alien rule ~hall be helped toward their destiny by our constructive action or shall be forced to more and more desperate and explosive measures to defend their lives and obtain their rightfuI l'oIes in human society. 41. We here have the opporlunity and responsibility to influence this choice in Angola. May God help us to exercise our responsibility promptly and wisely. 42. Ml'. LOUTFI (United Arab Republic) (translated from French): The Security Council is called upon for the second time to con8ider the situation prevailing in Angola. Since the question was discussed in the Security Council last March and in the General Assembly in April, the situation has deteriorated considerably. Serious disturbances, severe repressive measures, violations of human rights and a high loss of life have led States-principally those of the African-Asian group-to request a meeting of the Council in arder to give further attention ta this question. 43. On 26 May 1961, the representatives of Afghanistan, Burma, Qambodia, Cameroun, the Central African Republic, Ceylan, Chad, the Congo (Brazzaville), the Congo (Leopoldville), Cyprus, Dahomey, Ethiopia, the Federation of Malaya, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, the Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Mali, Morocco, Nepal, Nigeria, the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Somalia, the Sudan, "•.• According to such reports as have filtered through in spite of the severe censorship prevailing in Angola, thousands of persans have been killed. The mussacres are continuing and the most ruthless suppression of humlll1 rights and ftUldamental freedoms i6 being perpetrated by the Portuguese colonial power in Angola. This and the armed suppression of the Angolan people und the denial of political rights and self-determination to them are in contravention of the Charter and of the General Assembly' s resolution on Angola and constitute a sOl'ious threat to international peace and security." 44. The reports on which this letter is based are mainly press reports-since no other information is in fact available-but they indicate clearly and 00- ambiguously the deterioration of the situation in Angola, the disturbances taking place there and the sevel'e repressive measures being adopted by Portugal. Angola has, indeed, become a battlefield. We will give sorne quotations which bear out what we say. 45. According to reports, 60,000 Africans from the north of Angola, where 25,000 Africans have been killed, have taken refuge in the Congo. This information is given us by the editorial of the magazine Africa Today in its issue of April 1961. 46. The Economist of 27 May, quoted by The New York Times of 2 Jooe, published the following: "the number of African dead is measured in the thousands, or tens of thousands." Many hundreds of Portuguese have also been killed. 47. In The Times of London dated 26 May, we read, in a report from Luanda, that: "About fifty armedmenforced sorne 1,800 Africans to flee from theil' homes in the Portuguese enclave of Cabinda, ... according to reports reaching here from Cabinda. Refugees said the attackers ordered villagers in the Luoli area to leave Cabinda ooder threat of 'death or terrible mutilations'. One man reached a frontier post with both ears cut off." 48. The New York Times of 5 Jooe reported that a group of eighty churchmen and laymen, Protestant and Roman Catholic, in the United states and Canada had appealed to President Américo Tomâs of Portugal for an end. to interracial bloodshed in Angola. Theil' letter spoke of the strife which threatened to explode into a war of extermination between Portuguese and Africans. It also called on the Portuguese Government to eliminate the social injustices which had led to indiscriminate killing. 49. We read in the April 1961 editionofAfrica Today that these incidents will lead to a racial war of extermination in Angola, oo1ess the Lisbon Government makes radical changes with speed and wisdom. 50. AU this demonstrates the gravity of the situation prevailing in Angola. 52. It follows from aU this that the situation in Ang'Ola hlls detel'lorntod and developed iuto a war. Portugal has reinforoed its armed forces in the 'l'erritory, but that has not prevented the contil\\U\tion of n desperate struggle between the nationalists and the Portug'\lese forces. 53. When 1 spoke in the Council on 10 March 1961 [943rd meeting], 1 dwelt on the question of the competence of the United Nations and of Ule Security Counci!" 1 shaU revert to it now, in view of the fact that the representntive of Portugal raised it once more in his letter ciroulated on 3 June 1961 [S/4821]. The representative of Portugal has mnintained-and still maintains-that Angola fOl'ms an integral pnrt of his oountry and that, consequently, the United Nations has no competence to intervene in the matter, in the light of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter which provides that: "Nothing contained in the present Charter sha11 authorize the United Nations ta intervene on matters whioh are essentia11y within the domestic jurisdiction of any State •..n • 54. On Ulis point, 1 have already observed that it is the Portuguese Government which has decided unilaterally that Angola forms an integral part of Portugal. Angola and the Ang'Olan people have never had an opportunity to express their views on this decision that the country constitutes a Portuguese province. They have not been permitted to exercise their right of self-determination, and were not consulted as to whether or not they approved their integraUon willi Portugal. MOl'oover, it must be borne in mind that the Angolan people are very remote from Portugal with regard to language, eustoms, origin, race and religion-a faet which makes this integration of which Portugal speaks very diffioult to bring about, The distanoe separating the two countries is also considerable. 55. In our view, therefore, this legal construotion, or rather this fiotion, cannot lead us to aocept Ule view that Artiole 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter is applioable in this matter. 56. In any event, whatever the international status of Angola-whether it is an integral part of Portugal, or a Portuguese oolony over which the sovereignty of Portugal is exeroised-the position with regard to the competence of the United Nations and of the Security Council remains the same. 57. The precedents, if 1 may use that term, in the United Nations bear out the view which we are putting forward, The Counci! itself, in the Spanish, Indonesian and Czechoslovak questions, adopted the same position, Moreover last year, as members of the Counci! will l'emember, the Council, in discussingthesituationresulting f:rùm the massacre of unarmod demonstratol's peacefully protesting against segregation and racial discrimination in the Union of South Africa, decided that it was competent in the matter [856th meeting] and oven adopted a resolution on this important prob- 59, A question ceases ta be essentiaUy within the domestic jurisdiction of aState when it is of international scope and has international repel'cussions, especiaUy if such repercussions are calculated to jeopardize the friendly relations which should subsist between States, or ta threaten international peace IUld security. There can be no doubt that the continuation of Ulis situation in Angola is calculated to have effects on the relations between States and to endanger international peace and security. 60, We should likewise not forget that in the course of this past year 1 during' the first part of its fifteenth session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 1542 (XV) concerning the transmission of information lUlder Article 73 e of the Charter. In the preamble of this resolution, we read: "Recognizing that the desire fol' independenoe is tlle rightful aspiration of peoples under colonial subjugation and that the denial of Uleir right to selfdetermination constitutes a tllreat to the well-being of humanity and to international peace,". In the operative part of tlle same resolution, it is stated that the Assembly: "1. Considers tllat, in the light of the provisions of Chapter XI of tlle Charter, General Assembly resolution 742 (VIII) and Ule principles approved by tlle Assembly in resolution 1541 (XV) of 15 December 1960, tlle territories under tlle administration of Portugal listed hereunder are Non-Self-Governing Territories within tlle meaning of Chapter XI of the Charter: "(t1) The Cape Verde Arcl\ipelago: "(\;1) Guinea, caUed Portuguese Guinea; "(Q) Sao Tomé and Prfncipe, und Uleir dependencies; "@ Sno Joao Batista de Ajudâ; "(~) Angola, including the enclave of Cabinda; "<0 Mozambique; "(g) Goa and dependencies, called the state of India: "(!!) Macau and dependencies; " (!) Timor and dependencies; "2. Declares that an obligation exists on the part of the Government of Portugal to transmit lIûormation lUlder ChapterXIof tlle Charter concerningtllese 62. As fol' the part of the preamble which l have voted-part of a resolution which Portugal is continuing ta flout-it supports the right of peoples ta self-determination and independence. 63. Then again, as members are aware, the General Assembly on 20 April 1961 adopted resolution 1603 (XV)-to which l willreturn later-establishing, clearly and unambigously, that the Assembly considered itself competent to examine the situation in Angola. 64. The view was put forward during the debate last March that, while other United Nations bodies might be competent ta deal with the situation in Angola, the Security Council could not take any decision in the matter, since one of the conditions required under, for instance, Article 34 of the Charter was that that situation should be a danger to the maintenance of international peace and security. 65. My delegation expressed, at the time, its disagreement with this view; and we now consider that, in the light of the sad events which have recently taken place in Ang'Ola, it is difficult to maintain it auy longer. 66. In the first place, l would point out that Article 34 itself does not speak of an existing danger, or even of an imminent danger, but ofthe possibility that the continuance of the situation may endanger the maintenance of international peace and security. Recourse to armed force in arder to repress the struggle of another people which is demanding its freedom constitutes, in our opinion, a blow at international peace and security. The Portuguese forces are engaging in a bitter struggle with the Angolan nationalists, who are stigmatized as rebels. 67. In these circumstances, with the attendant loss of human lives running into thousands, it is difficult ta maintain that the Security Council cannot take a decision on this question because it does not threaten international peace and security. There is no doubt that, if the situation in Angola continues, relations between Portugal and the African countries, especially those bordering onAngola, canonlydeterioratefurther and prejudice peace and security. 68. According to The Times of London on 2 June, the Government of Ghana has decided ta close its ports and airfields to Portuguese ships and aircraft, in protest against Portugal' s poUcy in Angola, and has also decided to prohibit imports from Portugal. 69. This behaviour of Portugal and its colonialpolicy in Angola constitute a violation of resolution 1514 (XV) adopted by the General Assembly at itE füteenth session, containing the Declaration on the granting of In operative paragraph 5, known to all members and already quoted in the General Assembly resolution-it will likewise be quoted in the draft resolution which we have just presented-one reads: "Immediate steps shall be taken, in Trust and Non- Self-Governing Territories or all ether territories which have not yet attained independence, to transfer aU powers to the peoples of those territories, without any conditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed will and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete independence and freedom." 70. In addition, this behaviour and this policy violate resolution 1603 (XV), in which the General Assembly: "Calls upon the Government of Portugal to consider urgently the introduction of measures and reforms in Angola for the purpose of the implementation of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), with due respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and in accordance with the Charter of t):le United Nationsj" 71. Finally, this policy being pursued in Angola violates resolution 1542 (XV) concerning the transmission of information; it also-what is even more serious-violates the provisions of Article 73 of the United Nations Charter concerning Non-Self-Governing Territories and the obligations of countries which assume responsibilities for the administration of territories whose peoples have not yet attained a full measure of self-government. 72. If there is a war in progress in Angola-and we must caU things by their right names-this is a result of the policy of colonialism. It is extremely hard, at the present time, to deny the right of self-determination to peoples claiming that right. It canonly be done at the expense of many human lives, and even then without ultimate success, since colonialism it outdated and the peoples strugglingfor their independence will always have the last word. 73. During the discussions ln the Security Council and in the General Assembly, the colonial policy of Portugal has been emphasized. 1 need not revert to that question, but 1 will briefly recaU certain facts. 74. There is in Angola a clear line of division between what is caUed the "civilized" population, enjoying rights as citizens of the Republic, and those who are not qualified for these rights. The Europeans are automatically regarded as citizens. The Africans and mulattos are included in this category on certain conditions; in particular, they must speak Portuguese and earn enough money to meet the needs of their families. Under the 1950 census, 135,000 persons in Angola are classed as belonging to the "civilized population ft and about 4 million persons are regarded 75. Forced labour continues in Angola, and the International Labour Organisation has even received a complaint presented by the delegation of Ghana. The Angolans are also subjected to cruel and primitive forms of corporal punishment. There is no doubt that the troubles prevailing in Angola today flow from this colonial policy. 76. It is for this reason that the Security Council must consider this question and take the necessary steps to find a solution for the problem before it is tao late. We still hope ta resolve this colonia.l question-which, if it continues, is sure to lead to serious consequences-in co-operation with the Member States ofthe United Nations. 77. We would like to believe that Portugal will cooperate with our Organization and implement the provisions of the General Assembly resolutions, as weIl as of the draft resolution [S/4828] which has just been submitted to the Security Council. This draft resolution, which the representative of Liberia has read to the Council, is very moderate and very clear. Its object is to resolve this problem and to stop the bloodshed in a pèaceful manner, for we still hope that Portugal will co-operate with the United Nations in order to settle this question. 78. The Security Council must aSSllme its responsibilities and find a solution for this colonial problem. The case before us is nQt, as has been contended, one of public order. Let us put a stop to this bloodshed. T.he Charter has conferred on us primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. We cannot stand with folded arms whIte the Angolan nationalists, struggling for their independence, are being killed.

1 now calI on the representative of Portugal for the specifie purpose of submitting a statement on the adoption ofthe agenda, and 1 hope that the representative of Portugalwilllimit himselfto that aspect of the matter.

Thankyou, Mr. President, for having accorded me this opportunity to speak. 81. The practice which the Council has in recent times consistently been following of making it impossible for non-members to be heard on procedural matters-there have been contrary precedents, although few-has prevented me from reminding members of the illegality of inscribing this item in the agenda of the Council, an illegality which is patent and clear. 82. Therefore, 1 want to express the vehementprotest of the Portuguese Government against the action of those delegations which have pressed for the inscription in the agenda of this Council of an item relating to a situation pertaining exclusively to the internaI jurisdiction and security of p("..tugal. Such an action ignores the letter and spirit i ; the ~harter and the ideal which prevailed at the fou..'1dation of the United Nations. 84. When the Council decides to discuss clear matters of security and maintenance of public order within the national territory of a Member state, Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter i8 clearly being violated, As the members of the Council know, the principletherein established is over-riding. By the terms of Article 2, paragraph 7, nothing authorizes the Organization or any of its organs to intervene in matters absolutely within the domestic jurisdiction of astate. 85. Articles 34 and 35 have beeninvoked ina previous debate, but wrongly so, as Portugal has not created an international dispute with any of the States requesting or supporting the inscription of the item. Both articles appear in Chapter VI of the Charter under the heading "Pacüic settlement of disputes" • 86. Allegations of the violation of human rights have also been made. These, too, are entirely without foundation. No proofs were presented to support them. But again, the discussion of problerns of human rights is excluded from the functions of the Council by Article 24 of the Charter. The Article grants specifie powers to the Security Council for the discharge of those duties laid down iri Chapters VI, VII, VIII and XII. It does not include Chapter IX, where Articles 55 and 56 dealing with human rights appear. Further, we feel the point should be reiterated, as we did before in the Council [944th meeting], that the interpretative clarüication made in a plenary meeting of the San Francisco Conference, states: "Nothing contained in Chapter IX of the Charter can be construed as giving authority to the Organization to intervene in the domestic affairs of Member States".11 87. The growing chaos and disorder afflicting the world does not give anydelegation the right to question the legality of the basic premise that internaI security and maintenance of law and order within the territory of a Member State is purely a domestic affair of that particular State. 88. This interpretation has been sanctioned by the Council in times when there was more respectfor the letter and spirit of the Charter, as, for example, in the procedure adopted in connexion with the case "terrorism in Greece", brought before the Council at its 493rd meeting on 31 August 1950.§/ The Council rejected consideration of that item by cl vote of 9 to 2. It is obvious which countries cast the two minority votes. 89. My delegation, therefore, is led to conclude that the Council, in deciding to inscribe and discuss the present item, is openly violating the Charter, revers- 11 United Nations Conference on International Organization, P120. 90. Furthermore, it is regrettable that for political expediency and obviously as a result of a great popularity contest, members are vying for the sympathy and the votes of the new majority group in the United Nations. This contest was openly admitted by the representative of a great Power in a speech outside this Organization the other day. Thus, a special climate is being created whereby the letter of the Charter is disregarded whenever there i8 a political need to do so and to disrespect its provisions as a kind of "fascinating mutation". It is argued, therefore, that the Charter should suffer a continuous process of interpretation to accord with the will or convenience of accidentaI majorit-ies, despite the fact that the Charter itself prescribes clear, weIl estabUshed and legal ways and means for the revision of its provisions. 91. The Organization cannot become what some States would like it to hecome. The Organization cannot be what some new members-and those who feel they want their votes-want it to be, to meet specific problems of their own choosing. The United Nations is not a super-State to be governed by the will of episodic majorities. The Organization is not and cannot be an instrument of foreign policy, to exert pressu:r:es which disturb t.he internaI life of other States by meddling in their national affaire. Decisions or resolutions passed by majorities should conform with the letter and spirit of its constitutional status or they lose their moral or binding force upon Member States. Any other orientation would only introduce chaos and anarchy in international law, and would signify an unlimited surrender of national sovereignties which is entirely absurd in the present state of the world. 92. The inscription of this item and the debate upon it, being illegal acts, open new questions for aIl Member States. They are •.he same questions that came to mind when the Council for the first time, and again illegally, discussed the internaI affairs of the Portuguese nation. 93. Does this new trend mean that from now on any State would be in a position to bringdomestic matters of another State before the Council? Does itmean that disturbances of public order, riots, actsofterrorism, foreign inspired, or even genuine rebellions, arefrom 94. Obviously, such a trend would lead to nothing less than the wrecking of every principle upon which the United Nations was conceived, not to mention the wrecking of the very foundations upon which modern and peaceful civilized societies are built. 95. But if it is admitted that it would be absurd to follow such a course, how could the Council have accepted it as regards to Portugal?How can this be done without admitting a policy of flagrant injustice against Portugal? How can it be done without the Council clearly acknowledging a policy of double-standard? Even in the case of this open discrimination against Portugal by the inscription of this item, can we conclude that if Portugal were to bring any such matters in relation to another sovereign State to the Council for consideration, its request would be granted? My delegation wonders. 96. Many serious internaI disturbances have happened and keep on happening around the world, often involving very large numbers of people killed and wounded-riots, terrorist actions, rebellions, even civil wars. Many flagrant violations of human rights have taken place and continue to take place in many countries, contrary to what happens in our own. Many States disagree with and openly criticize the internaI and constitqtional structures of other States. The two major Powers themselves keep giving us sueh examp!.es. How then can we account for the fact that such situations were never brought before the Council for discussion or when brought were dismissed? The answer is simple: because that would have been illegal and outside the functions of the Council, however distressing a particular situation might have been. Why, then, this unprecedented exception against Portugal? 97. It is my dutY to point out that the Portuguese Government considers this to be an unwarranted and discriminatory intervention by the Security Counci! in the internaI affairs of Portugal. It is bound to give encouragement to the forces of subversion and terrorism which are at the root of the matter under discussion. 98. The suggestion is monstrous that, because Portugal is suffering disturbances provoked and inspired by outside terrorists in one of its overseas Provinces, it should be considered to have a dispute or a situation likely to create a threat to international peace and security. How could certain delegations, except in bad faith, come up with such an accusation against Portugal, one of the countries of the world 99. If these countries fear such a situation-or if those who have followed the Soviet line in instigating this action make propaganda about the creationof such an international dispute-then the logical conclusion i8 that they themselves, with the help of the Soviet Union, intend to provoke an international dispute with Portugal. They, then. will be the actual perpetrators of a situation dangerous to international peace and security. That being the case, ~he Council should focus its attention, not on Portugal, but on the Soviets and those countries. The Council, through its recent experiences with African problems, should know by now who are the real trouble-makers in the African continent. There is the permanent trouble-makel', and there are those two or three others under its yoke who serve its purpose. 100. During its 9.43rd to 946th meetings. the Security Council amply discussed the question of the situation in Angola. and, quite rightly, refused to interfere in a matter pertaining exclusively to the jurisdiction of the Government of Portugal. Some time later, through the action of our detractors-those who push forwardwith appeals to group solidarity-the General Assembly ignored the Security Council decision and approved an illegal resolution, which created a sub-committee to study the internaI events in Angola. After the Security Council refused to act, the fact that a resolution was rushed through the General Assembly by the sheer might of numbers and in defiance of the clear dispositions of the Charter only shows how certain international conspirators are working to force chaos and anarchy upon Angola. 101. The ironic point is that those who did not respect the decision of the Security Council now do not wish to respect the decision of the General Assembly. Itwould seem logical to say that no reason or bona fide objective exists for those who voted for the Assembly resolution-and all the signatories of the letter requesting this meeting did so-to ask for a meeting of the Security Council before the sub-committee of five has had an opportunity to present its report. The request for this meeting can therefore only have the clear purpose of political agitation. Aocording to resolution 1603 (XV), the report of the sub-committee is to be presented to the General Assembly, not to the Security Council. By inscribing this item, therefore, the Security Council is disregarding the decision ofthe General AssembJ.y, as the Assembly, for its part, ha~ not respected the decision of the Council. We are sadly led to conclude that we are witnessing an alternate game between these two organs of the 01'- ganization; agame inspired, promoted and executed with the same aim always; to create international agitation in order to subvert and undermine the structure of the Portuguese nation. This is in total 103. B:.lt the Charter is not at fault. The provision of Article 2, paragraph 7 is abundantlyclear. Ihad better repeat its wording, since the same Members keep ignoring it when it does not serve their own purposes. It says: "Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene inmatters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter ..." That i8 clear, unambiguous language. The United Nations majority is therefore flouting the Charter. But Portugal will not join the majority in its efforts to circumvent the Charter. We shall continue to respect and preserve the noble and generous ideas expressed in this great document. 104. Before concluding, 1 should like to make the following remarks. As we stressed earlier, the inscription of this item is most unwarranted and Illegal. It i8 a clear attempt to internationalize problems of public order within the national territory of a Member State, an attempt which is manifestly contrary to, and therefore a violation of, the letter and spirh of the United Nations Charter. 105. We consider it the dutYof the Security Council to avoid giving any encouragement to further terroristic infiltration as a result of this debate. Waves of agitation, an atmosphere of subversion and certain frames of mind can be used to exercise pressure on those nations which are outside the great clans of this Organization, unless the Counci! does its dutY in this debate. Indeed there is, unfortunately, every reason to fear, in the light of previous experiences, that this debate may bring more 10ss of lifeandfurther misery and destruction in Angola. If, no doubt, some desire that, my delegation feels that it is incumbent upon the Counci! to bear in mind the great responsibility it is taking by the mere fact of engaging in this debate. 107. When 1 speak on the substance of this questionand 1 hope to do so tomorrow, since today 1 was given the floor only to speak on the adoption of the agenda- 1 propose to present to the Council ample evidence of the true nature of thewaveofterrorism in northern Angola and of the international conspiracy behind it, as well as to expose the incredible pack of falsehoods which have already been voiced here in this first phase of the debate. The pack of falsehoods, 1 repeat, falsehoods, voiced here by some, with the purpose of malevolent propaganda by the countries engaged in a violent scheme of destruction, this pack of falsehoods about conditions in Angola is always ascribed to "reliable sources" or questionable Press reports, What "reliable sources"? The terrorist murderers'of our farmers, women and children-black and whitethe murderers who have been introduced here in speeches as "patriotic nationalists"? 108. Ml'. President, when we speak on substance 1 propose to show proof, material proof of facts, not imaginary "reliable sources". 109, The PRESIDENT: The Council will now resume the substantive debate. 110. Ml'. ZORIN (Union of Soviet SocialistRepublics) (translated from Russian): Before discussing the substance of this important international question, 1should like to make two preliminary remarks, 111. Given the seriousness and urgency of the substantive question of the situation in Angola, the Soviet delegation did not feel it right to start today a procedural discussion in connexion with the adoption of the agenda, although the omission f:com the provisional agenda submitted to us of any mention of the Soviet Government' s important document on the Angolan situation fully justified the Soviet Union in requesting that that document should be included in the agenda along with the document submitted by the representatives of forty-three Member states, on the basis of which the Security CouncU was immediately convened. We did not consider it appropriate, 1repeat, to malte such a digression-but we would merely point out that those who drew up the agenda and submitted it for adoption certainly omltted ta display the objectivity and ncutrality of which they frequently and often quite unjustifiably speak. 112. My second comment concerns the statement just made by the representative of Portugal. He put before 113. 1 shaU not engage in polemics concerning aU these statements, for it is perfectly clear to the members of the Council, and 1 think to aU United Nations representatives present here, that Portugal is certainly not the party which can complain and it is most unlikely that anyone here will decide openly to defend the agg'1'essive position adopted by the Portuguese Government in this great tragedy of the Angolan people which is fighting for its freedom and independence. 114. These procedural subterfuges and reference to the formaI provisions of this or that Article of the Charter have already, it seems to me, been given suffiently detailed consideration in the statement made by the representative of Liberia, and particularly in that made by the representative of the United Arab Republic. 1 agree completely with their evaluation of this approach to the format provisions of the Charter; and 1 therefore think it would be inappropriate to waste time answering the representative of Portugal, who has already demonstrated repeatedly in the Council that he is unwilling to learn anything, even in the course of healthy discussion in the Council and the General Assembl)'. It is for him to listen to whatever comments are addressed to him; that is his business, while our business it to get onwith the discussion of the situation in Angola-a truly urgent and a truly international question, not a question falling within the scope of Portugal' s domestic affairs. 115. Within a very short period of time the Security Council' s attention has twice been drawn to the situation in Angola. The letter from forty-three cowltries requesting that the Council shaU meet as a matter of urgency points to the seriousness of the situation created in that colony by the actions of the Portuguese colonialists, who have unleashed a large-scale, ruthless colonial war against the Angolan people in order to suppress the national liberation movement in that country at aIl costs. The situation unquestionably constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security. and precisely for that reason it is imperative that the most urgent and effective measures should be taken by the Council. 116. The Soviet delegation fully supports this appeal by the African-Asian States, and completely understands the reasons for which they have again brought the question of the situation in Angola to the attention of the Security Council. No honourable person, no peace-loving Government or State can remain indif- "The people of Angola, one of the few countries of Africa which remain colonies, is fighting for the implementation in Angola of the principles of independence and national freedom proclaimed in the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, which was adopted by the United Nations on 14 December 1960 [1514 (XV)]. The United Nations General Assembly, in a special resolution [1603 (XV)], subsequentlyaffirmed that this Declaration relates directly to Angola and co.lled for the granting to Angola of national independence. "Yet, Portugal has hUI'led against the people of Angola, which has risen in defence of its recognized rights, bombing planes, armoured cars, infantry and special paratroop detachments, which are burning whole villages to the ground and sowing death and destruction everywhere. The Portuguese Army is being assisted in the extermination of the people of Angola by Portuguese colonial plantation-owners. In recent week.3 alone, tens of thousands of Angolan patriots have been exterminated, imprisoned or sent to concentration camps. '1 estimate we've killed 30,000 of thesè animaIs already', a Portuguese officer cynically told a correspondent of the American magazine Time recently. 'There are perhaps 100,000 of them in revoit, and \Ve intend to kill every one of them when the dry season starts late in May'." [Si4813, paras. 2 and 3.] We shall be interested to hear what the representative of Portugal has to say about the statement of this Portuguese officer. "This insolent statement vividly reveals the savage face of Portuguese colonialism. The Government of the fascist dictator Salazar is now openly acting as an international ciriminal and ')rigand, disregarding and tearing up United Nations resolutions." [Ibid., para. 4.] 118. The tyrannical Government of Portugal has clearly embarked upon a course aimed at the physical extermL'lation of all thepatriotic forces among the Angolan people, a course entailing a cruel and merciless colonial war. 119. When the question of Angola was considered at the General Assembly' s flfteenth session, the situation in that colony was tense. The police and the troops of the Portuguese colonialists were trying to suppress the movement of the Angolan nationalist forces against the colonial régime. The General Assembly recognized at the time that that situation constituted a threat to international peace and security, and called upon the Government of Portugal to introduce in Angola, as a matter of urgency, measures and reforms for the purpose of the Implementation of the GeneralAssembly's Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. 120. How did the Government of Portugal reply to that decision by the United Nations? The events of recent 121. When we discussed this question at earlier meetings of the Security Council in March, the PQl'tuguese representative stated that it involved some sort of inspired disorders in Ang'Ola, with smalt bands of hooligans and criminals attacking the police and the population; and he therefore claimed that the Portuguese authorities were obliged to take measures to restore order. However, it is now clear to everyone that this is not the true state of affairs at all-that what we ure witnessing is a broad national liberation movement and the rebellion of the Angolan people against Portugal's colonialist yoke. It is a case, not of disorders, but of a just national struggle of the entire Angolan people against the Portuguese colonialists. If the lirestoration of order and security" requires more than 25,000 regular Portuguese troops, what is at issue is not disorder. Rather is it a serious rebellion which, like the Algerian rebellion in its time, may now develop into a dangerous conflict with very grave consequences for Africa and for the cause of peace throughout the world. 122. Why have the event.s in Angola assumed such proportions? The Soviet Government' s statement, to which 1 have already referred, contains the following words concerning the situation in Angola: "lt is common knowledge that lawlessness, brutal exploitation, starvation andpovertyprevail inAngola as in Portugal' s other colonies. The colonial authorities are driving the African population from the country' s best lands and are levying unbearable taxes upon them. The inhabitants of Angola are in effect traded as slaves by the colonial authorities, which sell'tens of thousands of Angolans each year, as the cheapest labour available in Africa. not only to plantation-owners in Angola but also to the big monopolies established in the Union of South Africa and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. In Angola, as many as 400,000 persons are still employed each year in forced labour in conditions of vil'tuaI slavery. "The mortality rate in Angola is enormous, particularly among children; the survival rate for children is only one infive. With a population of 4.5 million, the cowltry has only some fifteen hospitals. Ninety-nine pel' cent of the population is still illiterate. "The African population of Angola is denied elementary civil rights and is completely excludedfrom the administration of its country. The terroristic laws of the Portuguese barbarians prohibit the Africans from establishing political parties or even trade unions in Angola. An utterly brutal system of military and police rule has been set up in the country. Executions, torture, imprisonment and constant corporal punishment are the 'civilized' methods of government which are widely employed 123. It is precisely the order prevailing in the colony of Angola which exhausted the patience of the people and set off the rebellionwhich is developing throughout the country. This is now recognized everywhere. The English journal The Economist on 27 May ofthis year wrote as follows: "The Portug'uese Government is deluding itself if it believes its own statements to the effect that the revoit is not essentially Angolan." 1 fear that the representative of Portugal will accuse tIlis solid British publication of following the lead of Soviet propaganda. So much the worse for him. 124. What has been the answer of the Portuguese colonialists to this people fighting for its freedom? The Portuguese Government has thrown into the war against the people of Angola troops equipped with modern weapons. It is using napalm bombs against defenceless African villages. Portuguese pwütive expeditions are burning African settlements to the ground. They are mercilessly exterminating the African population, sparing neither women, children nor old people. In addition to troops, the main wüts of the Portuguese Navy and a large number of mil.itary aircraft have been sent to Angola. In Portugal, a vil'tuaI mobilization to fight the Angolan people has been put into effect. 125. A dispatch dated 27 May from a correspondent of The New York Times in Lisbon stated that everyone seemed to have a brother or cousin or friend who had been officially called up for two years' service in Angola. This is nothing other than agep.eralmobilization for a full-scale colonial war in Angola. And for the sake of what? For the sake of protecting the high profits of the Portuguese and foreign monopolies. 126. In a recently published statement, the Permanent Secretariat of the Afro-Asian People' s Solidarity Council at Cairo said: "During the previous two months, the Portuguese colonialist authorities had exterminated over 30,000 people among the local Angolan population and, by using napalm bombs, had destroyed sixtY villages. Thousands of the inhabitants had had to flee into the southern provinces of the Congo as a result of the terror unleashed against the indigenous population of Angola." 127. Notwithstanding the strictest censorship ofpress dispatches, news of the atrocities committed by the colonialists in Angola is filtering through. The English journal The Economist had the following to sayon 6 May 1961: "Theil' methods of reprisaI" (of the Portuguese soldiers and police) "are known to be severe ta the point of barbarity .O' The military plan is quite simple. The Air Force goes in first, to bomb and destroy any village suspected of harbouring rebels. Then the Army follows to 'pacify' what is left. In 128. Now let us see how the London newspaper The Observer desoribes the situation in Angola: "In the northern part of the country ... farms are gutted ruins. For hundreds of miles, as seen from the air, the only sign of life is here and there a rising smoke trail. Between30,OOO and 50,000 people are now thought to have died." 129. The Portuguese authorities have also armed the white settlers in Angola, who, together with the Portuguese troops and police, are carrying out savage acts of repression against the local inhabitants. According ta United States press reports, armed white seUlers in Luanda organized a criminaI raid on the suburb of Sao Paulo and engaged in a regular malù1Unt against Africans, killing thirty-three persons who happened to be in their path. 130. The Portug'uese colonialists are showing, by their actions, that they have decided to go to the limit in their mad poUcy of colonialist brigandage. They do not conceal their aimsi on the contrary, they cynically proclaim them. They are even fixing the dates on which they will proceed to wipe out the Angolan patriots "en masse". 131. The question that naturally arises is, how can Portugal, in the middle of the twentieth century, apply to a colony such a policy of savage lawlessness, force and terror? What sources are providing the Portuguese Government with the arms and support which it needs in order to carry out this wild, this mad policy? 132. The Soviet Government, in its statement of 27 May, gives to that question a clear answer, which 1 shall quote: "It is common knowledge that the Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique are rich sources of raw materials and cheap labour for the big foreign monopoUes. British, West German, Belgian and United states monopolies have long joined efforts with the Portuguese plunderers in pumping wealth out of Angola and other African colonies. Moreover, the other colonial Powers are allied with Portugal in the North Atlantic bloc (NATO). rt is the great monopolies' community of selfish interests and the policy of mutual support followed by the colonial Powers allied in the ag,;ressive bloc that gives the fascist Salazar régime hope of escaping punishment for any crimes it commi:s in Angola. The Portuguese Government, which makes the territory of Portugal and its colonies available for NATO military bases, receives aIl possible support from NATO, including arms and equipment for colonial punitive armies. That is the main reason why Portugal is able to maintain its rule in Angola, Mozambique and its other colonies at a time when dozens of nearby countries, only recently still enslaved, have already begun to enjoy independence." [S/4813, para. 12.] 134. In its lengthy communiqué the ministerial council of NATO, meeting at Oslo in Mayof this year, not only failed to condemn the actions of the Portuguese Government in Angola and to caU upon it to put an end to its colonialistwar, butpassedover the whole burning question in silence, as though nothing unusual was going on in Angola, as though hundreds and thousands of innocent people were not perishing there every day. Apparently the participants in that meeting considered that the bloody atrocities committed bythe Portuguese coloniaiists in Angola were an ordinary and permissible practice in the so-caUed free world, that the actions of the Portuguese coloniaiists were quite in keeping with the moral standards of the imperialist Powers. In that connexion it might not be amiss to recaU the statement made a few days ago by President Nkrumah of the Republic of Ghana to the effect that, if NATOwere to refuse to support Portugal, the latter's colonial rule would coUapse the very next day. 135. Only recently, highly-placed representatives of the United Kingdom Government, who had made a special trip to Portugal at the very time when colonialist repression by the Portuguese Government in Angola was at its height, referred to Portugal, as also Spain, in the most sympathetic terms and spoke of the need to integrate them more closely into the life of the so-caUed free world of the West. They hadnot a word of criticism for the Portuguese Government. They continued to speak about the important role which Portugal should play in the Western world. It is no coincidence that many West German representatives have also been visiting Portugal, apparently with the aim of encouraging the Portuguese Government. Mr. Erhard, the West German Minister of Economie Affairs, paid a special visit, in order to hold conversations with Salazar. Pro-fascist circles in West Germany do not concealtheir sympathyfor and support of Salazar's fascist régime. 136. The significance in this connexion of the announcements concerning the $45 million contract concluded with Krupp for the exploitation of Iron ore deposits in Angola is obvious. 137. The Portuguese rulers are also receiving support from another source-that racialist State, the Republic of South Africa. According t:'l Press reports, an 139. Feeling that it has the support of the Western Powers, the Salazar Government is becoming increasingly bold and is asking for more and more help from its allies. Only recently The New York Times published an interview with Salazar in which he called upon the United States to seek an "understanding" to avoid situations that might be prejudicial to the United States, to the West in general and to Portugal, In other words, he proposed that the United States should come to an agreement with him concerning the pursuit of a joint policy in Africa. But what does that proposaI of Salazar' s mean? It mean's that the West is being asked to support the policy of his Government and make it easier for that Government to continue waging its colonial war. 140. But the Portuguese colonialists will not be saved by any support which they receive from their NATO allies. World opinion, the peoples of all peace-loving countries, and a huge number of States of the world are on the side ofthe people ofAngola and unanimously condemn the Portuguese colonialists. This is confirmed above all by the fact that the current meeting of t~e Security Council was convened at the request of forty-three States Members of the United Nations. 141. The Salazar régime's criminal actions against the long-suffering Angolan people cannotfail to arouse feelings of anger and boundless indignation among progressive people everywhere, and the United Nations cannot remain indifferent in the face of the policy of genocide which the Portuguese colonialists are carrying out against the people of Angola. 142. The statement of the Portuguese authorities that they were goingto undertake full-scale military opera"': tions against the Angolan people at. the end of May and the beginning of June, when the rainy season ended, means that the United Nations must not wait but must take immediate and effective measures to put an end to the Portuguese Government' s criminal activities in Angola. 143. In this connexion it is surprising that there has been such a delay in implementing the General Assembly' s decision of 20 April 1961 [resolution 1603 (XV)] concerning a sub-committee to investigate the situation in Angola. The fact is that for a long time after the adoption of that decision by the Assemblyalmost three weeks-no sub-committeewas appoint~d, although circumst.ances called for the decision' s immediate implementation. It was only after the lapse of twelve days following the dispatch by the Soviet delegation, on 9 May 1961, of a specialletter to the President of the Assembly concerning this matter that the Sub-Committee on the situation in Angolawas 144. In the statement which the Soviet Government issued on 27 May concerning the situation in Angola [Si4813], the Soviet Government called upon aIl States and peoples to compel Portugal to end the predatory colonial war in Angola. It resolutely caUed upon the United Nations to take effective action to curb the Portuguese colonialists, to stay the hand of the Salazarist murderers and to save the Angolan people from extermination. 145. It is the dutY of the Security Council to request the Government of Portugal to desist forthwith from repressive measures against the people of Angola, put an end to the colonial war and immediately take steps to impIement in Angola the provisions of the Declaration of 14 December 1960, as also to comply with aIl the other obligations incumbent upon that Government under the Charter of the United Nations. As we know, the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], adopted unanimously by the General Assembly, caUs for the cessation of Ilall armed action or repressive measures of aU kinds directed against dependent peopleSil and states that Ilimmediate steps shaU be taken, in Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories or all other territories which have not yet obtained independence, to transfer aU powers to the peoples of those territories, without any conditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed will and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete independence and freedom" • 146. The General Assembly, in its resolution 1542 (XV) of 15 December 1960, confirmed that the Government of Portugal had an obligation to transmit to the United Nations information concerning the Non-Self- Governing Territories under its administration, including Angola with the enclave of Cabinda. 147. On 20 April 1961, during the resumed füteenth session, the General Assembly adopted still another decision concerning Angola [resolution 1603 (XV)], in which it Il Calls upon the Government of Portugal to consider urgently the introduction of measures and reforms in Angola for the purpose of the implementation of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), with due respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations" • 148. To date, not one of those decisions has been implemented. The Security Council should caU forthe immediate implementation of all the measures enumerated. If the Government of Portugal continues to ignore the decisions of the General Assembly and 149. From aIl appearances it may weIl be that there are some who will try, as suggested by the actions of certain Governments, to come to an agreement with the Portuguese colonialists and, by delaying the work of the Sub-Committee on the situation in Angola and through other measures, actually make it easier for them to crush the national liberation struggle of the Angolan people. 150. Neither the Asian nor the Africanc0untries,nor any peace-loving States which hold dear the fate of the Angolan people and the interests of peace, can permit any kind of an agreement with the Portuguese colonialists. 151. The Soviet Government' s statement of 27 May reads, in part, as follows: "The Soviet Government believes that it is the dutY of aIl States and peoples to compl~l Portugal to end the pl'edatol'Y colonial war in Angola and to comply with the United Nations Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. It is impossible to ignore the fact that Portugal' s actions in Angola are creating a serious threat to the peace and security of the peoples of Africa and of other peoples as weIl. It is therefore the dutYof the United Nations to take effective action to curb the Portuguese colonialists. Crimes of this kind cannot be tolerated in the present-day world. The present rulers of Portugal must be made the object of universal condemnation and contempt; the executioner' s hand, which threatens hundreds of thousands of human lives, must be stayed and the people ofAngola savedfrom extermination." [S/4813, para. 18.] And the Soviet Government' s statement ends thus: Il For its part, the Soviet Union, like aIl true friends of the oppressed peoples, will not remain indifferent to the ftüe of Angola. The people of Angola is not alone in its struggle for freedom and independence. It enjoys the sympathy and full support of the Soviet people and of honest people throughout the world. The Soviet people earnestly hopes that the people of Angola will triumph in its heroic struggle for liberation from the colonial yoke and for national rebirth." [Ibid., para. 19.] 152. The Soviet delegation trusts that the Security Council will resolutely condemn Portugal' s shameful colonial war against the Angolan people which is fighting for its freedom, independence and human rights; that it will call for an immediate end to that war and to aIl repressive measures of the Portuguese colonialists; and that it will demand the immediate implementation of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, andof the General Assembly' s special resolution on Angola. 153. The Sub-Committee on the situation in Angola appointed under the General Assembly' s resolution of

1 think that, at this point, it might be convenient for the members of the Council to come to an agreement with regard to the continuation of our work. 1 propose that we continue to sit in order to listen to one of the two consecutive interpretations; we will then have the second consecutive interpretation at the beginning of our next meeting, and our next meeting will be held tomorrow afternoon at 3 p.m. Unless 1 hear any disagreement, that will be agreed. 155. Ml'. ZORIN (Union of Soviet SocialistRepublics) (translated from Russian): 1 should like to propose to the members of the Council that we might have the first consecutive interpretation tomorrow as well-but let us do it in the morning rather than at 30'clock, so that we can have two meetings. 1 do not think we need drag out the discussion of this question, for the situation calls for the adoption of urgent measuresthe more so in that a draft resolution has already been submitted. 1 therefore propose that we should begin tomorrow morning' s meeting with the consecutive interpretations and then go on with the meeting, arranging another meeting for 3 p.m.

Personally, 1 would be very agreeable to holding two meetings tomorrow. Unfortunately, several members of the Council who have spoken ta me on this point have informed me that they will not be available tomorrow morning for a Council meeting because they have previous engagements. It was only for that reason t1?-at 1did not suggest a meeting for tomorrow morning. 1 thinkthere is sorne merit in hurrying our work. Therefore, 1 will modify my own suggestion slightly. 1 propose that we postpone both translations until tomorrow and that our next meeting be held tomorrow afternoon at 2.30. 157. Ml'. LOUTFl (United Arab Republic) (translated from French): !imagine that the reading of these interpretations will take a long time. 1 therefore think that it would be bettel', ifpossible, for us to meet tomorrow morning; representatives who are UI:\able to attend that meeting can appoint sorne other membe-: of their delegation to heal' the interpretations, which will occupy almost the entire meeting. If the Council has no objection, 1 think that we should do better to meet tomorrow morning.

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