S/PV.955 Security Council

Last March, when the Council discussed the problem of the disorders in Angola [943rd to 946th meetings], my delegation expressed its doubts 20. My delegation's doubts were prompted solely by factual considerations-namely, wllether the risings which were so harshly repressed at that time constituted an immediate threat to peace, orwhetherthey were s :.mething ephemeral that could be overcome. My delegation feels that, today, the circumstances have changed. The events of March, which involved straightforward police actions, have deteriorated into a violent campaign of force which has deeply stirred the conscience of many peoples of Asia and of everyone in Africa. 21. Objectively speaking, we are confronted by two points of view: on the one hand, Portugal asserts that there is no rebel nationalist movement struggling for independence, but only terrorist bands armed by international communism; on the other hand, a letter signed by forty-two States [S/4816 and Add.1] refers to massacres of hundreds of persons and to the suppression of human rights at the hands of the Portuguese administration in Angola. Of these forty-two States, twenty-four are African, comprising aIl the new States of that continent; one is European, and the l'est are Asian. It is significant that this ls not a politically homogeneous group. Many of these States are above suspicion of aU communist or even leftist influence. There are monarchies and republics. There are Christian, Moslem and Buddhist countries. Some are highly industrialized, others are under-developed. It is also noteworthy that, with only two exceptions, aIl the signatories are representatives of countries which until recently have had to struggle for their national independence against foreign domination. 22. In the absence of direct information on the problem confronting us, we must base our judgement on existing facts. It seems difficult to admit that aU the forty-two signatory countries are docile instruments of international communism. If we admitted this, we would have to come to the terrifying conclusion that, with these forty-two States added to the Soviet bloc, the United Nations was already a world-wide communist club. At the same time, it is impossible to underestimate the statement made by Portugal concerning the influence that international communism can exert in order to take advantage of the situation in Angola. 23. From the geographical and politicalpointofview, it is difficult to understand how communism can infiltrate from the Congo. Katanga's mining interests are very closely linked with the fate of Angola, and its outlet to the sea is on the Angolan coast. We find it hard to believe that the Governments of LeopoldviUe or Brazzaville favour communist infiltration. Butthis ls not the imporatnt question. What is lmportant ls that international communism will seek to exploit everything which favours it, fl.nd nothing favours it more than the refusaI of the colonialist Powers to 24. For the same reason, my delegation feels that it is extremely dangerous to pose the problem of colonialism, and particularly the African problem, in terms of military or .political alliances against communism. We must start from the premise that, if we wish to prevent the spr~ad of communism to the colonial countries, colonialism must be liquidated.And this is particularly true of Africa. 25. It may appear superfluous to say that African problems should be assessed from the African viewpoint. However, 1 would like to recall the statement of a missionary, Mr. George Wayland Carpenter, in his book The Way in Africa, published in Spanish by the Methodist Press in Buenos Aires. He said: "If the Negro smfered under slavery, the white man was its victim in an even deeper sense for he lost the power to recognize human kinship beneath the mask of color." For many Europeans, al1d unfortunately for many Americans in the Northern and Southernhemispheres alike, Africa is merely a black continent. We have become accustomed to seeing the great divisions which were arbitrarily drawn on the map in the course of the last century and which correspond, notto separate cultural areas, but merely to European commercial interests. Suddently, we have seen newStates appearing with old Qames, without realizing that these are people whose spiritual outlook differs from the restricted one which the whites were able to superimpose on them, and who are proudly aware of their human dignity, so long denied to them. But above aIl, we do not realize that, irrespective of political outiook, cultural heritage or social structure, tliere is a new factor in the world today: Africaniam. 1 would like to quote from a negro thinker and politician, born in Senegal. He is the poet LéopoldSédar Senghor, who, when inaugurating the University of Dakar in December 1959, asserteà: "1 would like to say that for us education must also be the rooting of ourselves in our native soil, a return to the sources of the negro being, a return to the essential nature of the Negro". He added: "Above aIl, we must be ourselves, we must exist. And a people cannot exist if it denies itself". 26. This Africanism, which is above ideologicalconflicts or sociological groupings, makes it essential to consider Africa's problems in aIl clarity, with proper regard for its urgent aspirations towards national emancipation. Today Africa wants its freedom, and will achieve it at any price. We. must see that this price does not take the form of submission to totalitarian systems which are repugnant to Africa' s own psychological and sociologieal upbringing. 27. Accordingly, my delegation has no particulardesire to add the flames of controversy to the fire al- 28. May 1 recaU that when the South African Parliament was discussing the penalty oÏ the lash and when it was proposed that the number of lashes should be reduced froIl). fifteen to ten, Governor-GeneralCharles Robberts Swart said: "But what arefivelashes, among friends?" 1 would not like to be asked, when 1 try to find out whether the dead in Angola amount to 30,000, 3,000, 300 or thirty: "What are a few zeros among friends?" The important thing is that the massacre should be stopped, from wherever it comes and whoever its instigators may be, and that every measure taken to avoid it should be accepted with good will. 29. We are confronted with somethingmorethanwhat has been caUed an "episodic majority". The solidarity of aU the African States, transcendingpoliticaldifferences, and the support of the majority of the Asian States show that there is in the world today a will to fight against colonialism which has nothing episodic about it but which is rather the expression of a new international awareness. The essential condition for peace, within this new concept of international life, is recognition of the right of aIl the oppressed peoples to choose independence. 30. It is for this reason that my delegation will support any measure designed to stop the bloodshed and to aUow the Sub-Committee on the situation in Angola appointed by the General Assembly to carry out its work, without in any way implying that we are condemning anyone.

The question of Angola is now being considered in the United Nations for the third time in a relatively short period. At the same time, various related matters have been discussed in the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly. 32. On previous occasions, my delegatkn has voted in favour of General Assembly resolution 1542 (XV), requesting Portugal to provide information to the United Nations under Article 73 of th3 Charter on its possessions h Africa, 8!;.d of GeneralAssemblyresolution 1603 (XV), which :.:alled upon Portugal "to consider urgently the introduction of measures and reforms in Angola for the purpose of the implementation of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), with due respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations". As is known, resolution 1603 (XV) also established a sub-eommittee on the situation of Angola. 34. On the question of Angola the resolutions which l have mentioned clearly'ïndicate the direction or our feelings and our hopes. Wehadparticularexpectations about the last resolution on the subject adopted by the General Assembly, and we still feel confident that its provisions, reaffirmed by the Security Council, may form the beginning of a new era for the people of Angola. 35. During the present debate we have heardaccusations and counter-accusations of a shocking and horrible nature in connexion with the present situation in Angola. It is the dutY of the United Nations to pronounce itself against any resort to bloodshed and violence, whatever the purpose and by whomever they may be psrpetrated. The very purpose of this Organization, the basic moral principle upon which it was founded, is to strive for a peaceful solution of the problems facing humanity. By signing the Charter, and by the very fact of our participation in the work of this Organization, aIl of us as Members of the United Nations have accepted the principle of encouraging the promotion of peaceful solutions to our problems in implementingthe purposes ofourCharter. 36. It is the ardent hope of my delegation to see the prompt establishment of peace and harmony inAngola, so that the inhabitants of that vast territory may achieverapid progress' and obtain their legitimate rights, in accordance with the fundamental principles embodied In our Charte::.' and in United Nations resolutions. 37. General Assembly resolution 1603 (XV) called upon the Government of Portugal to consider urgently the introduction of measures and reforms in Angola for the purposes to which l have refe~red earlier in my statement. Unfortunately, we have not yet heard a detailed statement on such reforms, or plans for reforms, which may be considered appropriate for laying the soUd foundations of a harmonious solution. However, we have heard partial reports and statements which encourage us to hope that these measures and reforms envisaged in the resolution of the General Assembly may be forthcoming in the nearfuture. My delegation agrees with the representative of Liberia and with other African representatives that the introduction and the implementation of such an enlightened policy in keeping with the general trend 39. My delegation is of the opinion that a report within these terms of reference can be very helpful in elucidating the facts in connexion with the tragic situation in Angola. Such a report could give us a substantial idea about the accusations and counter-accusations which were made during our debates onAngola. For example, there have been a number of statements to the effect that excessive repressive measures are being resorted to in Angola and the Sub-Committee could make an authoritative analysis of these statements and Press reports. 40. Also it has been claimed that material and active intervention on the part of outside Powers is taking place in the troubled situation which is now prevailing in that country. The report of the Sub-Committee may by of assistance in clarifying the situation from that point of view also, because, if the unhappy situation in Angola were to create a precedent for direct intervention of individual countries, such an unfortUtlate state of affairs would certainly be detrimental to the future peace and stability of any and all parts of the African continent. During the most important period of its history, when the great African continent must concentrate aIl its efforts to consolidate its newly won independence, independence which is certain to be followed by other countries, it would be tragic to set examples and precedents by which any country or countries would take upon themselves the duties which are vested in the United Nations by virtue of its Charter. 41. In this connexion it would be worth while to remember that, since the found!ltion of the United Nations, hundreds of millions of people alloverthe world have obtained the right of self-determination, and that the newly independent countries are now so numerous as to form a very substantial part of the Members of the United Nations. Others are on the way of joining our Organization. This great victory for the cause of freedom and self-determination has been won in all cases through the efforts of the peoples concerned, in many cases through the co-operation of the Administering Powers, and also through joint efforts made within the United Nations. Direct intervention by individual countries has notplayed any constructive part in this great historical process, and a resort to such methods now when the movement is almost in its final stages could only be detrimental to the cause of freedom and self-determination. 42. In conclusion, 1 wish to reiterate that the recent events and the reports of the tragic loss of life in Angola have caused sorrow and concern in the public opinion of my country. We hopefor a prompt establishment of harmonious relations among the inhabitants of Angola so that progress may be achieved in the manner envisaged in the resolu'!:ons of the United Nations. We are firmly convinced that the great continent of Africa is now on the threshold of a brilliant future and we believe that the inhabitants of Angola 44. The Government and people of Chile profoundly deplore the loss of the many lives which have been eut off by the devastating cyclone of furious passion and violence. 45. We express our solidarity with the people of Angola in this hour of deep sorrow and grievous misfortune. 46. We express our sincere hope that the bloody holocaust may at least serve to ensure that the survivors enjoy a better future. 47. It is distressing for a Latin American delegation to take part in this debate, which affects one of the countries linked with ours by historical and ether considerations. The delegation of Chile regrets the difficulties with which Portugal is faced; but it is confident that the Portuguese nation will triumphworthily over the trials visited upon it by history, trials which derive from the process of readjustment that the requirements of the modern world force the discovering and colonizing Powers to undergo. 48. When the Council was discussing the situation in Angola last March, we maintained that itwas not competent to deal with the matter on that occasion. We then said: "Chile has been most zealous in the defence of human rights and, in accordance with the principles of the Charter and the resolutions of the General Assembly, has always shown its sympathy for the oppressed peoples which aspire to independence and are at present suffering because. they are in subjection and are living in conditions of social and economic inferiority, deprived of freedom and with no hope of progress. "My delegation does not object to the question of Angola being dealt with in other. competent organs of the United Nations. such as the General Assembly or the Economie and Social Council. Nor does it object to the competent organ chosen making any investigations it may consider necessary." [946th meeting, paras. 72 and 73.] 49. We maintained that the Council was not competent, not because we considered that Article 2. paragraph 7 of the Charter was beingviolated. but because at that time tangible facts had not proved the exist- 50. The situation has now radically altered. World opinion is disturbed at the grave events in Angola, the assassination of Portuguese settlers and the repressive measures taken against the Angolans. It is a situation which is increasingly affecting the other African States, and we wish to prevent this area from becoming a centre of unrest prejudicial to the peace and security of the world. If this situation continues and, as we can see, deteriorates each day, the danger will increase and its repercussions will be unpredictable. 51. There has also been another important event. The General Assembly, which is the highest organ of the United Nations,has delivered an opinion on this question and has adopted, by an impressive majority, its resolution 1603 (XV). Chile, in accordance with its stated position, voted in favour of this resolution. 52. The General Assembly took note of the recent disturbances and conflicts in Angola resulting in loss of life to the inhabitants, the continuance ofwhich was likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security. The Assembly linked these events with the growing restiveness of dependent peoples throughout the world for self-determination and independence, requested that speedy action be taken to ameliorate the disabilities of the Angolan peoples, cal1ed upon the Government of Portugal to consider the introduction of reforms in Angola, and decided to appoint a sub-committee to assemble information, as the delegation of Chile had suggested in the Security Council. 53. We have listened to a debate which, insteadof helping to elucidate the facts, has shown us a Dantesque picture of atrocities. No one can deny the bloody events in Angola, the uncontrolled cruelty, the devastation and crime. Faced with the accusations made by the representatives of both parties to the dispute, the Security Council cannot reach a decision until one of its own organs assembles reliable information and makes its report. 54. My delegation desires that the Security Council should practise the strictest objectivity in regard to the facts, and that aIl its decisions should be based on conclusive reports which only the Sub-Committee on the situation in Angola can provide for us. We are 55. My delegation has the deepest respect for African nationalism, which is an irrepressible historical force, and for the aspirations by which the Angolan people are inspired; but, just as it cannot sanction the bloody repression of this people, so it cannot agree to nationalist fervour culminating in murder and terrorism, which in their turn give rise to greater repression. In an atmosphere ofuncontroHed violence, it is impossible to end the conflict; the outcome can only be an interminable war. There are two basic elements in the Angolan situation, as it has been described here-blind and fantical terrorism, and bloody repression. We do not think that self-determination, freedom and independence can be obtained through uncontroUed savagery, nor do we think that peace can be restored to a territory by the massive and implacable use of methods of destruction. If this situation were to continue, it could result only in the ruin of Angola and the ruin of Portugal. From the debris, the hatred and the carnage only a miserable Angola and a shattered Portugal can arise. This is what the United Nations is in dutY bound to prevent; and it is for this purpose that we are here, with a view to helping both peoples as fairly and as effectively as possible. We are not going to help them by encouraging terrorism or by sanctioning repression. 56. The United Nations has set its seal on the principle of the self-determination of peoples, as one of the basic principles for the enjoyment ofhumanrights and fundamentai freedoms by individuals and peoples. The events in Angola certainly constitute an outburst of African nationalism, but it is not for us to pass judgement on this or to settle a question which is one for the Angolans alone. By this I mean that it is the Angolans who must exercise their right to selfdetermination and freely state whether they wish to continue as an integral part of Portugal or whether they desire to establish an independent State. In the case of Angola, we believe that only respect for the principle of self-determination can resolve a conflict which is increasingly liable ta develop into a tragedy and à rapidly spreading conflagration. 57. This is a long process, in which aH must make concessions and the necessary conditions must be established-first the restoration of peace, and then the fulfilment of the obligations mentioned in the General Assembly resolutions, especial1y resolution 1542 (XV), which states that an obligation exists on the part of the Government of Portugal to transmit "It may be that there are many shortcomings in our work; and we are the first to regret that lack of resources has prevented us from going further. Especially in the field of communications. educational opportunities and public health organization, we still have a long road to cover." 59. Guided by our feeling of solidarity with the African peoples and by our desire to rescue the Angolan people from their conditions of inferiority. we consider it imperative to achieve peace in Angola, in order that its people may progress and that Portugal may introduce, without delay, the political, social and economic reforms which will enable the Angolans to enjoy their full, rights in accordance with the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to proceed, as they wish, with their own and their country's development. 60. Without going further into the substance of the problem. we consider it desirable. in the present emergency. that all concerned should be urged to seek a solution of the conflict by peaceful means. abstaining from aIl acts of violence. 61. My delegation advocates respect for the principles of the Charter. which prohibit the use of force; and is confident that. once calm has been restored. the people of Angola will be able to make themselves heard, in order to secure the enjoyment of their right both to self-determination and to a worth-while and progressive life. 62. But today. in the presence of the facts. we can achieve nothing unless we confince ourselves to a calm statement pressing for the information that we need in order to reach a final decision. 63. We have carefully considered the draft resolution submitted by Ceylon. Liberia and the United Arab Republic [S/4828]. and are bound to acknowledge the noble motives underlying it. In its general lines it seems to us suitably and judiciously to define the policy which the Security Council should follow at the present juncture with regard to the difficult problem under discussion. It betrays no prejudice. it excites no passions and it contains no elements which might irritate one of the parties and so darken still further an already louring sky. It is concerned to base itself on the various resolutions on colonialism. or on Angola, already approved by the General Assembly. and thus suitably links the work of the Assembly with that of the Security Council; in particular-and this is for us its special merit-it invests the work of the 8ub-Committee appointed by the Assembly with the 64. The efforts of the draft resolution's sponsors to secure the Council's support have, as shown by the statements of certain representatives, not been successful by the method of persuasion. We are convinced that the difficulties obstructing this understanding between the members of the Council are not insuperable and that the proposaIs of the three Powers will be accepted, without dilution, if we aIl endeavour to co-operate. 65. For this reason we have been impelled to submit certain amendments [S/4833/Rev.l]. We think that if the draft resolution were improved in balance, if the scope of its preamble were extended and if the ideas in the operative part of the resolution itself were expanded, the Council's decision would have the maximum effect, acquire real moral force and not be vulnerable from the legal standpoint. 66. The first of the amendments would satisfy the legal scrupJes which last March prevented us from supporting those who at that time approved a draft resolution [S/4769] subsequently submitted to the General Assembly. We consider it advisable, pending a report from the Sub-Committee, not to go on record as to the international repercussions of the conflict in Angola, until we have more facts on which to base an opinion about the happenings in that area, their causes and their implications. We therefoI'e propose that the fourth preambular paragraph should be amended so as to state that the continuance of the situation in Angola "is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace". By limiting the conflict to its existing proportions, we keep in line with what the General Assembly stated in its resolution 1603 (XV). If the General Assembly did not venture to go further in this respect, the Security Council should not do so without possessing all the relevant information, which should provide the legal basis for what it does. 67. We are not closing our eyes to the threat which continuation of the conHict would involve; but neither are we rushing into statements which may compromise th' action of the Council before aIl possible means of preventing a deterioration of the situation have been exhausted. 68. The second amendment cannot meet with objection from the Council. It consists of inserting the following additional paragraph between operative paragraphs 3 and 4: "Expresses the hope that a peaceful solution will be found to the problem of Angola in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations." In this way we are again censuring violence, which nobody can accept as a suitable method for resolving conflicts. We are thus encouraging a solution by peaceful means, a principle to which we aIl committed 69. This Council should make a broad and general appeal to the end that those who are now enmeshed in a bitter and merciless struggle may find the way to conciliation. We can express no view on the type of agreement to be reached, but.we can state that no agreement is possible amid the chaos, carnage, racial hatred, revenge wrought on defenceless persons, and hunting of men as though they were beasts. 70. It is the duty of the Security Council to make a humanitarian appeal transcending all Jolitical considerations-an appeal that would, as it were, be an echo of the world's conscience which, appalled at the situation in Angola, is stirred by the tragedy in itself before it is concerned to pronounce on the causes of that tragedy, and desires that aU, without exception, should make an effort of good will, so that this nightmare may end and give place, with the help of the United Nations, to a peaceful beginning of the inevitable historical process whereby Angolans and Portuguese, black and white, may find the road to coexistence and harmonious co-operation. 71. These simple additions, which we are convinced the Council will approve, to the text submitted will, we feel, ensure that the draft resolution is not rejected but that the broadest possible consensus of opinion is achieved, with the expression of our desire to promote a peaceful outcome to the burning problem weighillg upon the people of Angola. 72. The duty which faces us is certainly historic and of the utmost importance. If we decide to fulfil it in the way l have suggested, we shall have contributed effectively to the prestige of our Organization and to the progress of a region which has already been punished excessively and of a people deserving of a better fate-a fate which we are trying to secure for them by the only salutary method, that of peace and the processes indicated by the United Nations. Such is what we seek for the Angolan people, marked out, as we think, for a distinguished future. 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