S/PV.9612 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Serbia to participate in this meeting. On behalf of the Council, I welcome His Excellency Mr. Aleksandar Vučić, President of the Republic of Serbia, and I request the Protocol Officer to escort him to a seat at the Council table.

In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Ms. Caroline Ziadeh, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo, to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Ms. Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2024/282, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo. I now give the floor to Ms. Ziadeh. Ms. Ziadeh: It is my honour and privilege to brief the Security Council on the latest developments in Kosovo. I note that this is my second briefing this year, given the extraordinary meeting held on 8 February (see S/PV.9545). The Secretary-General’s report before members (S/2024/282) covers the main developments from 19 September through 15 March. Allow me therefore both to update members on significant developments since then and to offer a few observations of the situation in the wider perspective. I have held many consultations with political actors in Pristina and Belgrade, with religious leaders, civil society organizations and with our main international partners on the ground. One of the key common observations is dissatisfaction with the level of progress being achieved through political dialogue and the direct effects that has on the security situation. The level of mistrust, unfortunately, remains high and must be addressed. During recent months, tensions have simmered, with one major explanation being an inability to address long-standing issues through adequate communication and dialogue, whether that be between Pristina and Belgrade or between the Kosovo Serb communities and the Pristina central authority. Over several months, sustained efforts have been focused on resolving the contested issue of local government legitimacy in the four municipalities, populated mainly by ethnic Serbs, in the northern part of Kosovo. In December last year, Kosovo Serbs in Leposavić /Leposaviq, North Mitrovica, Zubin Potok and Zvečan/Zveçan collected a sufficient number of signatures  — well over the required 20 per cent of the registered electorate  — to begin the process of recalling the mayors elected there in April 2023 by less than 4 per cent of total registered voters, due to the Kosovo Serbs’ decision not to participate. This process, long discussed in the framework of the talks facilitated by the European Union (EU), has aimed at reducing the tensions that inevitably resulted from those elections, including violent protests that centred around several municipal premises in northern Kosovo last May. Recently, representatives of the Kosovo Serb community in the north have claimed that the conditions set forth to recall the mayors do not allow for full representative participation in the recall vote. Subsequently, EU and Quint country representatives based in Pristina have urged a reconsideration of that position, while Kosovo Serbs have responded that their arguments are legitimate and are being insufficiently accounted for. The recall process took place yesterday, without any security incidents. However, only 253 out of the 46,556 registered voters cast their votes. Unfortunately, that sets the stage for protracting and prolonging a fragile and unresolved issue. From our point of view, we will continue to support the EUfacilitated dialogue as the forum to find a consensual resolution to outstanding issues. Over the past year, there have been numerous setbacks in efforts to build more confidence in peaceful relations among Kosovo’s ethnic communities through political dialogue. The Secretary-General in his report, and I in my briefings to the Council, have previously reported on a number of these setbacks, while wider international attention was drawn by the serious security incident that occurred in the village of Banjska/Banjskë last September. I continue to stress the importance of accountability for that extremely serious incident through a thorough, fact-based investigation and assessment of its circumstances. This is both a judicial matter and also a political necessity in order to avert any recurrence. During the same period, numerous developments caused hardship and fuelled mistrust between the communities, developments that could  — and should  — have been foreseen and avoided through good-faith dialogue. Kosovo Serb community representatives have shared their feelings that they are faced with human rights challenges. Those as well as the frequent use of inflammatory and derogatory rhetoric, in both directions, demand closer attention and scrutiny, as well as responsible remedial action by those in leadership positions. During a time when international political and financial investments continue to be made in support of good-faith dialogue, unilateral action — particularly concerning matters that lie clearly within the scope of the dialogue process  — cannot help to alleviate the concerns among ordinary people. The various agreements reached thus far through the dialogue process provide a clear road map towards the settling of many those outstanding issues. Regardless of which side undertakes unilateral actions, or the justifications provided for doing so, in the end such actions only perpetuate an environment of insecurity and mistrust between the communities. To build upon my remarks delivered here in the Council on 8 February, I must reiterate my continued concern, one also expressed by several Member States, about the manner in which the new regulation on cash transactions was communicated and implemented and how it has affected the more vulnerable segments of the non-majority communities. Under the facilitation of the European Union, the parties have met five times — on 27 February, 19 and 25 March and 4 and 18 April — to seek a solution that addresses the concerns raised and mitigate unintended consequences. We should remain hopeful that a solution can be reached, while urging the parties to work together to find practical solutions in the nearest future. Another element of the main agreements, which can provide solutions for that and other outstanding normalization matters, is the taking of earnest, credible steps towards establishing the association/community of Serb-majority municipalities. Whatever the association/community’s final form, that form clearly will encompass the elements of sustainable financial and institutional guarantees for the Kosovo Serb community. That includes matters of local administration, along with essential basic services, such as education and health care. Repeated calls for its establishment should be heeded, as it will serve as an important step towards fostering trust between the Serb community and central authorities. The full implementation of the EU-facilitated agreements has become an ever more pressing priority in order to help to alleviate the continuing series of crises that have emerged. It is therefore of utmost importance for both sides to remain committed to constructive, good-faith engagement and that they find practical compromises. On matters where the implementation of essential agreements has advanced, meaningful results have been accomplished during the same time frame. Those include advances on vehicle license plate validity, steps forward on the energy road map and on customs. I wish to commend the Pristina leadership for taking action to fully implement the high court decision of 2016 affirming the property rights of the Visoki Dečani Monastery, which had previously languished for many years. Such action is to be welcomed, since it significantly contributes to both intercommunity trust as well as public confidence in the rule of law. The United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) will continue to make full use of its resources, in partnership with the United Nations Kosovo team and its implementing partners, to help the communities to overcome existing mistrust and to find opportunities for reaping the benefits of genuine cooperation. We will continue to support work across multiple fields that creates new space for communities to work jointly to positively influence processes that affect the future of all. That remains a pillar of our mandated work. The Mission has utilized its essential programmatic activities resources to facilitate innovation and collaboration to encourage greater mutual trust between the communities, find common ground and establish more widespread tolerance of Kosovo’s diversity. In that context, the Barabar Centre continues to carry out just such efforts at the grass roots level. Since my last report to the Security Council, the number of the Centre’s major activities has surpassed 70 over the course of less than one year, engaging with more than 4,000 individuals representing all communities in Kosovo. To help inspire future champions of trust-building in Kosovo, in November, we conducted the second United Nations Kosovo Trust-building Forum, involving participants from all communities and professions, who agreed upon 27 recommendations and many more related actions in six thematic areas: economic empowerment, environmental protection, language rights, media and misinformation, participation and inclusion, and strengthening the rule of law. More innovative initiatives lie ahead, in collaboration with and with mutual support from our many international and local partners. The promotion and protection of human rights is a fundamental part of UNMIK’s mandated work. Together with our partners, we continue to encourage the authorities to place human rights and rule of law principles at the heart of sound policy judgments. That applies to a wide range of human rights and freedoms, including rights to equality and non-discrimination, language, minority and property rights, as well as freedoms of movement, expression, religion and assembly. The enjoyment of those rights and freedoms is indispensable in sustaining Kosovo’s multi-ethnic society. On matters of transitional justice and the right to truth, I welcome the resumption of meetings of the Working Group on Missing Persons, with the first meeting in three years having been successfully held on 31 January. That direct engagement must continue. During this period, UNMIK continued to extend its support to the Legal Aid Centre and the Kosovo Law Institute, assisting hundreds of vulnerable individuals; conducted specialized training for young Kosovo Serb lawyers to enhance their work in pursuit of the rule of law; and sponsored law students at a legal clinic promoting multi-ethnic media work. While progress has been made in the legal and policy frameworks to address gender-based violence, the need for enhanced cooperation among Governments, civil society and international organizations remains. The Mission will continue to employ proactive measures, strengthen support services, train professionals, raise awareness and empower women and girls towards the full and comprehensive implementation of the women and peace and security agenda. The Mission also continues to prioritize the youth, peace and security agenda. In that regard, the sixth United Nations Youth Assembly in Kosovo this May will again serve as a platform to gather young activists and leaders from across communities in Kosovo and from around the region. The Assembly will support cross-community dialogue and entrepreneurship to help meet the challenges and opportunities of an artificial intelligence-powered world. Allow me to add a further point of critical emphasis, namely, that to achieve progress in Kosovo and fulfil our mandated goals effectively, the issues we and our partners tackle must be understood and treated as part of the wider regional context. We are aware that our work is part of a combined international effort to promote prosperity, stability and peace in Kosovo and beyond. I wish to express my appreciation for the daily cooperation and support we receive from our major multilateral partners  — in particular the Kosovo Force — and the strength of our coordination with the United Nations Kosovo team. Together, and with the Council’s continuing support, we will navigate this challenging period by maintaining foremost our focus on the rights and well-being of people. We will continue to call upon all leaders — political and civic — to meet their obligations in the same respect. Similarly, we will continue to give our full support to prioritize dialogue over unilateral actions or zero-sum divisive rhetoric. Acknowledging the trend of setbacks in overall trust, we will remain determined partners to all who share the foresight for a better future. Good-faith dialogue, communication and mutual understanding mark the path forward. Progress is born from actions undertaken with the willingness to forge compromises. I conclude by extending my deep appreciation to the members of the Council for their continued support. Such support is indispensable to UNMIK’s continued endeavours to strengthen the conditions for a peaceful and normal life for all people in Kosovo, which is inextricably linked to peace in the region and beyond.

I thank Ms. Ziadeh for her briefing. I now call on the President of the Republic of Serbia. President Vučić: Before I move to the report (S/2024/282) that we are considering today, allow me to remind the Council that 19 April marked exactly 11 years since the most important agreement between Belgrade and Pristina on the path of normalization of relations was adopted in Brussels. One of the signatories was also the European Union. Eleven years later, even though Serbs met all the difficult obligations under the agreement, the community of Serb-majority municipalities and its formation are not even on the horizon. For all the Serbs living in Kosovo and Metohija, for all of Serbia, these 11 years have been 11 years of undelivered promises, daily excuses and untruths. They have been 11 years of the accidental or intentional inability of the European Union, as the guarantor of the respective agreement to move things forward from square one. Of course, all that resulted in what today we can call the legal violence against, and physical harassment of, the Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohija. First and foremost, I extend my gratitude to Secretary-General Guterres and Special Representative Ziadeh for their dedication to fulfilling the mandate of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), as outlined in resolution 1244 (1999). Therefore, while the subject report may not fully capture the severity of the situation on the ground, it actually documents nearly all significant events during the reporting period. That holds considerable value for Member States. To gain a more comprehensive understanding of this report, I wish to highlight certain critical points for the members of this organ to consider. The report before us today on the work of UNMIK is being discussed one and a half months since this organ held a special meeting on the situation in Kosovo and Metohija on 8 February (see S/PV.9545). I note that the urgent meeting was held upon the submission of a letter from the Republic of Serbia to the Security Council (S/2024/134), indicating that the Provisional Institutions of Self-government in Kosovo, led by the Albanian leadership, are jeopardizing international peace and stability. With that submission, the Republic of Serbia also enclosed the detailed explanation of actions through which the provisional institutions continuously and intentionally created unbearable living conditions for Serbs and other non-Albanians. Additionally, the Republic of Serbia presented to the Security Council the actions through which those institutions are carrying out well-planned, widespread and systematic harassment attacks against Serb civilians, including continuous legal violence, physical violence and selective targeting. The request for the urgent 8 February meeting was granted following an assessment by the members of the Security Council that our arguments and the submitted complaint was based on facts. I note, in particular, that the majority, which accepted our arguments, consisted here of the countries that do not respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Serbia in the manner envisaged by the provisions of legally binding resolution 1244 (1999). It is therefore especially significant that the members of the Security Council respected our arguments and took into consideration, during that important meeting, the ethnically motivated, intentional creation of unbearable living conditions for Serbs, as well as the well-planned, widespread and systematic harassment campaign against Serb civilians and their persecution by the Provisional Institutions of Self-government in Kosovo. I note that almost all members of this organ expressed profound concern for the position of Serbs and other non-Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija and had urged dialogue. During those discussions, special emphasis was placed on the drastic measure of abolishing cash transactions in Serbian dinars, through which Pristina’s regime further dramatically encumbered the daily lives of Serbs and other non-Albanians, given that their income is predominantly paid in dinars. That issue was discussed in the context of their lack of access to even the most basic social services such as health care and education. Nevertheless, said measure to abolish the use of the dinar, representing the culmination of the protracted, comprehensive and ethnically motivated campaign of widespread and systematic attacks against non-Albanian civilians, carried out by Pristina’s institutions, is still effective. I remind Council members that Albin Kurti said here that he would give Serbs a three-month transitional period in which no Serb rights would be violated, in relation to giving and accepting dinars as a valid currency. Of course, since that meeting ended, no one in Pristina or in the international community has mentioned that three-month transitional period, and all dinar-related measures against Serbs started to be implemented immediately. That is why the Serbs and other non-Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija continue to be unable to receive their pensions, salaries, social benefits, child allowances or any other payments and why the work of schools, kindergartens and medical, social and all other institutions has been practically interrupted. And even if some of those institutions manage to continue to operate, its employees face daily fears of groundless arrests, which Kurti’s regime is carrying out on a mass scale, under false charges. This situation is particularly harmful for children in kindergarten, pensioners, single mothers and severely ill persons in rural environments, but it negatively affects everyone. This issue stands out as one of the few where the Pristina authorities do not discriminate. Everyone is equally affected, regardless of age or gender — as long as they are non-Albanian and do not endorse Pristina’s chauvinistic agenda of realizing the Greater Albania concept. And, instead of being sanctioned, Kurti’s regime keeps being rewarded. I would like to take this opportunity to inform all Member States that, with sincerity and good intentions, called for dialogue that, from 8 February to the present day, five rounds of discussions have been held in Brussels on the basis of resolution 1244 (1999) and General Assembly resolution 64/298, from 2010. The only tangible outcome of those deliberations has been the exposure of Pristina’s true motives. Pristina’s head negotiator, Bislimi, Albin Kurti’s deputy and partner in the persecution of the civilian population, confirmed that their unilateral and escalatory decision to effectively abolish the dinar in Kosovo and Metohija has profoundly affected the people. And, unlike Kurti’s assertions made before this organ that Serbia’s accusation was false and that no one, including Serbs, was impacted by their decision, Bislimi acknowledged, with sincerity, that the actual intention was to eradicate all Serbian presence in Kosovo and Metohija. Like Kurti, he therefore remains committed to Greater Albania hegemonic aspirations, which preclude any negotiations with Serbia or coexistence with Serbs. His conduct of the dialogue process, characterized by a strategy of sabotage through presence, underscored his reluctance to pursue a compromise solution, as recommended by this organ, to safeguard the population And yet instead of being subject to sanctions, Kurti’s regime keeps being rewarded. In parallel, Pristina’s brutal repression and persecution of Serbs and other non-Albanians have deepened and strengthened. There have been 16 new ethnically motivated attacks on Serbs since the extraordinary meeting. They involved, first, an armed attack on young Serb men in Gračanica; secondly, gunfire and intimidation targeting the increasingly smaller numbers of Serb returnees in western Kosovo; thirdly, continued unjustified detentions; and fourthly, the violent removal by police of licence plates with Serbian place names in the Cyrillic alphabet in purely Serb municipalities in northern Kosovo. After 8 February the constant attacks within the persecution campaign against Serbs broadened to include intrusions by Pristina’s para-police into Serbian pharmacies in Kosovska Mitrovica and Zubin Potok, where the persecutors of Serbs confiscated huge amounts of medications. However, while the UNMIK report maintains factual precision, it fails to capture interconnected events over an extended period of time. When analysed together, those events paint a stark picture of the reality on the ground. That limitation in the report is a result of not only the length of the reporting period but also the methodology employed, which has remained consistently brief and superficial. I therefore feel obliged to offer further insight into the reported events to enable Council members to grasp the overall situation more comprehensively. The Security Council’s extraordinary meeting is not presented in the report as an event of special relevance. It is mentioned only in paragraph 22 of the report, and even there it states wrongly that it was held at Serbia’s request to discuss the consequences of the new currency regulation. That is incorrect, because the Serbian request to the Council was based on a complaint, supported by arguments, that Pristina was endangering international peace and security. The illegal abolition of the dinar was reported and taken into consideration in that context only as part of the complaint against Pristina’s authorities for, first, systematic, widespread and wellplanned attacks on Serbs; secondly, the intentional creation of intolerable living conditions for Serbs; and thirdly, the persecution of Serbs. The deep seriousness of the complaint about the persecution of Serbs, which the Council considered at the extraordinary meeting, was blandly and prosaically presented in paragraph 22 of the report in the following way. “Mr. Vučić and Mr. Kurti participated in the session, presenting contrasting narratives regarding the situation in Kosovo and the regulation’s impact.” In that regard, I believe it is important to recall that Serbia was not simply presenting some kind of narrative at the meeting in question, but quite the opposite. Our statement was a straightforward listing of concrete data and facts on Pristina’s campaign of systematic, wellplanned and widespread attacks on the Serb population. Among other things, I mentioned concrete data on that occasion regarding a number of issues. They include the illegal expropriation of more than 1 million square metres of Serbian land for the construction of illegal special police bases in northern Kosovo; the obstruction of Serbs’ freedom of movement through stops for no reason, humiliating treatment, beatings and other violent acts at illegal armed checkpoints and other locations throughout northern Kosovo and Metohija; arbitrary detentions of dozens of Serb women, as well as arbitrary longer detentions based only on their ethnicity and without charges; unjustifiable gunfire and the almost constant presence of Pristina special forces’ armoured vehicles in peaceful urban environments; decisions on the confiscation of buildings owned by Serbian institutions for more than a century and the introduction of a nine-month illegal embargo on Serbian goods and seizures of legal goods owned by Serbian merchants; The issues also include violent seizures of Serbian Orthodox Church property in which Pristina is violating special protective zones around Serbian Orthodox Church facilities, while renaming sacred, centuries-old Serbian facilities with Albanian names; the ploughing up and destruction of Serbian cemeteries; the arming of illegal so-called Kosovo security forces, which, based on paragraph 9 (b), paragraph 15 and point 6 of annex 1 of resolution 1244 (1999), should be demilitarized and dismantled; the prevention of the payment of 60,946 salaries and pensions to Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija, 2,430 scholarships for students and pupils, funds for financing soup kitchens for about 2,000 of the most socially vulnerable citizens, as well as all other incomes for Serbs; 470 ethnically motivated attacks on Serbs that have gone unpunished; 75 attacks on sacred facilities of the Serbian Orthodox Church; and 25 attacks on Serbian children, including the attempted murder at Christmas of 2023 of an 11-year-old and his 21-year-old cousin by a representative of the illegal Kosovo security forces. And yet instead of being sanctioned, Kurti’s regime in Pristina keeps being rewarded. We cannot count the times that the events in Banjska have been mentioned by various international officials, news outlets and even before this Council. However, none of that zeal and energy has been used to raise the issue of the horrific crime committed by a soldier under the command of Vjosa Osmani, who is present here. On the eve of Orthodox Christmas, a uniformed soldier of the so-called Kosovo security forces, while on duty and using his service rifle, cold-bloodedly shot an 11-year-old boy, Stefan Stojanović, and his 21-year-old cousin Miloš Stojanović. Sometimes we wonder whether the fact that he has been charged only with a misdemeanour is owing to the fact that the victims were merely ethnic Serbs. I would like to once again remind the Council of Kurti’s words, pronounced here at the Security Council’s extraordinary meeting. “The regulation does nothing to prohibit or prevent the Government of Serbia from providing financial support to Kosova Serbs. Any suggestion to the contrary is nothing more than false propaganda aimed at inciting ethnic tensions. The regulation seeks merely to ensure the transparency and legality of cash imported into Kosova, in line with both our Constitution and European Union monetary policy. The very same rules apply to all cash imports from any country in any currency. They do not ban transfers of dinars from Serbia” (S/PV.9545, p. 11). The proof that Kurti was lying is also demonstrated by the fact that a few days ago the topic of the Brussels dialogue meeting was precisely about how to resolve the problem, as well as the fact that on 14 March in Pristina, more than a month after Kurti lied to the Security Council, the United States Special Representative to the Western Balkans stated that the question of the dinar was an emerging humanitarian issue that we should address immediately. Mr. Escobar also said that he was moved by the stories of the ordinary Serbs who were most directly affected by the ban on the dinar. He added that Albin Kurti had rejected his plan for resolving that humanitarian issue. When the media asked why Kurti had decided to proceed with the dinar ban, knowing that that issue could have been resolved through the establishment of a community of Serb-majority municipalities, Mr. Escobar answered that it was a question for Kurti. Kurti also lied to the Council when he spoke about the alleged introduction of three-month transition measures in reference to the currency decision. That did not happen. New bans and repression followed instead. And yet Kurti’s regime keeps being rewarded rather than punished. All of those facts confirm that Pristina and Kurti have never told the truth and that Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija are targets of well-planned, systematic and widespread harassment by Pristina’s institutions aimed at their persecution. After the Council’s extraordinary meeting, that fact should have been clearly underlined in the report, together with an unambiguous condemnation of Pristina’s violence. We do not expect UNMIK to tailor its reports to suit the political desires and aspirations of any of the parties involved. On the contrary, we advocate for reporting that is grounded solely in facts. We therefore expect UNMIK to deliver clear and precise reports to the Council regarding the state of affairs on the ground. Beyond that, credible reporting does not imply neutrality or ambiguity with regard to events that directly endanger the population in Kosovo. Such neutrality is unacceptable, given that UNMIK is duty bound, as mandated by the Security Council, to clearly and loudly oppose any attempt to threaten the civilian population in the province. We also believe that the report omits information for the Council on concrete measures that the Secretary-General’s Special Representative has taken in order to discourage, anticipate, disable or sanction Pristina’s violence and persecution of Serbs and other non-Albanians. Let me remind the Council that the international civil presence headed by the Special Representative has an obligation to secure normal life in Kosovo. Paragraph 10 of resolution 1244 (1999) clearly states that the Secretary-General is authorized to establish an international civil presence, among other things, in order to oversee the development of provisional democratic self-governing institutions and ensure conditions for a peaceful and normal life for all inhabitants of Kosovo. We have been hearing for years that the Special Representative can transfer authorization to the provisional institutions of selfgovernment and that there was no legal basis for him or her to take other action. However, let me remind the Security Council that those competencies were transferred to the provisional institutions by the Special Representative through the constitutional framework for provisional self-government in Kosovo. That document was enacted precisely by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on 15 May 2001 and in accordance with the mandate outlined in resolution 1244 (1999) via regulation 2001/9, and it remains legally binding. Furthermore, chapter 12 of the UNMIK constitutional framework states that the exercise of the responsibilities of the provisional institutions under this constitutional framework shall not affect or diminish the authority of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General to ensure full implementation of resolution 1244 (1999), including overseeing the provisional institutions of self-government, its officials and its agencies and taking appropriate measures whenever their actions are inconsistent with resolution 1244 (1999) or the constitutional framework. Therefore, it is indisputable that the Special Representative of the Secretary-General has the explicit obligation to report on the concrete measures she has taken to stop and disable the ethnically motivated persecution of the population, in accordance with resolution 1244 (1999), or at least to offer an explanation as to why she failed to take such measures, if that is the case. Instead, as I said, what we have is the enumeration of almost all the individual cases in the report, with an utter lack of clear context regarding the persecution of civilians that is taking place in reality on the ground, which was discussed at an emergency meeting of the Security Council (see S/PV.9545). However, while the emergency meeting was mentioned only once and the attacks against civilians within Pristina’s campaign of persecution against them not even once, the tragic developments in the village of Banjska on 24 September 2023 were mentioned a total of eight times in the report. That is why I must reiterate what I said at the emergency meeting, which refers to the conclusion that those developments were not caused by the consequences of Kurti’s repression and persecution of civilians. Serbia unambiguously condemned the violence in Banjska that very evening, and that is why it will not allow the tragedy to be used as an alibi for persecuting Serbs and to divert attention from the fact that this persecution takes place on the ground on a daily basis. Let me remind members that, for more than a year prior to those tragic events, the Republic of Serbia had been publicly warning all international representatives that Serbs in Kosovo had been facing the systematic and widespread attacks and violence of Kurti’s chauvinistic regime. Since autumn 2021, Serbs have been completely excommunicated from the political and economic system of so-called Kosovo. The Serbian police envisaged by article 9 of the First Agreement of Principles Governing the Normalization of Relations was replaced with Kurti’s mono-ethnic paramilitary formations, which are harassing, beating up and apprehending people. Nobody wanted to listen to our pleas to stop the terror. Pristina has been systematically undermining the lives and elementary rights of the Serbian people. Let me remind members that Pristina then organized, in Serb-majority municipalities, shameful elections, which Serbs boycotted as a violation of their rights and for endangering their safety through Kurti’s illegal replacement of the regional police commander. Even though only 0.029 per cent of Serbs voted in those elections and Serbs constitute 95 per cent of the population there, new Albanian municipal authorities were confirmed and appointed in the complete absence of any legitimacy. They then came to the head office of those Serbian municipalities as true co-perpetrators, followed by heavily armed Kosovo special police units. What followed was brutal terror against the Serbs, who are now being terrorized by the special police forces, while illegitimate Albanian municipal officials make and implement decisions that are directly against Serbs’ interests. And yet, instead of being sanctioned, Kurti’s regime keeps being rewarded. Despite the declarative international calls to end that situation, Pristina persistently continues to occupy the north and has blocked the election of legitimate local authorities. After false promises that it would revoke illegitimate Albanian officials, it requested a petition from Serbs for the replacement of the respective authorities to organize the referendum for revoking them. Making such a referendum a success would require a turnout of more than 50 per cent of registered voters, and Serbs had initially agreed to organize the signing of said petition and gathered more than 20 per cent of required voters’ signatures — so six times more than the number of votes by which some Albanian officials were elected. To prevent the revoking of the results and to maintain favourable conditions for the continued persecution of Serbs by manipulating the voter lists, Pristina suddenly increased the number of registered voters. It did so in the period when more than 15 per cent of the majority- Serb population escaping repression left the province. That is why there were 46,249 voters in the voter lists of those four municipalities today, which is 5.7 per cent more than in 2021. Between October 2021 and March 2024, 2,498 new voters were added, and the number of Albanian voters was artificially increased by 12.42 per cent. If one adds to that the blocking of voting by mail for expelled persons and the campaign of intimidation and blackmail led against the Serbs to deter them from taking part in the referendum, it is obvious that Pristina intends to finalize the persecution of Serbs with the support of illegitimate municipal authorities. That is why the recent decision made by the Serbs to boycott the referendum is quite understandable and the only possible one, as they are unable to reach the set threshold of 50 per cent registered voters because they are being persecuted and banned from voting from outside Kosovo and because Albanian voters living elsewhere are being registered. In parallel, Pristina threatened Serbs with financial sanctions of €2,000 if they refused the call for the census. It has carried out arbitrary apprehensions and all other kinds of physical and institutional violence. Speaking of arbitrary apprehensions of Serbs, which, by the way, were classed as unacceptable by the European Union, but also speaking of the false guarantees of the international community that there would be no apprehensions of Serbs for taking part in protests, allow me to mention one of the most recent cases. On 14 April, Pristina’s special forces arrested Srećko Sofronijević, a Serb from Zvečan, whom they wounded in the back with automatic weapons in 2021. He was wounded at the political protests by Serbs against the illegal intrusion of those units in the north of Kosovo where, in accordance with article 9 of the First Agreement of 2013, they should not go without the Serbs’ approval. Sofronijević barely survived the shooting, for which none of the members of Pristina special forces was held accountable, let alone sanctioned. Instead, Sofronijević was arrested some days ago and placed in custody on charges of having violated the so-called constitutional order of the fake State and so-called Kosovo. He is a man who has never committed any offence or anything of that nature, and who spent all this time of Pristina’s terror in his hometown and his house. When he was arrested, he was of course accompanied by his wife. Despite all that, Pristina apprehended him on charges of the aforementioned offence. We have since received reports about further physical abuse of Sofronijević upon his arrival at the prison run by the Albanian majority in Podujevo. At the same time, one of Kurti’s co-perpetrators in the persecution of Serbs and a Minister in his Government, Liburn Aliu, declared the following in December 2023: “the independent State of Kosovo is a temporary project; a Kosovo nation cannot be created”. The innocent Sofronijević has therefore been imprisoned for the alleged violation of some constitutional order, and Aliu is still free, occupying one of the highest-ranking positions in Pristina. That says much about the apprehension and persecution of Serbs as part of some allegedly non-selective implementation of the law. Those who are friends and supporters of Pristina are the only ones believing in that kind of rule of law. Serbia demands the immediate release of all political prisoners held by Pristina’s regime. There cannot be reconciliation without the liberation of all political prisoners. Let me remind members that Serbia has repeatedly adopted an amnesty law, according to which thousands of Kosovo Liberation Army terrorists, including Albin Kurti, were set free. Speaking of the rule of law, the biggest opponent of so-called Kosovo’s Constitution is not us in Belgrade but Kurti’s regime itself. While that may seem unusual to the Council, it is an easily verifiable fact and not an exaggeration. The Brussels Agreement was ratified by a two-thirds majority in so-called Kosovo’s Parliament. It derogates all other legal norms, and yet Kurti and his associates once again publicly refuse to implement its key provisions. The Constitution guarantees equality for the Serbian language and the Cyrillic alphabet, which are being expunged. The Constitution envisages that one ministry should be led by the party that wins a majority among the Serbs — a provision that has been completely neglected — and yet instead of being punished, Kurti’s regime keeps being rewarded. In other words, while everybody has been talking about and reporting on the situation in Kosovo for months with an erroneous interpretation of the events in Banjska, what we have on the ground is the continued, open and unpunished persecution of Serbs who were previously on peaceful terms, while not a single action is being taken to stop that crime against humanity, just as the report confirms. The Security Council is one of only a few international forums in which the situation in Kosovo can be discussed openly. Truth be told, there are fewer and fewer opportunities to do so, because by taking small steps, the representatives of Pristina — with enthusiastic political advice and logistical help from their international sponsors — are imposing something that they present as a blameless act, to be calmly accepted, and yet it is one that is not normal and in fact inadmissible from an international legal standpoint. As the last instance and bastion in the defence of international law, the United Nations cannot allow ambiguous flexibility in evaluating tragic crimes against certain populations, for fear the system founded on the Charter of the United Nations will undermine itself and its own authority. Today we are more than ever in need of a strong and principled United Nations, and the situation in Kosovo and Metohija is a good opportunity for our world Organization to strengthen its authority. In addition to insisting on a clear condemnation of, and end to, the persecution of Serbs, Serbia once again underlines that it is fully committed to the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue as the only peaceful way to overcome disagreements and resolve problems. Pristina’s persistent refusal to consistently implement virtually any political agreement, out of a total of 52 reached, constitutes additional evidence that Pristina is persecuting Serbs with clear premeditation. But the agreements were designed and reached precisely to enable relations between Belgrade and Pristina to normalize over time and to allow all people to live their normal lives in reality during this political process. This also concerns Serbs in Kosovo, for whom the 2011 agreements guaranteed numerous specific solutions aimed at safeguarding their inevitably difficult position in a predominantly Albanian environment. To that end, as a credible and responsible partner, Belgrade fulfilled its commitments from the dialogue a long time ago. In doing that we continued to make very painful concessions, among other things, in order to ensure that Serbs in Kosovo could enjoy peace, safety and respect for their fundamental rights. Instead, quite the contrary, Serbs have been exposed to open persecution for years, and while it has been preparing for 11 years to persecute them, Pristina has refused and still refuses to implement its most important commitment from the dialogue, which is about the need to work consistently to establish a community of Serb-majority municipalities, as agreed in agreements from 2013 and 2015, as a mechanism for protecting the individual and collective rights of Serbs in the province as the foundation of the entire normalization process and all the other agreements reached. I want to make it clear that Belgrade’s insistence on establishing an association or community of Serbmajority municipalities is without any prejudice to the status of Kosovo and Metohija. It is about an institutional solution that will anticipate and prevent any more of the years of persecution of Serbs that we have seen. It is meant to enable Serbs to live safely on the land, achieve economic development and see their basic political rights protected. If an association of Serb-majority municipalities had been established in the past 11 years, I am certain that it would have created conditions favourable to a true dialogue and historical reconciliation between the communities. However, that is precisely what the people in power in Pristina do not want, because they are guided by their ethnic hatred of Serbs, which they use to attract international attention and as a pretext for finalizing their campaign for the persecution and ethnic cleansing of Serbs. That is the only reason that they are against the formation of an association of Serb-majority municipalities, in accordance with the agreements of 2013 and 2015. They hope that by successively stripping the Serbian people of their rights and creating intolerable living conditions that imperil their survival, they will leave Kosovo and Metohija, thereby rendering the idea of such an association pointless. Unfortunately, the obvious is not obvious in the Secretary-General’s report, either. I am reiterating very well-known factual information — information that was provided in a neutral manner regarding the place, time and topics of the dialogue meetings — which we all know very well will not end the persecution of Serbs, help to stabilize the situation or force Pristina to refrain from undermining the dialogue and to finally implement its obligations. In that regard, it really is high time that we realize that the population in Kosovo cannot rely on the United Nations either as an objective arbiter or as a body capable of preventing Pristina’s crafty ethnic engineering. I am afraid that will bring us to the possibility that unpredictable scenarios will unfold, with staggering consequences. If we are to eliminate even the slightest possibility of that, we believe it is essential that the Special Representative exercise her authority and supervise the provisional institutions of self-governance. But she also has to take urgent action, in cooperation with the Kosovo Force, aimed at ensuring the safety and human rights of all the inhabitants of Kosovo. Simply put, it is obvious that we urgently need a solution that involves UNMIK more, not less. Unfortunately, the pogrom against the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija has lasted from 1999 to this very day. I want to remind the Council of some of the crimes that have been committed in the presence and before the eyes of the United Nations international forces — crimes that have gone unpunished — with the prominent participation of the same countries that committed the aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In July 1999, Albanian terrorists massacred 14 Serbian farmers from the village of Staro Gracko, near Lipjan. In February 2001, a bus carrying Serbs displaced from Kosovo and Metohija to visit the graves of their loved ones was blown up. Twelve Serbs were killed and 43 wounded in that attack. In 2003, Albanian terrorists in Goraždevac opened fire on Serbian children who were swimming in the Bistrica river, killing two of them and severely wounding several others. The culmination of evil was the pogrom in March 2004, in which 16 Serbs were killed, hundreds injured and approximately 4,000 expelled, while six towns and nine villages were ethnically cleansed. More than 800 facilities, including 35 Orthodox churches and monasteries, were destroyed or severely damaged. On the balance sheet of 25 years of alleged peace is the almost quarter of a million Serbs and other non-Albanians who remain expelled and internally displaced. It appears that they do not have a right to a sustainable return because the creators of the seeming peace decided that it was easier to integrate them into environments that they are in against their will than to create a functional multi-ethnic society in Kosovo. If we translate that into everyday language, it is obvious that over the past 25 years, every kind of Albanian extremism has been tolerated, and in such a way that the ideologues and executors of the politics of evil and the persecution of Serbs are rewarded instead of being isolated and punished. Not only has no one who ordered those crimes been brought to justice, but on the twentieth anniversary of the March pogrom, this same chauvinistic regime once again offered the same lie about the drowning of three boys in the village of Chabra, setting off an inevitable wave of violence, murders, robberies and expulsions. It is clear to everyone that its aim was to create a justification for the violence and at the same time an invitation to repeat the crimes that took place on that fatal day of 17 March. And yet instead of being punished, Kurti’s regime continues to be rewarded. The commitment to peace is not an attitude that is prevalent in Kosovo. The members of the political elite in Pristina do not regard peace as something of value, and they are obsessed with consolidating at any cost what they regard as an independent State. They are carrying out that project by persecuting Serbs and other non-Albanians, without any care for the lives of the people. The members of the Council should understand that the reason Albin Kurti is not here today is because he is busy undermining regional stability, since he is personally at the forefront of his party’s electoral campaign in neighbouring North Macedonia. And yet the most popular politician in Macedonia is not Albin Kurti. It is Aleksandar Vučić, President of Serbia — without any kind of campaign in North Macedonia. As the President of Serbia, I am sorry that our citizens are behaving in that way in the international arena. I want to convey to the people of North Macedonia that interference in their internal affairs is not a policy of Serbia but rather of our irresponsible citizen Albin Kurti. We will certainly have the opportunity today to listen to fairy tales about socalled Kosovo as a champion of democracy, told by people from Pristina who ordered the pogrom against Serbs. We are deeply disappointed that the UNMIK report before us today does not provide sufficient grounds for any claim to the contrary. But as the President of Serbia, a United Nations Member State facing a secessionist movement in its southern province, I am obliged not to compromise the truth and not to use euphemisms for the actual state on the ground. Even though today’s meeting is dedicated to the concrete six-month report on UNMIK’s work, I must warn Council members not only of the danger resulting from revitalizing the politics of hatred carried out by Pristina, but also of the danger brought before the international legal order by the operation of priming Pristina, that is, self-declared Kosovo, for membership of the Council of Europe. The finale of the mockery of international law is planned for mid-May, and that is why we could easily find ourselves in a situation where the chauvinistic regime, which is carrying out a persecution of the entire nation, is rewarded for its actions and precisely by the Organization whose sense and proclaimed objective is to promote and protect the rule of law and to protect human rights and freedoms. For creating an apartheid system in the heart of Europe, which was already described in detail, Kurti’s regime was rewarded with visa liberalization, probable membership to the Council of Europe, and what is even worse, with the arming of illegal armed forces, which the Council established should not exist. In the meantime, what is the world doing? The world is silent because the politics of democracy with development and the preservation of multicultural and multi-ethnic societies, for which the Western countries’ taxpayers gave billions, is being replaced by the politics of consolidation of so-called Kosovo statehood. With the Council of Europe membership, Kurti would be directly rewarded with political support for the next so-called Kosovo elections, bearing in mind that the opposition, following the Quint advice, publicly called on Pristina not to apply for membership to the Council of Europe. It turns out that Kurti will be served another victory on a platter. The implementation of the decision on the property of the Visoki Dečani Monastery is actually the best indicator of what kind of banana republic we are talking about. The only reason the judgment on the Visoki Dečani Monastery has been finally implemented after 11 years is fake tolerance towards the church, while for the past two years land the size of two Vatican States was taken away from Serbs in the north through expropriation, which is illegal, even in accordance with the so-called Kosovo laws. That is why I warned the Security Council, as well as all other bodies of the United Nations, to bear in mind that there are plans for the same model of blind denial of reality to be implemented also within the United Nations and all with the aim of making the perpetrators of persecution against the Serbs happy, as well as meeting the political interests of the powerful. If that were to ever occur, it would beyond any doubt be the final and fatal blow to international law and would inflict irreparable harm on the United Nations system and the international order based on the equality and sovereignty of Member States of the world Organization. Fortunately, I am almost certain that such demolishing plans will not be achieved because there is a convincing majority of those who blindly observe international law, the Charter of the United Nations and all Security Council resolutions, including resolution 1244 (1999), which guarantees the territorial integrity of the Republic of Serbia, including the territory of Kosovo and Metohija. I want to appeal to the conscience of the countries that supported the independence of so-called Kosovo. A project that they presented to the world and their domestic public as the future model of liberal democracy, multi-ethnicity and multiculturalism is galloping today towards monoethnic despotism, cleaned of all minorities. By giving priority to the consolidation of socalled Kosovo statehood based on terms in which basic collective political and economic but also individual rights of Serbs and other non-Albanians are being violated, they sentenced the illegal project of so-called Kosovo’s independence to moral death. Just to add one more sentence, we were accused for many months in a number of international media of being just about to launch an aggression, as if it were possible for that to be done by someone who is acting on its own territory against Kosovo or some other nations in the region. And no one said “sorry” or “excuse us for those terrible lies and falsities”. I wanted to reassure the Security Council that Serbia is very much committed and fully devoted to peace, international public order, a United Nations resolution and to the dialogue process under the auspices of the European Union. And we will do our best to maintain calm and tranquillity in the region. The Council can always count on Serbia’s seriousness and responsible approach to that issue. I thank Council members for listening to me.

I thank President Vučić for his statement. I now give the floor to Ms. Osmani-Sadriu. Mr. Osmani-Sadriu: The history of humankind has been shaped by our collective response in the face of aggression, tyranny and oppression. As an Organization founded on the ruins of war, the United Nations, upon its creation, committed to protecting human rights from the scourge of destruction. It was meant to bring the world under one roof to not only discuss but also to reflect, to not only meet but to also cooperate, to not only adopt resolutions but to also deliver. At the very foundation of the United Nations lies the ambition for a better, peaceful and equitable world through invoking primarily and exclusively a humancentred policy approach. Today, as I stand here representing my country, the Republic of Kosovo, I am reminded of the profound impact that democracies uniting for a common purpose have had in my country and among my people. It was only 25 years ago, when NATO’s intervention coupled with my people’s unwavering aspiration for freedom and liberty marked not just a decisive turn in our country’s history, but also a decisive milestone in the history of humankind. That intervention was not just about building peace; it was principally and most importantly about protecting the sanctity of human life and the right of all people to live free from the fear of destruction and persecution. It underscored the imperative that when one of us is threatened by tyranny, it is a threat to us all. It reminded us of the indispensability of acting as a united force in the face of grave injustice, through protecting human lives at all costs. Twenty-five years later, Kosovo shines as a resounding success and advocate for democratic values, embracing diversity, promoting multi-ethnicity and advancing human rights for all. We have come a long way ever since, and we are witnessing an extraordinary and inspiring transformation. Our young Republic not only has overcome the ravages of war, but also has turned into an outstanding example of democracy in action fuelled by the vibrant spirit of our youth and the unwavering determination of our people. Kosovo’s global footprint in sports, the realm of music and film, the burgeoning information and communications technology sector and equally science and innovation — driven by artists, athletes, innovators, students, entrepreneurs and other professionals alike — is expanding and becoming more historic and impactful with every passing day. Each of those achievements encapsulates the essence of a people reborn, a people that thrives on hope, works with passion and dreams with courage, paving the way towards a future full of possibilities and successes. Our history also exemplifies how our strength lies in the power of our alliances. We have made great strides because of our steadfast resolve to rise from the ashes of war, but equally so because of the support, the guidance from and the partnership we have built with the countries that stood by us and with us during our darkest days. As a thriving and ever more prosperous democra­ cy, it is the rule of law that stands at the core of every institutional undertaking, as best exemplified through our everyday endeavours to combat crime and corrup­ tion, ensure transparency and guarantee justice for all. Our efforts have not gone in vain as they have been widely recognized by some of the most prestigious global indices, such as the Freedom House report, V-Dem Institute democracy reports, Reporters Without Borders World Press Freedom Index, Transparency International and many more. At only 16 years old, the Republic of Kosovo remains the most pro-European Union and pro-NATO country in the region and beyond. We understand that by joining that Alliance, we not only have a chance to sit side by side with some of our greatest allies to engage in joint solutions to benefit of global peace and security, but to also engage on the longevity and sustainability of peace and security in our region, as well as at home. With a post-pandemic double-digit economic growth and an average annual growth of 6.2 per cent in the span of the past three years, Kosovo is also witnessing a promising economic prospect, spurred by the doubled exports and foreign direct investment. Kosovo is not just prospering within its borders; we have turned into a steadfast and reliable partner — one that no longer stands merely on the receiving end. Whether by deploying troops to missions alongside allied armies, contributing to peace around the world, or by stepping up to help Ukraine, Kosovo is showcasing that it is able, willing and capable of giving back. In that spirit, we are taking leadership in implementing global agendas to the benefit of the greater good. Just last week, Pristina became the capital of global discussions on the women and peace and security agenda. As a woman president, as the Commander in Chief of the Kosovo Security Force and as a staunch believer in the power of women in transforming peace and security processes, I am confident that the women and peace and security agenda can help lead our societies and our region to new heights. Through the just-launched regional centre on women and peace and security, supported by Secretary Blinken’s Office of Global Women’s Issues, we look forward to working with all the countries in our region, as well as with each and every member of the Council, to lead our collective efforts for building sustainable peace through putting women and girls at the heart of our collective endeavours. A Kosovo for all that promotes diversity, inclusivity and representation is the Kosovo we work for every day. We do recognize, however, that we still have a lot of work to do because democracy, prosperity and human rights should never be considered finished projects. We should always strive for more and for better. We are committed to addressing the challenges together with our allies and partners by our side, guided by the highest international standards. Let me make it clear, at the outset, that claims by the representative of Serbia about the alleged ethnic cleansing and persecution of Kosovo Serbs are false, baseless and politically motivated. Those narratives have also been thoroughly discredited by the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, all the way to the European Parliament, and in many other international organizations. Kosovo’s legal and institutional structures not only protect, but actively advance the rights and security of the Kosovo Serb community, as well as those of all of the other communities, promoting an inclusive society where all citizens are encouraged to thrive. By contrast, about half a million Serbs have left Serbia in the past couple of years, during Vučić’s reign, according to Eurostat. It should therefore be rather clear to us who the Serbs are actually running away from. Kosovo Serbs, who make up about 3 to 4 per cent of our population, are granted unparalleled legislative influence, such as the veto power over constitutional amendments and over every essential law concerning education, religion, local governance, human rights, ethnic minority rights, and more. In practice, the veto power ensures that their interests are safeguarded — even if 110 out of 120 members of parliament would vote otherwise. In other words, it is in the hands of those 10 Serb members to decide. The Constitution and national laws ensure that the Serb language is recognized and used as an official language across all of Kosovo, which provides education and all public services in the Serbian language, thus affirming the community’s linguistic rights. In addition, as confirmed by credible independent reports, the Orthodox religious sites are provided the highest level of security, while the Orthodox Church enjoys particular protections under Kosovo law. In fact, aside from a few isolated thefts, which are common to all religious, cultural or private sites, there have been no ethnically motivated attacks against the Orthodox Church for very many years, as confirmed by NATO’s presence in Kosovo, thus refuting any claims of ethnic or religious targeting. In fact, out of the 30 cases registered thus far in 2024, the vast majority are against Albanians, and one against the Roma community. Multiethnicity and multiculturalism are values that we cherish and will defend at any cost, despite continuous disruptions and challenges caused by the violent and illegal interference of Serbia. Our commitment to building a Kosovo for all is no coincidence. It is grounded on our staunch belief that only a representative, inclusive and open democracy is a sustainable democracy. But, most importantly, it is grounded on our unwavering commitment to make sure that no one ever endures or has to go through what we had to go through. Unfortunately, even more than 25 years after NATO put an end to the genocidal campaign of Milošević, destabilization efforts and aggression by Serbia are ongoing and active. Over the past year, Serbia has escalated its constant aggression towards Kosovo — initially, with the abduction of three Kosovar policemen within our territory, thereafter, with attacks on Kosovar journalists and the attack on 93 NATO soldiers, some left with lifetime injuries, and culminating in the act of aggression and the terrorist attack against Kosovo on 24 September 2023. Immediately thereafter, as stated by the White House, Serbia deployed an unprecedented large military presence along our border, including advanced artillery, tanks and mechanized infantry units. Just a few days ago, Serbia also tested its Irani drones right on the border with Kosovo. Those are the kinds of messages that they send to their neighbours. Unfortunately, the perpetrators of both the September aggression against Kosovo and the May attack against NATO are roaming free in Serbia to this day. Not only have they not been convicted, but they continue to receive lucrative financial contracts by none other than Vučić’s Government. Just last week, shortly after Kosovo’s resounding success at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, a human rights organization, Serbia escalated tensions by targeting buses carrying Kosovo citizens, including both Albanians and Serbs who work for Kosovo institutions. They confiscated personal documents and subjected individuals to prolonged interrogations  — leaving passengers, including little children, without food, water or medical services for a very long time. Notably, Dejan Jankovic, the Serb Deputy Director of the Kosovo Police, was detained, alongside other police officers highlighting Serbia’s ongoing efforts to intimidate and undermine the Kosovo Serbs. What is very clear is Serbia’s consistent efforts to disrupt the integration process of Serbs in Kosovo, using both criminal and terrorist tactics to exert control and spread fear, thereby undermining the security and constitutional order of the Republic of Kosovo. Serbs who had integrated into the institutions of Kosovo were coerced into resigning en masse by pressure exerted by Serbia’s illegal structures. Enduring destruction, attacks against their property and their lives, with the goal of forcing Serbs to leave Kosovo institutions are frequent scenarios befalling those who refuse to resign from Kosovo institutions. Kosovo Serbs are, indeed, under pressure, just not by the Government of Kosovo, but instead — clearly — by the Government of Serbia. Just imagine, a Serb politician who laid flowers on the grave of a 7-year-old Kosovo girl killed during the war, was immediately arrested and tortured in Serbia’s prisons. And that is the fate of every Serb who does not strictly abide by Vučić’s line. Allow me to recall that Kosovo Serbs were forced by Serbia to boycott local elections last year. Just yesterday, we once again offered citizens in our northern municipalities the chance to recall their current mayors and elect new ones. Unfortunately, that opportunity was vastly underutilized, primarily due to coercive pressure from Belgrade, orchestrated by the Serbian List and illegal criminal structures. Despite those challenges, Kosovo upheld its democratic values, demonstrating political maturity and strict adherence to the highest international standards. So if there are Albanian mayors still in their offices, the Serbs in Kosovo have Vučić to thank for it. A recurring narrative propagated by Serbia is the discussion around the Association of Serb Majority Municipalities. The Association was initially approved as part of the 2013 agreement, but it was never meant to become an isolated issue. Several conditions had to be met by Serbia before the Association comes to life  — notably the obligation to dissolve illegal structures. Yet thus far, Serbia has not delivered on any of those, but has turned those illegal structures into paramilitary ones that commit acts of destabilization and aggression against all of its neighbours. While we know too well that non-implementation of agreements is Serbia’s middle name, it is quite a hypocrisy for Serbia to preach of the necessity for our side to deliver while they constantly violate their side of the deal — or deals, because there are too many that have not been implemented by them. When it comes to the Brussels agreement of 2023 there are 11 articles, not just one. However, before proceeding any further, Vučić should clarify whether he accepts the 2023 agreement, as his Government clearly indicated in a letter sent to the European Union that it does not. On behalf of the Republic of Kosovo, I am here to reiterate to all of you, as we have many times before, Kosovo’s intention to implement the agreement swiftly, entirely and unconditionally. Let me be frank, a Vučić who really cares about the Serb citizens in Kosovo is not a Vučić who openly opposes Kosovo’s membership in the Council of Europe, a human rights organization. If his truest intention is to advance the rights of Kosovo Serbs, which he claims as the underlying motive for the implementation of the Association of Serb Majority Municipalities, then Vučić should be the strongest advocate for Kosovo’s membership in the Council of Europe, which evidently means more human rights for Serbs in Kosovo, not fewer, and more human rights for all the citizens of Kosovo, no matter their ethnicity, no matter their religion or other background. The memories of the war still echo starkly in the minds and the hearts of so many of us seated in this Chamber. When searching for the right words to convey to the world the true meaning of war, I turn to Vasfije Krasniqi, Shyrete Tahiri Sulimani, Elhame Mucolli and Fahrije Hoti, who are sitting with me here today, the four members of my delegation, as well as to the women, men, elderly people and children tuning in from their homes or on the move. We have not just heard of war, but we have also lived through the horrors of it. We have not just read about wars in history books, our recent history was defined by one. We do not just look at images of a war, because the memories of war unfold with every passing day. The war is over, but the scars are forever. I want to share with you just a few of more than a million stories that the people of Kosovo had to endure. Five days ago, we marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of one of the cruellest, most inhumane massacres of the Milošević regime. Elhame Mucolli, who is accompanying me today, was only 14 years old when her house was raided by Serbia’s police forces. Fifty-three civilians, the vast majority of them children, were initially fired at as they were all gathered in one room. While the police left to resupply, Elhame managed to jump out of the window and run away, despite being wounded by bullets. Shortly after, the police returned, stocked with petrol supplies to set all of the 53 civilians ablaze. Elhame will never be able to forget the deafening screaming of some of the children who were still alive as they were being burned to ashes. And as if that was not enough, the police set them on fire again and again and again. Little children, as young as 6 months old and 10 months old, were burned in an effort to wipe them off from the face of the earth, just because they were Albanian, just because they belonged to an ethnicity different from that of the policemen and the army of the country in the regime of which that man served as propaganda minister. The scale of the burning of the bodies of those little children was so grave that the surviving family members were only left with so little of their dearest ones as to be able to put all of the 53 victims in one single grave. A memorial was built in remembrance of the victims near the place where it all happened, but no Serbian politician in these 25 years — not a single one — ever came to kneel in front of the grave of those little children. And to only think that massacres of this scale took place in almost every corner of our country, with little children and women, including pregnant ones, mercilessly killed, because of the warmongering mindset that is still alive and kicking in Belgrade. So one can listen to Vučić’s propaganda and let him push his history revisionism based on Russia’s playbook, but the only truth about his regime is that it is in constant denial and never accepts responsibility for those heinous crimes, never apologizing or even showing a sign of repentance — never. The Popklek massacre, like all massacres around Kosovo, showed that Milošević and his propaganda minister at the time, who is today sitting in the chair of a President, were not only seeking to wipe all Kosovo Albanians off the face of the Earth, but they also wanted to destroy evidence altogether and have no witnesses left. Yet they failed, over and over again. Elhame survived to relentlessly tell the world the story of her family and her nation — never bitter, never asking for revenge. Despite losing her mother, three sisters, two brothers and many cousins in that massacre, she has turned into a genuine embodiment of resilience and strength, and an unwavering champion for peace and reconciliation, but most importantly, defending truth and fighting for justice, justice for which they are still waiting. While she sits with me here today, seeking nothing but justice, Vučić, sitting over there, still offers shelter, protection and promotion to the police special units and the army brigade that committed the crimes against Elhame’s family. I am here to offer the Council not propaganda but actual cases of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) confirming this. In the ICTY case of Šainović et al., it was confirmed that the 86th detachment of the Serb Special Police Unit was present in Poklek on the day of crime with these kinds of operations, alongside with the 15th Armoured Brigade and the 37th Motorized Brigade of the Yugoslav army. Those in charge were identified, including the former commander of the 86th detachment. An organization in Serbia, the Humanitarian Law Centre, gathered the evidence and pressed charges in the prosecutor’s office in Serbia, many, many years ago, for those who were identified as having killed those little children. Yet, as of today, nothing has been done by Serbia. Quite the opposite, the police officers leading that massacre were promoted to higher-ranking positions and continue to receive honours. Today I am also joined by Vasfije Krasniqi Goodman. She was only 16 years old when she was raped not once, but twice, by Milošević’s police forces. They wanted to destroy her and to kill her hope. That is why they so mercilessly chose one of the cruellest tools of war — rape. “You will suffer more if we let you live”, they told her as she was begging them to kill her. In spite of living through horror, Vasfije has thrived, to fervently embark on her mission of raising awareness globally about the brutal crime of sexual violence in war and to become my Special Envoy on Wartime Sexual Violence. Today she is working closely with partners in Ukraine, in the Middle East, in countries in the African continent and elsewhere, sharing her expertise on the most fitting approaches to support survivors of sexual violence during war. She has committed to being there for survivors globally and has made herself their voice until the time is right for them to speak out themselves. In that noble mission, she is joined by our very own Shyrete. Shyrete Tahiri Sulimani, who is also part of my delegation today, is one of the thousands of survivors of sexual violence from the most recent war in Kosovo. In 1999, she too was a target of an extraordinarily inhumane war crime. She was raped in front of her little daughters, a three-year-old and a one-year-old. Milošević’s forces committed those atrocious acts in front of little children, wanting to make sure that the hurt and the pain would span generations. They wanted to kill the spirit of a people who had always stood up for peace, liberty and democracy. But they failed. While Vasfije, Shyrete and her daughters are still grappling with the trauma of the war, they are unwavering in their commitment to leaving no stone unturned to ensure that others never have to experience what they went through and that justice is served. They have chosen action over despair. They have chosen to speak up and advocate against stigma, rallying a whole country around their cause and working tirelessly not just to pursue justice but to amplify their voices and those of survivors of wartime sexual violence, in Kosovo and all over the world. Every day we witness the extraordinary resilience and determination of Kosovo women, who refuse to be silenced by the horrors they endured. Their fight against stigma and their quest for justice are exemplary. I will keep repeating it over and over again — holding perpetrators accountable for these heinous acts is our moral responsibility. And yet the number of cases where Serbia has put perpetrators of wartime rape behind bars is zero. As a result of this despicable war, the many shades of its aftermath are still present in almost every corner of my country. I am humbled to be joined today by Fahrije Hoti. In Krusha, the village where Fahrije lives to this day together with her children, almost all the men were killed mercilessly, and all the children grew up without their fathers. Some remain forcibly disappeared, including Fahrije’s husband. Overall, more than 1,600 persons from all over Kosovo are still forcibly disappeared in mass graves in Serbia. Despite having agreed to open the archives through an agreement reached in Brussels, Vučić continues to refuse to do so. The forced disappearance of our citizens, many of whom were children, represents one of the most monstrous crimes of Milošević’s genocidal regime. We therefore once again demand their return and continue to work with resolve to pursue justice. That is not simply about finding answers but also about affirming our commitment to human dignity and to ensuring that such atrocities are never repeated. Despite facing unimaginable loss, Fahrije has never surrendered. She has transformed her grief into action, while turning her pain into unwavering determination. Today she leads Kooperativa Krusha, a business that has not only revived her village’s economy but has become a powerhouse for its renowned products across Europe and the United States. Most importantly, she has become a symbol of hope and empowerment for women in Krusha, throughout Kosovo and across the world. What Milošević and his propaganda minister Vučić wanted was a people who were scarred and broken. What they got was a people who are resilient, compassionate and unwavering in their ambition to make “never again” a reality and not just a slogan, while putting the quest for justice centre stage. What they got was a people who will never seek revenge but who will never give up on justice. Twenty-five years ago, nations around the world faced a critical decision — choosing between supporting a genocidal regime or standing with its victims. The people of Kosovo will forever remain grateful that they chose humanity over repression. They chose the right side of history, committed to acting before it was too late. Unfortunately, it was already too late in Srebrenica, where more than 8,000 men and boys were ruthlessly killed with the sole intention of exterminating them  — a genocide in the heart of Europe. We may not be a Member of the United Nations yet, but we wholeheartedly support the proposed General Assembly draft resolution on the Srebrenica genocide. Defending the truth, fighting historical revisionism and rejecting the denial of genocide is the only path to long-lasting peace and reconciliation. While it has unfortunately taken the world 29 years to agree on a day commemorating the Srebrenica genocide — and many of the mothers of Srebrenica will not be alive to watch when the Assembly votes on it — it is the hope of the women standing with me today and the hope of the people of Kosovo who endured the horrors of the Milošević regime that we will live to see the day when members will all agree to fight for justice for all of the victims in Kosovo. I assure all members that in the free, independent, sovereign and democratic Republic of Kosovo  — a country that is here to stay forever — and among its people, the Council will always have a partner and an ally that does not take freedom and peace for granted. Our story is far from over, and much of our potential has yet to be fulfilled, but our future is bright. I am confident that one day we will join members at this table, becoming part of the family of States that currently make up the United Nations. And as we make great strides forward, I want to assure members that no attempt by Serbia to deny war crimes or revise history will ever succeed as long as we have a voice.

President Vučić has asked for the floor to make a further statement. I now give him the floor and respectfully ask that he be brief. President Vučić: This is not about replying to anything that has been said. It is about something that has happened for the first time in the Security Council. Madam President, you have brought people here who do not belong in the diplomatic corps or Ms. Osmani- Sadriu’s advisory team. It represents a sort of political theatre and a set-up aimed at the Serbian delegation. I was fully focused on the report presented by Caroline Ziadeh (S/2024/282), but what we have been hearing so far is akin to a war trial proceeding against Serbs for something that happened 25 years ago. There has been not a single word about the report, nothing about the past six months. Why were we not informed about who was going to be part of all the delegations? Does the Council really believe that were no rapes of Serbian women during that period? I can show the evidence of that, but there is one person I could not have brought here as part of my delegation, and that is Marica Milić from Belo Polje in Kosovo, who at the time was raped several times and then murdered. But that is not the topic of our meeting today, and that is the real issue. The next time, Madam President, please inform us, as a founding Member State of the United Nations, if there will be some citizens at the meeting who will bring additional people with the aim of blaming the other side. What we are here for is to discuss the report and the possible consequences of political activities and all other related issues. I just want to say one thing. The Council heard, a few days ago, that Serbia presented Iranian drones somewhere in Serbia. Just for all those present to hear the truth about what is really going on: I have never seen, and no one in Serbia has ever seen, a single Iranian drone. That has never happened in our country —

That can be addressed in a further statement. I thank President Vučić for his statement. With regard to the delegation from Kosovo, we have nothing to do with it — it is the United Nations Protocol and Liaison Service that handles accreditation — just as we do not know the names of the delegation of Serbia, which is accredited here. The representative of the Russian Federation has asked for the floor on a point of order.

I had intended to address this issue in my statement, but I think that raising it on a point of order would be more appropriate. President Vučić addressed it first, but I wanted to say the same thing. Ms. Osmani constantly refers to the people sitting behind her as members of her delegation. Ms. Osmani has been invited here under rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure as a briefer in today’s meeting. Her participation does not provide for the presence of any delegation. The people sitting behind her, if they are permitted by Protocol to be here, should be seated in the seating area along the sides of the Chamber. This is a clear breach of the rules of procedure, and regardless of who is responsible for it, we ask that it be duly addressed.

I am informed that under rule 39, as under rule 37, members of civil society do bring delegation members with them, and that is how they were accredited. I now give the floor to Ms. Osmani-Sadriu. Ms. Osmani-Sadriu: Of course, I reserve my right to respond to all the propaganda that we heard spewed by Vučić earlier. But when it comes to the procedural issue that has been raised, I want to inform the members of the Council that, apart from being great advocates for justice, the four women sitting behind me are also members of my Cabinet, appointed as such. Therefore, they are also here in an advisory capacity, because they work for causes that are very dear to my heart, such as supporting women who are survivors of sexual violence and supporting the families of those who suffered as a result of the war. Therefore, they are here in that capacity as well: as members of my Cabinet.

The representative of the Russian Federation has asked for the floor.

Ms. Osmani may believe that she has a Cabinet, ministers, advisers and whatever else, but in our view, Ms. Osmani has no Cabinet. And even if she believes that there is a Cabinet, I once again draw attention to the fact that she has been invited to join us as a private individual under rule 39.

I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

I thank Special Representative Ziadeh for her briefing. We also welcome President Vučić and President Osmani to today’s briefing. The United States shares the aspiration of all countries in the Western Balkans, including Kosovo and Serbia, to build greater regional economic integration, foster regional stability, democracy and multi-ethnic societies and enshrine the rule of law. We will continue to work closely with our partners in the region, European partners through the dialogue facilitated by the European Union (EU), NATO, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and others. When we look at the history of the region in recent years, we see enormous progress. But we also continue to see, far too often, uncoordinated or escalatory actions on the part of both Serbia and Kosovo that delay progress. It has now been seven months since the Serb paramilitary attack on the Kosovo police near the Banjska Monastery in northern Kosovo. Serbia has made no meaningful progress in holding accountable those involved, including the self-proclaimed leader of the attack, Milan Radoičić. We urge for full accountability, in accordance with the rule of law. It is critical that Serbia work with the Kosovo Force to prevent another attack such as the one on 24 September from happening. We were also deeply concerned by the interruption of freedom of movement for Kosovan citizens transiting Serbia on 17 April, along with the detention of Kosovan citizens, including ethnic Serbs serving in the Kosovo police. This action was a violation of past agreements on freedom of movement and a form of intimidation of Kosovan Serbs participating in Kosovo civic life. We also remain concerned about recent uncoordinated actions taken by the Government of Kosovo, including its enforcement of the Central Bank of Kosovo amended regulation on cash operations, which is inconsistent with Kosovo’s commitment to work through the EU-facilitated dialogue. Those actions affect the welfare of vulnerable and non-majority communities and undermine the path to normalization between Kosovo and Serbia. We urge both parties to take concrete steps forward through the EU-facilitated dialogue on all their commitments, including finding a solution to the currency issue and progress towards the establishment of an Association of Serb Majority Municipalities. The dialogue is the agreed and only path for normalization between Serbia and Kosovo and progress towards membership in European institutions. Consistent with its legal requirements, Kosovo held a mayoral recall vote yesterday in the four municipalities in the north of Kosovo. We understand from the Central Election Commission that there was extremely low voter turnout. We regret that certain political actors did not make full use of the democratic tools available to them under Kosovan law to advance effective and representative democracy. We appreciate the efforts made by Kosovan election officials to allow all Kosovan citizens registered in the four municipalities to participate in that democratic process. We note that there is no decision by the voters to recall the elected mayors and that they remain in place under Kosovo’s legal framework. We note once again that the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo has long outlived its original mandate and repeat our call for the Council to review its operations and sunset the Mission.

I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Caroline Ziadeh for her briefing and welcome the presence of Their Excellencies the Presidents of Serbia and Kosovo at today’s meeting. Guyana acknowledges and supports the important work of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) in the promotion of peace, security, stability and respect for human rights in Kosovo. We believe that the Mission’s objectives to promote inter-community trust-building, to support human rights and the rule of law and to support progress towards the normalization of relations between Belgrade and Pristina remain critically important. We also acknowledge the critical assistance provided by the wider United Nations system to UNMIK in the execution of its mandate. The collaboration of a wide spectrum of United Nations agencies, including the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Office for Project Services, UN-Women and the International Organization for Migration, among others, with Kosovo’s Government and civil society, are essential to building a stable State and to contributing to securing a lasting peace. We express our concern regarding the instances of interference with the premises and assets of UNMIK, including vandalism of the Mission’s offices. We call on the relevant authorities of Kosovo to ensure the protection of UNMIK’s premises and assets and to further ensure that the Mission has full access to its premises in northern Kosovo. Guyana applauds the leadership of the European Union in facilitating dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo and believes that that mechanism remains the most vital avenue for ensuring that a just and sustainable solution to this conflict is achieved. The significant progress made through the dialogue in 2023 was encouraging. However, we are deeply concerned by recent actions that have contributed to an escalation in tensions and by the absence of effort by the parties towards the implementation of the agreed provisions of the February 2023 agreement. We encourage a re-examination of any actions that have the potential to disrupt the economic and social well-being of minority communities. It is essential that the human rights of all be upheld. We commend the actions taken by the Government of Kosovo to implement policies that advance gender equality and women’s empowerment. We also urge continued efforts to address concerns related to genderbased violence. Guyana continues to support an independent, democratic Kosovo that can fully participate in the international multilateral system. We call on all parties to recommit to the EU-led Belgrade–Pristina dialogue and to safeguard the hard-won gains, through the full implementation of existing agreements. We firmly believe that, through dialogue and diplomacy, the people of Serbia and Kosovo will be able to live side by side in peace and prosperity.

I welcome the presence of His Excellency President Vučić of Serbia at today’s meeting. I listened attentively to the briefing provided by Special Representative Ziadeh. The escalating tensions in northern Kosovo during the recent period and the frequent violence and security incidents on the ground are truly worrisome. The Kosovo authorities’ announcement regarding the abolishment of the Serbian dinar and violent searches targeting ethnic Serbs seriously disrupted the normal livelihood of the Serb community and gave rise to panic and tensions. China expresses its serious concern over those developments. We urge Pristina to revoke unreasonable decisions and cease unilateral actions that exacerbate tensions and confrontation. The establishment of an association of Serb majority municipalities is an important part of the 2013 Brussels Agreement. The Kosovar authorities have made explicit commitments in that regard and should honour them in good faith. We hope that the European Union will uphold neutrality, impartiality and justice in its mediation. China’s position on the Kosovo issue has been consistent and clear. We support the parties engaging each other within the framework of resolution 1244 (1999) and reaching a mutually acceptable solution through dialogue and consultation. During that process, Serbia’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity should be fully respected. The Security Council should continue to be seized of the Kosovo issue. We support the continued work of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Pristina should respect and ensure the safety of UNMIK personnel and premises and facilitate the smooth fulfilment of UNMIK’s mandate. Last month Russia requested an open meeting on the twenty-fifth anniversary of NATO’s bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (S/PV.9587). During that meeting, some Council members expressed their wish to have further discussions on that matter under the topic of Kosovo. Twenty-five years have passed since NATO’s war against Yugoslavia, but that war is far from becoming history. The situation in Kosovo remains tense as we speak. The wounds of the Balkan peoples and countries have not yet healed. Europe is still affected by war and deeply mired in security woes. Wars have been waged against sovereign countries in the name of human rights and humanitarianism. The Charter of the United Nations and international law have been repeatedly violated. The warnings and lessons from that war 25 years ago remain sobering. First, disputes between countries should be resolved through peaceful means, such as negotiation and consultation. The reflexive use or threat of force should be opposed at all times. If we allow the biggest fist to have the final say, the sovereignty and independence of small and less powerful countries will be undermined, justice will cease to exist, and the pursuit of peace will be eternally elusive. Secondly, the principle of respect for State sovereignty and territorial integrity should be applied universally rather than selectively on the basis of expediency. After waging a war against Yugoslavia, NATO repeatedly invoked the protection of human rights and subsequently carried out military operations in Libya and other places. Facts have shown that the so-called narrative of human rights above sovereignty is effectively reducing human rights to a political tool to interfere in the internal affairs of States. Ultimately, such a practice not only eroded sovereignty but also failed to deliver the promised protection of human rights. Thirdly, in the pursuit of national security, States should uphold the concept of indivisible security and seek common security rather than achieving their own security at the expense of that of others. Embracing and implementing a common comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security concept represents a long-term approach to tackling global security challenges. Fourthly, ethnic and communal issues in a country should be properly resolved by the people and the Government of the country through their own efforts within the legal framework and should not be used as an excuse for external interference. Most countries in the world are multi-ethnic. Any communal tensions and fault lines should be resolved organically, through intercommunal dialogue, exchange, interaction and integration. The coexistence of multiple communities in Kosovo is shaped by history. Achieving tolerance, reconciliation and harmonious coexistence among all ethnic groups in Kosovo serves the long-term and fundamental interests of all parties. We hope that all parties can draw lessons from history, reflect on themselves, contribute more to the maintenance of peace and security and prevent a relapse into conflict in Kosovo and the wider Balkans. China remains committed to working with all parties to make sustained efforts to promote the peaceful coexistence of the two communities and the political settlement of relevant issues in Kosovo.

I thank Special Representative Ziadeh for her detailed informative briefing. I welcome the presence of the President of the Republic of Serbia, His Excellency Mr. Vučić, and I also recognize the presence of Ms. Osmani-Sadriu. Ecuador reiterates the importance of a constructive and good faith dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade. The dialogue facilitated by the European Union provides a forum to address sensitive political issues affecting the communities. Ecuador encourages all parties to commit constructively to that process and to the full and effective implementation of the agreements reached so far. The recent report of the Secretary-General (S/2024/282) illustrates the fragility of the security situation in northern Kosovo. We reiterate our condemnation of any act of violence that jeopardizes peace and security in the region and urge all parties to act with the utmost responsibility and to avoid actions or rhetoric that could reverse the progress achieved so far. Human rights and the rule of law must be respected, ensuring the protection of all communities. Ecuador calls for consideration of the legitimate concerns expressed regarding regulations on cash transactions and their impact on the economic and social rights of non-majority communities. Similarly, the right to freedom of expression and freedom of the media must be guaranteed, and any action that could undermine those fundamental rights must be avoided. We further reiterate the importance of resolution 1244 (1999), inter alia, in the framework of respect for the property of the United Nations. United Nations facilities must be fully respected. We echo the Secretary-General’s call for the competent authorities to support the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) in regaining full and unimpeded access to its premises in northern Kosovo. Furthermore, we commend the holding of the first meeting of the Working Group on Missing Persons since 2021, held on 31 January. We hope that both sides will remain committed to making progress on that crucial issue, in line with the declaration on missing persons. Ecuador welcomes UNMIK’s efforts to prioritize trust-building between the communities and the improvement of social cohesion. We commend the role of the Mission and the various international partners in their quest to reduce tensions and promote peace. I cannot end without extending a special recognition to Special Representative Ziadeh. Her role visualizes the importance of leadership with a gender perspective in conflict resolution and peacebuilding, which encourages us to continue promoting the inclusion of women at all levels of the peace process, thus ensuring that their perspectives and experiences enrich and guide our actions towards more just and sustainable solutions. Ecuador is committed to supporting initiatives that promote peace, security and sustainable development in the region.

I thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for her briefing, and I welcome the presence of the Presidents of Serbia and Kosovo. There is an urgent need to make progress towards normalizing relations between Serbia and Kosovo. That is key for the stability of the region and a condition for the European rapprochement that both countries have chosen. That is the purpose of the so-called Brussels-Ohrid agreement, concluded over a year ago and the most ambitious agreement to date between the two countries. It is a major success that we must collectively ensure is properly implemented. France will continue to support European mediation, with a view to reaching a comprehensive, definitive and legally binding agreement. We will strive to ensure that the commitments made are honoured. Everyone must do their part. In that respect, France welcomes the gestures made by both sides. The constructive commitment of the Serbian authorities to the dialogue facilitated by the European Union enabled significant progress to be made at the end of last year on the mutual recognition of license plates and on the energy issue. Kosovo’s implementation of the Constitutional Court ruling on the Visoki Dečani Monastery is also a positive development. While those steps forward are encouraging, more needs to be done. The Kosovar authorities have waited far too long for the formation of the association of Serb-majority municipalities. The lack of progress on that point remains an obstacle to the effective implementation of the rights of people belonging to the Serbian minority and therefore to the country’s European prospects. We hope that irreversible progress will be made in that regard as soon as possible, which is also in keeping with Kosovo’s aspirations to join the Council of Europe, since the proper treatment of minorities lies at the heart of the organization’s mandate. Elections for new mayors must also be organized rapidly in northern Kosovo, with the active participation of all communities. In that respect, France recalls that the resignation of mayors elected by votes cast by only 3 per cent of the registered population would be the quickest option for re-establishing representative democracy in the four northern municipalities and would constitute a gesture of de-escalation. France also calls on both parties to expeditiously find a solution, in the discussions led by the European Union, to reduce the tensions created by the Kosovar authorities’ decision on financial transfers. It is essential that those responsible for the September Banjska attack are brought to justice. France will continue to pay monitor that issue closely. France supports the efforts of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo to strengthen the rule of law, respect for human rights and reconciliation among the communities in Kosovo, in coordination with the Kosovo Force and the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo. The Mission’s mandate is intrinsically linked to the normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo, and France is in favour of extending it for as long as necessary. Finally, France calls on the Serbian and Kosovar leaders to show responsibility and keep their commitments by taking the necessary courageous decisions. The parties must refrain from any unilateral action likely to increase tensions. The policy of fait accompli is not an acceptable modus operandi. Problems must be resolved exclusively through dialogue and European mediation. We note that the General Assembly entrusted the European Union with a mandate to that effect. France reaffirms its support for the European integration of Serbia and Kosovo. No one can ignore the sovereign will of both countries to opt for Europe. There is no alternative, for Serbia or for Kosovo, but to reach an agreement that will bring a lasting settlement to the dispute between the two countries.

I thank the Special Representative of the Secretary- General and Head of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) for her intervention. I welcome their Excellencies, President Vučić and President Osmani-Sadriu, and take this opportunity to underline the strong human ties that unite Switzerland with their respective countries. The normalization of relations, on the basis of strengthened trust, is in the interests of and benefits the peoples of Kosovo and Serbia. Allow me to give three examples of approaches we would like to see strengthened. First, there must be measured rhetoric and responsible commitment on the part of political leaders. The political leaders of Kosovo and Serbia must set an example for their populations by laying the foundations for cooperation and common understanding that can lead to a future in which past grievances are acknowledged, but do not impede progress. Secondly, there must be clear and increased commitment to the European Union-facilitated dialogue. The progress made on the energy road map and on the recognition of license plates shows the concrete results of this format. Outstanding issues, including the consequences of implementing monetary regulations in Kosovo, need to be resolved through this dialogue, while taking into account the interests of the communities concerned. In addition, it is necessary to strengthen the legitimacy and sustainability of solutions in the peace process, including through the increased participation of women in negotiations. Thirdly, there must be concrete progress. More than a year after the promising decisions taken under the Brussels Agreement and the Ohrid agreement, it is high time to move from commitments on paper to deeds. We call on Serbia to remove any ambiguity about its commitment to the agreements and to refrain from opposing Kosovo’s membership to international organizations. And we call on Kosovo to establish, without delay, the association of Serb-majority municipalities, a commitment made in 2013. Switzerland is committed to building constructive relations between the parties through practical and discreet measures. For example, since 2015 we have been facilitating meetings so as to enable direct contact between representatives of political parties in Kosovo and Serbia. Both sides share responsibility for reducing tensions. Escalations like the Banjska incident, in autumn, must be avoided at all costs, and its perpetrators must be brought to justice. We reiterate our appreciation and continued support for the important work of the Kosovo Force in ensuring a peaceful and secure environment. With regard to yesterday’s votes on the dismissal of mayors in northern Kosovo, Switzerland regrets that the Serbian community did not participate. We encourage the Government of Kosovo to step up its efforts to integrate the Serb minority into society. That brings us back to trust-building, both between communities and between parties, as a prerequisite for preserving peace and moving towards peaceful, prosperous multi-ethnic societies. I would like to add a final comment on this subject by mentioning an example from the most recent report (S/2024/282). For the first time since 2021, the Working Group on Missing Persons, chaired by the International Committee of the Red Cross, resumed its meetings in Geneva at the beginning of this year. Recognizing that reconciliation requires addressing the past, we encourage continued cooperation in this and other areas, including sexual violence committed during the conflict. We thank UNMIK for its report and remain ready to constructively discuss a possible strategic review of the Mission. In conclusion, let me underscore an observation made by the Secretary-General in the New Agenda for Peace: “Diplomatic engagement is important among countries that think alike. However, it is crucial between those which disagree.”

I welcome the presence at today’s meeting of His Excellency President Aleksandar Vučić of Serbia, and I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Caroline Ziadeh for her briefing. I also listened to Ms. Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu’s remarks. Algeria is pleased with the progress made at the end of 2023 in terms of the implementation of the 2022 energy road map, the customs agreement and reciprocal freedom of movement for vehicles between Serbia and Kosovo. However, the situation in Kosovo has unfortunately been affected by some incidents and unilateral decisions that have disturbed an already tense situation, especially in northern Kosovo. The security incident in Banjska on 24 September that led to a tragic loss of life and the unilateral decision about the new currency regulation on cash transactions are sources of deep concern. That concern lies mainly in the fact that such unfortunate developments help to worsen inter-ethnic tensions and affect safety and security, as well as economic and social rights, especially for non-majority communities and the most vulnerable people. Against that backdrop, Algeria would like to stress a number of points. First, it is important to refrain from any action that could lead to an escalation of ethnic tensions in Kosovo, which would only undermine its fragile stability and might seriously hinder the efforts to achieve normalization and maintain peace and security in the region. Secondly, it is vital to ensure that Serbs are effectively represented in local institutions. In that regard, it will be extremely important to hold local elections in the four northern municipalities of Kosovo as soon as possible, with the participation of the Serb community. We also call on the Kosovo authorities to take the necessary steps and measures to establish an association/community of Serb municipalities, as agreed in the 2013 Brussels Agreement. Thirdly, we commend the efforts of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and reiterate the vital role of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo in stabilizing the situation on the ground. The work being done by the Mission, especially in terms of trust-building efforts aimed at bridging the divides between communities, is commendable. Fourthly, Algeria believes that constructive and genuine dialogue remains the only viable path. In that regard, we appreciate the European Union-facilitated dialogue aimed at advancing the political process towards a peaceful settlement of the conflict. Finally, Algeria supports all efforts to reach a mutually acceptable solution to the issue within the framework of resolution 1244 (1999) and with full respect for the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.

I too thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Caroline Ziadeh for her briefing. My delegation also warmly welcomes His Excellency President Aleksandar Vučić of Serbia and Her Excellency Ms. Vjosa Osmani- Sadriu, President of Kosovo, to the Council. The Republic of Korea hopes for reconciliation, peace and prosperity in the Western Balkans, which has experienced a turbulent and heartbreaking history in modern times. About a year ago, Serbia and Kosovo agreed to resume negotiations to normalize relations based on the proposal of the European Union (EU), and the international community, including the Republic of Korea, warmly welcomed that progress. Indeed, we all hoped and expected that last year’s agreement would lead to a sustainable resolution of the long-standing confrontation and conflict in the region through a lessening of tensions and advancement of critical dialogue. Regrettably, however, the discussions on implementing the 2023 agreement have not yet made substantive progress. Instead, the tensions between Belgrade and Pristina have increased and the security situation in northern Kosovo has remained tenuous. For instance, the attack on Kosovo police that took place in the village of Banjska on 24 September 2023 posed a severe threat to the safety of Kosovan citizens and exacerbated an already deteriorating security environment in northern Kosovo. There must be full accountability for all the perpetrators of the attack. In addition, the new regulation of the Kosovo Central Bank on currency transactions constituted a cause for concern in terms of its impact. Even if we acknowledge that the regulation was intended to enhance financial stability and transparency in Kosovo, it is expected to have a direct and negative impact on the ability of Serbian residents of Kosovo to lead their daily lives. My delegation believes that the issues should be discussed further and in good faith within the framework of the EU-facilitated dialogue, in order to reduce their negative consequences for vulnerable people. The Republic of Korea firmly supports a peaceful resolution of issues related to Kosovo and Serbia through political dialogue and negotiations. In that connection, we reiterate our support for the EU’s efforts and its role in mediation. And we also stress the importance of the work of the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) in consolidating the rule of law in Kosovan institutions. At the same time, we call on the two sides, Kosovo and Serbia, to refrain from provocative statements and unilateral actions that could lead to unnecessary conflict, to take sincere and concrete steps to reduce tensions and build trust between both parties and to once again participate actively in EU-led negotiations, with a view to normalizing relations and establishing lasting peace in the region. Last but not least, my delegation commends the entire staff of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and other key international partners, including the Kosovo Force (KFOR), for their tireless efforts to ensure peace and stability in Kosovo as well as the wider region. I would like to conclude by adding that there is a need to review the possibility of modifying UNMIK’s mandate, considering that KFOR and EULEX are currently carrying out some of the tasks that were assigned to UNMIK after its establishment in 1999.

I thank you for convening this meeting, Madam President, and Ms. Caroline Ziadeh, the Special Representative and Head of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), for her comprehensive briefing. I acknowledge the presence here today of His Excellency President Aleksandar Vučić of Serbia and Ms. Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu, and I welcome their participation in the meeting. Sierra Leone commends UNMIK for its continued commitment to the maintenance of international peace and security in Kosovo, the establishment and strengthening of its governance institutions and its efforts in promoting the rule of law and respect for human rights by all the relevant authorities, as well as its advancement of Kosovo’s reconstruction and infrastructure development. We would also like to take this opportunity to express our appreciation for the coordinated humanitarian interventions by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the International Organization for Migration, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the other international partners that have contributed to the safe and dignified return and reintegration of Kosovo’s multi-ethnic citizens. We urge for continued support for programmes that enhance cohesion, specifically by addressing the concerns of women and young people, whose full, equal, meaningful and safe participation and representation are essential tenets in building sustainable peace and stability. We commend the progress achieved by Belgrade and Pristina on the implementation of the 2022 energy road map, the registration of vehicle licence plates and reciprocal freedom of movement for vehicles between Kosovo and Serbia. Such concrete efforts are key to de-escalating tensions, opening dialogue and mapping the path towards lasting peace. Having commended the progress being made towards lasting peace, let me proceed to further highlight three points, on preventing a re-escalation of conflict, the consolidation of peace and building for progress. First, Sierra Leone notes with concern the reports of the attack on the village of Banjska in northern Kosovo in September last year, the incidents of violence that followed and the surrounding rhetoric. While we acknowledge the swift intervention of international forces, we urge the authorities in Pristina and Belgrade at all levels to remain mindful of their unparalleled role in preventing an upsurge in conflict. We further welcome the accountability mechanisms within Kosovo, and cooperation with the international and regional security apparatus to hold responsible any actor that threatens peace and security. We emphasize the role of the European Union Special Representative for the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue and other Western Balkan regional issues and commend their relentless efforts towards fostering trust between Kosovo and Serbia. We believe that those efforts are critical to preventing the erosion of the progress achieved by the parties. Secondly, we welcome the operationalization of democratic self-governing institutions, which we view as the key to normalizing life for the people of Kosovo and consolidating peace and harmony within the region. We also welcome the authorities’ deference to the Kosovo judicial system, including the implementation of the 2016 Constitutional Court ruling regarding the property of the Visoki Dečani Monastery and ongoing trials for war crimes. The Constitutional Court must stand as the bedrock of the law and sound governance, including by providing clarity on such critical matters as the recent issue of the Central Bank regulation on the use of the dinar, which has implications for the lives and livelihoods of the people in the region. We urge the Privatization Agency of Kosovo to reconsider its approach to assuming control of properties, and we strongly condemn any attempt by non-State actors to deter access to, burgle, deface or cause destruction to private properties, particularly those occupied by UNMIK, and religious and cultural sites across Kosovo. My third and final point pertains to building institutions for peace and stability. Sierra Leone wishes to emphasize that the exercise of economic rights and of religious and cultural freedoms should be institutionalized with a view to engendering and preserving a multi-ethnic society. Underscoring the importance of building beyond the conflict, we note with regret the developments relating to the northern municipalities’ mayoral elections in Kosovo. We reiterate our call for the authorities in Belgrade and Pristina to deepen cooperation, in particular with respect to finalizing the establishment of the Association of Serb Majority Municipalities in Kosovo. We commend the work of UNMIK in projects focusing on intercommunal, inter-ethnic and inter-municipal cooperation, as well as on empowering women, youth, persons with disabilities and children with special needs to actively engage in capacitybuilding activities. Such programmes must be fully integrated into Kosovo’s governance structure for sustainability. It is therefore a matter of necessity that Member States continue to support the efforts of various United Nations entities operating in the region, including the Peacebuilding Fund, the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Population Fund, the UNESCO and UN-Women. Let me conclude by recalling that peace is not the absence of conflict — it requires more effort. Sierra Leone continues to count on the good offices of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of UNMIK, the European Union-facilitated dialogue and the resilience of the Quint to engage all stakeholders in the normalization of relations between the parties.

We thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of UNMIK, Ms. Caroline Ziadeh, for her briefing. We also want to extend our gratitude to the President of Serbia, Mr. Aleksandar Vučić, and the President of Kosovo, Ms. Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu, for their statements. There is a lot of pain and too many unhealed wounds in Kosovo — in both communities, Albanian and Serb. Therefore, in order to understand the challenges that Kosovo and the region are facing today and assess the progress made, one needs to reflect on a starting point 25 years ago. Yes, 25 years have passed since the conflict in Kosovo ended with NATO intervention. The alliance acted out of the need to stop the killing of civilians, and it led to the adoption of resolution 1244 (1999) by the Council. Next Sunday, Kosovo will remember 25 years of the most horrific mass killing during the conflict. In Meja, a village in Kosovo, approximately 300 men and boys were taken out of the refugee convoy and executed. Many more lives were shattered that day. I met grieving widows and mothers, and some are still waiting for the remains of their loved ones. I visited Krushe e Madhe, the village of war widows, and I recognize Ms. Hoti today in the audience. In the village, all males aged 13 and older — more than 100 of them — were killed. As President Vučić mentioned, last month marked 20 years since violent unrest against Serbs, their property and religious sites occurred across Kosovo. Four years after the conflict, in just a few days, hundreds of Serb homes were demolished and dozens of religious objects were set on fire. Serbs fled Kosovo in fear for their lives. I met a Serb who escaped through the bathroom window and ran 40 kilometres to the safety of the north of Kosovo, watching Serb homes and churches in flames along the way. Yes, one can find a lot of pain in Kosovo, as is probably the case in every conflict. However, focusing on the horrible past can prevent us from seeing better prospects for the future. And the future for all communities lies in a multi-ethnic and multicultural Kosovo, at peace with itself and Serbia. Since those dark days of the 1990s, Kosovo has made huge steps forward. A once devastated and traumatized society is today on its path of European reforms through the Stabilization and Association Process. It met rigorous criteria to be recently granted visa-free travel to the countries of the European Union (EU). And the future of the whole region is in the European Union. Not because we, the EU, say so, but because that is what the citizens of the region want and expect. The European Union represents to them an area of peace, rule of law and respect of human rights, an area of the free flow of people and ideas, an area of progress and an area of reconciliation. Citizens across the region want a normal life, and that is where they see it. The United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) was set up immediately after the end of the conflict and has been instrumental in supporting stability and security in Kosovo in its initial transition phase. UNMIK filled an institutional vacuum and started providing services to people. Through close collaboration with international partners, UNMIK facilitated the development of local governance and the justice system and police force, laying a solid foundation for sustainable governance in Kosovo. Immense progress has been made, and the foundations for a peaceful coexistence have been established. Kosovo’s Constitution guarantees equal treatment for all its citizens and communities, including Serbs, with seats in Parliament and the Government and official languages. However, challenges persist. As always, they are about implementation. To a large extent, Kosovo Albanians and Kosovo Serbs remain divided communities. Against that backdrop, I would like to make the following points. First, the EU-facilitated dialogue is the only established forum for the normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo. We must support it in every possible way. We are concerned about the lack of progress, and even backsliding, on certain issues in the dialogue. However, there is no alternative. There is no path forward without the dialogue and the normalization of relations. Slovenia urges both Belgrade and Pristina to prioritize the implementation of the agreements reached, particularly of the First Agreement of Principles Governing the Normalization of Relations  — the Brussels Agreement  — and its annex, the Ohrid Agreement of 2023. Secondly, the normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo goes hand in hand with the provision of a safe, secure and prosperous environment for Serbs in Kosovo. Each is dependent on the other. An appropriate level of self-management of the community of ethnic Serbs in Kosovo should be implemented in good faith and with respect for the needs, interests and concerns of both sides. Solutions cannot be imposed on either side. As the saying goes, a man who is convinced against his will is still of the same opinion. But the need to make progress on fulfilling that part of the Brussels Agreement is urgent. The Government in Pristina must implement what has been agreed and extend a hand to the Serbs in Kosovo. For trust to be built and progress to be made in the dialogue, Serbia and Kosovo must address security concerns, including by preventing arms smuggling and holding the perpetrators of illegal activities accountable. We call for full cooperation to investigate the Banjska incident of September 2023. Progress in its investigation and prosecution are crucial to building towards normality. Thirdly, Slovenia welcomes the upholding of Kosovo’s Constitutional Court ruling granting disputed land surrounding the Visoki Dečani Monastery to the Serbian Orthodox Church. That was one of the 11 points of the 2023 Ohrid Agreement. The Agreement also affirms that neither Kosovo nor Serbia can represent each other internationally and that Serbia will not oppose Kosovo’s membership in international organizations. Finally, building trust is most effective when it starts with young people, and we appreciate the role that Kosovo’s youth is playing in fostering a future of peaceful coexistence between communities. In that regard, I want to commend UNMIK’s Trust-Building Forum, established in my country’s capital five years ago. Slovenia supports UNMIK’s transition to tasks to which it can bring added value in changed circumstances, such as encouraging comprehensive dialogue between the communities. We would support UNMIK’s further reflection on its future role in Kosovo’s society. We have these debates twice a year. Members of the Security Council are presented with two or more Rashomon-style realities. And even if there is truth in each of them, the Council is not helping to bring them closer. It is as if the debates are not meant to seek solutions and build trust but rather to expose differences. What we believe the Council should do and what we would like to hear from both parties is that there can be no way forward other than accepting each other’s reality and living with and next to each other; that both sides will make greater efforts to make Kosovo a home for both communities; that the leaders of both sides will put the interests, well-being and prosperity of their citizens first, especially for the Serbs in the north; that they will increase efforts to implement the agreements reached within the EU-facilitated dialogue; that they will avoid creating surprises for the other party, taking unilateral actions against it or using derogative rhetoric about it; and, finally, that there is only one win-win solution. Zero-sum games and wins are short-lived. The sooner we all realize that, the better the lives of the citizens and communities of Kosovo will be.

We thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Caroline Ziadeh for her briefing on the situation in the province and the insights that she shared. We welcome the participation of President Aleksandar Vučić of Serbia in this meeting. We also listened to Ms. Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu. We will return to this morning’s incident later. Let me just say that it was not Ms. Osmani who established the Security Council’s procedures but the Council itself. Let me once again remind members that Ms. Osmani was invited today in a personal capacity, and in that regard, I have a question. Who is currently sitting behind Ms. Osmani and whom do they represent? I would like to ask the secretariat and the President of the Council to answer that, which could be done after I have made my statement. This is a regular meeting of the Council to discuss the work of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). It is taking place against a remarkable backdrop. Exactly 25 years ago, NATO began its aggression against Yugoslavia, whose consequences continue to have a direct impact on the deteriorating situation in the Balkans. NATO’s unlawful intervention in the affairs of a sovereign State resulted in cruel bombings that continued for 78 days and caused the population unimaginable suffering, with thousands of casualties and catastrophic damage. Bombing raids took place almost literally every day during that period in 1999. On 21 April they hit a refugee camp in the village of Maja. On 22 April they destroyed Government buildings and civilian infrastructure. On 23 April they attacked the headquarters of Radio Television of Serbia. On 7 May there was a shocking attack on the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade. We hope that journalists covering today’s meeting of the Council will recall those tragic events, which could have been avoided had the United States and its allies not trampled on international law. NATO’s aggression against Yugoslavia was a flagrant violation of the fundamental purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and the norms and principles of international humanitarian law. It undermined the authority of the Council, which never approved NATO’s actions. It was a turning point in world history and revived a spirit of confrontation in international relations that had not manifested itself in such a way since the end of the Cold War. That is what we proposed to discuss in the Council in March (see S/PV.9587), not as some long-forgotten historical matter, as has been said here, but as a situation whose consequences have still not been dealt with and whose lessons have still not been learned. However, Western members of the Council twice requested a procedural vote to prevent the meeting from being held. It is now clear that they did so not only out of cowardice and a desire to sweep their crimes during those years under the rug, but also to conceal their true intentions towards Belgrade and the Serbs living in the wider Balkan region. The situation fits logically into the policy of the United States and the European Union (EU) aimed at putting pressure on Serbia, one of the few European States that dares to pursue an independent policy and stand up for its interests. Neither should we fail to point out that our French and American colleagues’ cynical hypocrisy was clearly demonstrated in the context of the Council meeting on the NATO aggression against Yugoslavia that did not take place. When they spoke up against discussing the consequences of NATO’s crimes on the twenty-fifth anniversary of their commission, they insisted that it was not proper for the Council to discuss historical dates and that there was no need to waste time bringing up the past. But not even a few weeks passed before they directly abetted efforts to push through a General Assembly draft resolution on Srebrenica, pertaining to an even more distant past. It is noteworthy that the one spearheading the new crusade was Germany, the country that, in the twentieth century, perpetrated the largest genocide in the history of humankind and most actively participated in the bombing and destruction of Yugoslavia. It is worth recalling that it was specifically for the bombardment of Sarajevo that Germany’s air force carried out its first combat sorties after 1945 — just think about that. The situation in Kosovo and in the region, as a whole, is of the utmost concern. It continues to deteriorate. The gravity of the situation is attested to by the participation of the President of Serbia in today’s meeting. It is becoming increasingly difficult for the collective West to conceal the blatant, systemic and ethnically motivated violence by the Provisional Institutions of Self-government in Pristina. Albin Kurti, the so-called “Prime Minister”, is openly seeking the mass exodus of the non-Albanian population. In the past six months, only 84 refugees — out of the 200,000 national minorities who left  — were able to return because it has become unsafe for Serbs, despite the attempts by Kosovo’s Western sponsors to obfuscate. Pristina repeatedly thwarts its dialogue with Belgrade and is making it clear that it intends to continue to do so until Serbia recognizes Kosovo’s quasistatehood. That guileless practice is fully supported by the United States and the European Union, who are demanding that Belgrade de facto recognize Kosovo, thus ignoring the basic Brussels agreements of 2013 and 2015 and imposing the oral, unsigned, agreements from February to May 2023, hypocritically calling them legally binding. That was mentioned by several speakers just today, during this very meeting. Instead of good-faith mediation, the European Union took Kurti’s side. It therefore bears direct responsibility for the devastating consequences of his policy. Washington and Brussels are attempting to supplant resolution 1244 (1999) with patently impossible schemes with a single aim, namely, to amputate Serbia’s southern province. The United Kingdom is playing a game of its own by proposing to use the Belfast Agreement of 1998 as a model for resolving the Kosovo issue, suggesting that Belgrade could assume the role of Dublin vis-à-vis the Northern Ireland Catholics. It is proposed that the Serbs not only accept Kosovo’s sovereignty, but also act as guarantors for the integration of fellow Serbs in the province into Pristina’s governance. There has also been no progress in the establishment of the association of Serb-majority municipalities. In violation of their Brussels agreements, Western countries have tailored their draft charter for the association to meet the requests of Kosovo Albanians. The competencies of the municipalities have been hollowed out and demands to respect Kosovo’s Constitution, laws and territorial integrity have been added. But that was not enough. The Kosovo authorities went even further, saying that they themselves will draft a charter when they deem it necessary. That means never. In the Serb-populated north of Kosovo, a special police force comprised of ethnic Albanians has been deployed. To meet its needs, local residents are being stripped of land plots and other property. This lawlessness was covered up by the fictional Albanian mayors who usurped power following the pseudoelections in 2023. The citizens demanded a recall for those so-called “mayors”; however Kurti transformed the situation into a farce through crude machinations. It is hardly surprising that the Serbs refused to take part in that farce. The census, which began in April, was also conducted with foul play. It included a separate polling form to survey the damage suffered by citizens during the conflict. But that damage covered only the period through June 1999, that is, prior to the withdrawal of the Serbian army and police from Kosovo. The human and material losses among the non-Albanian population that took place in the following years, as a result of the terror unleashed by Pristina, are of no interest to the local authorities and are not reflected in the general statistics. That is a continuation of the policy to discredit Serbs and to baselessly label them as a genocidal nation, which is what Western countries are trying to achieve, including with regard to the events that took place in Srebrenica. Since June 2023, the import of goods, including food and medicines, from central Serbia to Kosovo has been suspended. Belgrade-administered structures are being systematically dismantled. Since the beginning of the year, seven Serb administrations in enclaves south of the Ibar River have suspended operations. The ban on the use of the Serbian dinar was an act of discrimination. That was accompanied by police raids on post offices, the closure of banks and the blocking of cash-delivery vehicles. Albin Kurti and his regime have systematically deprived tens of thousands of people of their livelihoods, waging a veritable campaign of ethnic cleansing. Attacks on Serbian Orthodox Church sites and the Albanization of Serbian spiritual heritage continue. In November 2023, in Podujevo, a self-appointed “priest” from Albania broke into the Saint Michael the Archangel Church, where he conducted a service in Albanian and announced the establishment of a national Albanian Church in the province. That incident speaks volumes. Orthodox worship sites are being declared Catholic, pious Serbs are being labelled as occupiers and the history of the province is being brazenly falsified. In breach of resolution 1244 (1999), NATO members are flooding Kosovo with weapons, helping it to create its own “army”. Kosovo Albanians themselves are becoming increasingly aggressive, announcing large-scale military preparations and developing a “comprehensive defence concept”. Kosovo’s military budget is growing steadily. Against that backdrop, we are surprised that the most recent report of the Secretary-General (S/2024/282) again fails to mention those egregious facts, and neither is there any mention of the humanitarian consequences of the trade blockade of the province and the ban of the Serbian dinar. In that connection, we demand that the Head of the United Nations Secretariat and his subordinates not conceal inconvenient facts or provide cover for the authorities in Pristina. Pristina continues to issue pan-Albanian proclamations in the spirit of accepting Kosovo’s independence as a “temporary project on the way to unification with Albania”. Albin Kurti’s desire to redraw borders is undermining regional stability and resulting in intervention in the internal affairs of neighbouring States. Representatives of his party joined the Albanian opposition coalition in the upcoming elections to the Parliament of Northern Macedonia, as President Vučić mentioned today. That is a telling example how the Kosovo authorities are fomenting centrifugal trends in the Balkans. However, instead of warranted condemnation, the Kosovars are receiving concessions from the West in the form of visa-free travel in the Schengen area and the advancement of their application for membership in the Council of Europe. The vote at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe on 16 April was another heavy blow to international law. Contrary to the Council of Europe’s Statute, a non-State candidate is about to be admitted to the Council of Europe. The justified calls from Serbia to await a Security Council decision on the status of Kosovo have been disregarded. The list of preliminary demands for Pristina is ridiculous. The Council of Europe still has a chance to avoid a shameful outcome during the meeting of its Committee of Ministers in May. We urge it to not miss that opportunity. We note in particular the egregious situation mentioned in the Secretary-General’s report regarding the vandalization of UNMIK offices in Zveçan, Zubin Potok and Leposavić. Following the incidents of May 2023, the Mission’s offices were again broken into and looted, and Kosovo Albanian so-called mayoral staff moved into one of them. We are talking about a violation by Pristina of the inviolability of United Nations premises. Albin Kurti’s has been showing blatant disregard for universally recognized international legal norms, including the 1946 Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations, thereby demonstrating his inability to comport himself in a civilized way. And this is not the first time we have seen this. There has still been no accountability for the Kosovo Albanians involved in the detention and brutal assault of UNMIK staff member Mikhail Krasnoshchekov on 28 May 2019. Another Russian member of UNMIK, Andrey Antonov, was declared a persona non grata on 31 December 2021 by an illegal decision of the Kosovo authorities. Ms. Osmani-Sadriu failed to mention that in her statement today. The central role of the United Nations in the Kosovo settlement must not be called into question. That is why the activities of UNMIK are still necessary, and its current staffing and financing must be maintained. A solution on Kosovo must be achieved in line with resolution 1244 (1999), acceptable to Belgrade and ultimately endorsed by the Security Council. If the actions of the Kosovo Albanians and their Western patrons are not stopped, if we do not force them to respect international law and seek compromise with Belgrade, the decades-old conflicts in the Balkans could escalate into a full-blown conflagration. All the conditions for such a “perfect storm” are being established before our eyes by Western countries and their proxies both in the Serb-Kosovo and Bosnian contexts. We call on all Members of the United Nations to adopt a responsible and principled position and not to encourage such reckless conduct.

Mozambique wishes to commend Malta’s presidency for convening this debate. We thank Ms. Caroline Ziadeh, Special Represent­ ative of the Secretary-General for Kosovo and Head of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), for the comprehensive and insight­ ful briefing. We acknowledge the presence of His Ex­ cellency the President of Serbia, Mr. Aleksandar Vučić. We also welcome Ms. Osmani-Sadriu to this meeting. The stability of Kosovo holds profound implications for the security landscape in the region and beyond. Mozambique is deeply concerned by the escalating tensions between Serbia and Kosovo during the reporting period, with the fragile security situation in northern Kosovo being particularly concerning. The situation remains precarious, with fears that tensions could escalate into a broader armed conflict. Robust international efforts are crucial to de-escalate the conflict and promote regional stability. The recent incidents resulting in casualties underscore the urgent need for a climate of trust, dialogue between the parties, strict adherence to the rule of law and accountability for any violations. We therefore call upon all national, regional and international stakeholders to exercise prudence and foresight in their decisions to safeguard the hard-earned progress towards peace and reconciliation in Kosovo. Restrictions on freedom of movement, economic activities and impediments to socioeconomic development in Kosovo are concerning as they impede the rights and well-being of local communities. Those limitations must be addressed promptly. In the light of recent events, we urge the leadership of both Serbia and Kosovo to actively promote reconciliation among their respective communities and refrain from any actions that may incite violence or exacerbate tensions. Acts of intercommunal retribution only deepen existing divisions and undermine longterm prospects for peace. Inflammatory rhetoric, hate speech, baseless accusations, misinformation and violence of any form must be rejected as they undermine efforts to establish a climate of peace and mutual trust between the parties. Achieving lasting peace requires the commitment, inclusion and tolerance of all segments of society, grounded in the principles of mutual respect, justice and constructive dialogue. Reconciliation is a collective effort requiring equal inputs from all national stakeholders, including political leaders, ethnic communities, youth, women and civil society actors, with the support of international organizations. While acknowledging setbacks, Mozambique warmly welcomes the recent diplomatic breakthrough achieved through the agreement on the path to normalization between Kosovo and Serbia. We commend the tireless efforts of the European Union and other stakeholders in facilitating that progress. As a steadfast supporter of UNMIK’s Mission, Mozambique prioritizes the promotion of security, stability and respect for human rights in Kosovo and the wider region. We fully endorse UNMIK’s ongoing engagement with the regional community, its commitment to upholding resolution 1244 (1999) and its collaboration with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in ensuring security in Europe. We welcome the recent promulgation of the law on domestic and gender-based violence in Kosovo and praise UNMIK’s efforts in fostering stability, rebuilding trust and enhancing dialogue between communities and institutions. We also support the efforts of regional actors, the European Union and the OSCE in mediating conflicts and strengthening Kosovo’s institutions. In conclusion, Mozambique is committed to supporting all efforts aimed at achieving peace, stability and reconciliation in Kosovo and stands ready to contribute to the collective endeavour towards a brighter future for all.

I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Ms. Caroline Ziadeh for her briefing. I would like to extend a warm welcome to President Vučić and President Osmani-Sadriu to the Security Council. As a country that has been actively engaging in efforts to ensure peace and security in the Balkans, Japan commends the staff of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) for their commitment and thanks Special Representative of the Secretary-General Ziadeh for her leadership and active engagement with local and international partners to promote mutual trust between the parties. We acknowledge the positive development of Kosovo, based on the rule of law, since its independence and the relative stability reached in the region. However, as stated at the Security Council meeting in February (see S/PV.9545), Japan has been concerned about the situation on the ground, where there have been several negative incidents recently. The Banjska attack last September must be fully investigated, and the perpetrators must be held accountable based on the impartial investigation. We also underscore the importance of full and transparent communication and continuous dialogue among the parties regarding policies that have a significant impact on stability in the region and people’s daily lives, such as currency-related measures. Nonetheless, despite the ongoing issues between the two, what is important is for both sides to look to the future, to recommit to existing agreements and to continue to implement them in good faith. Fomenting distrust is not a constructive approach. Any unilateral actions that could lead to further escalation should be avoided. Therefore, Japan strongly urges both parties to further engage in the European Union (EU)-facilitated Belgrade-Pristina dialogue, which is essential to peace and stability in the Western Balkans. We highlight that the accession of the Western Balkans to the EU will contribute to achieving stability and prosperity in the region. In that context, in 2018, Japan launched the Western Balkans Cooperation Initiative to support economic and social reforms in the Western Balkans with a view to EU accession and to promote regional cooperation. Since its establishment in 1999, UNMIK has played a critical role in supporting Kosovo. We also recognize that the situation in Kosovo is very different from 25 years ago. Therefore, UNMIK’s role should be reviewed accordingly. In conclusion, Japan stands ready to work with all stakeholders to achieve peace, stability and reconciliation in the region.

I thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for her briefing. We welcome President Vučić and President Osmani-Sadriu to the Chamber. Let me say at the outset that the United Kingdom welcomes the clear commitments to peace and dialogue that we heard today from both Serbia and Kosovo. Despite the differences, we believe that is the only approach that can bring stability and prosperity to the region. The United Kingdom is a long-standing supporter of Kosovo’s sovereignty and independence. We commend the Government’s efforts to strengthen the rule of law and we welcome the implementation of the 2016 Constitutional Court ruling on the Dečani monastery’s property. That commitment to reform brought Kosovo a step closer to realizing its aspiration to join the Council of Europe. That will bring tangible benefits for all of Kosovo’s citizens. The United Kingdom looks forward to working with Kosovo on the next steps towards a positive decision by the Committee of Ministers. However, the absence of a comprehensive and conclusive normalization agreement between Kosovo and Serbia continues to have negative implications for the region. While we welcome the progress in December on the energy road map and licence plates, fundamental issues remain unresolved. We encourage both sides to engage constructively in the European Union (EU)- facilitated dialogue, delivering on their respective obligations, including establishing an Association of Serb Majority Municipalities. That needs to be accompanied by a commitment to build a conducive environment for further progress on the dialogue. In our view, three factors are particularly important. First, it means that Kosovo should exercise its sovereign powers in a way that reflects its multi-ethnic population, demonstrating sufficient regard for Kosovo’s non-majority communities. We urge the parties to work with the EU Special Representative to identify technical solutions to challenges concerning the implementation of the new regulation on foreign currencies. Secondly, it means Srpska Lista and other Kosovo- Serb political actors should not stand in the way of Kosovo Serbs exercising their democratic rights and having their voices heard. We believe that the boycott of the mayoral recall votes in the four northern municipalities yesterday has only left us further away from restoring the representative democracy that the local population deserves. Finally, it means justice for any and all violence, including the fact that Serbia should ensure that the perpetrators of the shocking events in Banjska last September and of the attacks on NATO Kosovo Force personnel last May are held to account. In that context, as a long-standing supporter of international action and accountability for victims of conflict-related sexual violence, let me, on behalf of the United Kingdom, salute the immense courage of all those who speak out about their own personal experiences. In conclusion, I would like to express the United Kingdom’s gratitude to the Special Representative and all Mission staff who have contributed to the work of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) over the last 25 years. With conditions on the ground now unrecognizable from 1999, we believe it is a good moment for the Council to review UNMIK’s role and responsibilities. That will ensure it can continue to effectively support security, stability and human rights in Kosovo, in a way that reflects the world of 2024.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Malta. I thank Special Representative of the Secretary- General Caroline Ziadeh for her briefing and welcome the President of Serbia and the President of Kosovo to today’s meeting. Malta welcomes the positive steps taken by both Serbia and Kosovo during the past months, including the resolution of the issues relating to vehicle licence plates and regarding the property of the Visoki Dečani Monastery. However, we remain concerned that tensions remain high, and we regret the several instances of hostile actions witnessed during the six months under review. Following the terrorist attacks on the Kosovo Police Force in September 2023, the situation has been worrisome, with a heightened risk of escalation. We urgently call for concrete actions by both sides to ensure de-escalation and safeguard the safety of all residents. We reiterate calls for the perpetrators of the September attacks to be brought to justice and to be held accountable for their actions. It is crucial at this stage for both sides to do their utmost to show restraint in their rhetoric and actions and to avoid violence at all costs. Dialogue remains the only tool available to parties in the hope of sustained peace and economic and social progress. We take note of the local referendum held yesterday on removing mayors in the northern municipalities of Kosovo, which is a crucial part of the democratic process. However, we regret the conditions that have led yet again to another boycott. The full and unconditional participation of all players in the electoral process remains vital for the proper functioning of a democracy. Malta calls on parties to respect their obligations stemming from the agreement on the path to normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo. We remain concerned by the lack of progress in that regard, in particular in relation to the formation of the Association of Serb Majority Municipalities, which will be especially instrumental in the normalization process, and we hope to see work on that advance swiftly in the coming months. The agreement also includes a commitment by both parties to not object to each other’s membership in international organizations, which will be a significant step towards further regional cooperation and integration. Malta continues to stress the importance of the European Union (EU)-facilitated dialogue as the best platform to facilitate dialogue between both sides and an ideal forum to discuss and negotiate issues that affect the entirety of the population in the territory. A case in point is the decision to ban cash transactions in Serbian dinars. Although its objectives seemed wellintentioned, that decision will have a negative impact on Serb minorities, and a transparent discussion with all stakeholders before implementation is appropriate. Malta remains fully committed to Kosovo and Serbia’s EU accession ambitions and urges both to pursue the path of reforms leading towards EU integration with the full participation of various stakeholders from within civil society, including vulnerable and marginalized communities. The full, equal, meaningful and safe participation of women in the political sphere and decision-making process must also be at the heart of such efforts. Malta also acknowledges the importance of the role of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo in promoting security and stability, especially given the recent escalation in tensions. We commend its work on the preservation and promotion of human rights, gender equality and the empowerment of women and youth in Kosovo. To conclude, Malta encourages both parties to direct all efforts to avoid backsliding on the progress that has been achieved and for work to persist and intensify on finding a mutually beneficial, long-lasting peaceful solution. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the United States has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

I apologize for taking the floor again, but I need to respond to remarks made by the representative of the Russian Federation. It is important to clarify the record here. NATO’s 1999 Operation Allied Force was legitimate and necessary to drive the Milošević regime’s forces from Kosovo and put an end to ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. Operation Allied Force was an option of last resort to address the threat and to prevent ethnic cleansing, in particular following the failure of diplomatic efforts amid concerns about regional stability and increased displacement. In response to the remarks from the representative of the Russian Federation, about the so-called proposed meeting on NATO’s operations 25 years ago, Council members have issued their verdict on that attempt to further politicize the Council by objecting to the meeting being held. The representative of the Russian Federation is simply angry that the Council saw through that effort to hijack the body in order to propagate a warped version of history, and my advice to my Russian colleague would be that he needs to get over it.

I will now give the floor to both President Vučić and Ms. Osmani-Sadriu for three minutes each, as agreed, as we are already over time. I give the floor to President Vučić. President Vučić: That was not agreed, but it does not matter.

It was agreed. President Vučić: No, it was not agreed.

My deputy just told me that she had agreed it with you. And I will not accept her being made out to be a liar. Mr. President, you have three minutes. President Vučić: I am very sorry that you are so nervous. I just wanted to add a few things. First of all, in response to the representative of the United States, the action against Serbia was not legitimate. It was fully illegitimate. It was an aggression against a sovereign and independent State, committed without consent and without any decision by the Security Council. But more importantly, today I heard at least eight Security Council members express their worries about the Banjska case. However, apart from two of them, no one expressed worries about the seven Serbs who were wounded. No one was interested in the fate of young Stojanović or that of Dragiša Galjak, who was shot twice. But none of the Council members have ever heard about that. Instead of that, we heard stories and fairy tales about some buses’ movement being interrupted and about documents being retained for two hours, a regular procedure that can happen every day in any country in Europe, not to mention in the world. With regard to other issues, some Council members said that yes, Kosovo should be allowed access to all international organizations. But they forgot to point out that before that can happen  — and not including the United Nations and its agencies — something else was supposed to happen, and that was the formation of an association of Serb municipalities, which was agreed on with Chancellor Scholz of Germany, President Macron of France, Prime Minister Meloni of Italy and everyone else from the European Union with whom we discussed the issue. Regarding all the other things that we heard here about great democracy and all the problems that Serbia is facing, I am not going to comment on the 500,000 people who left Serbia in the past 15 years, because in just the past two years 365,000 people have left Kosovo, 65,000 of them since 1 January of this year alone. And central Serbia is six times larger than our autonomous province of Kosovo. But those are things that we hear every day. Turning to the election process, I wanted to explain the issue to the representative of the United Kingdom here, because I believe that Council members pretend not to know what was happening and the decision that the Serbs made. I want to remind some members that I was invited by President Macron and Chancellor Scholz to Chisinau to discuss the issue of elections after that terrific, outstanding democratic election process with 3.4 per cent turnout in northern Kosovo. What they said to me was that those people would resign, because none of us in Europe would ever accept that kind of election, and that I should tell the people of the Serbian community that they should participate in the next elections and they would do their job with Pristina. Then, 20 days later, they told us to launch that petition. We launched it, and those people collected more than 20 per cent of the overall votes and signatures from all of north Kosovo — and even that was not enough. Then Pristina started playing even worse tricks to undermine democracy, adding to the voters list new participants and new people who do not exist in north Kosovo. Apart from that, 12.47 per cent of them were Albanians who have never lived in that part of Kosovo, and that is how democracy functions. I want to show the Council just one photo, because some members were praising the level of democracy. These are images of cameras and open tables where no one can vote freely — just so that Council members can know that this is how that great democracy, according to Freedom House and all the others, actually functions. This is a polling station in Leposavić in north Kosovo. I just want to tell the Council that, once again Serbia will do its job, even on the Banjska case. But we will never hear anything about the expulsion of the Serbs from the entire territory of Kosovo, and I am very much afraid that next time they will hear some more honest words from Ms. Osmani, because today she said that Serbs make up 3 to 4 per cent of the population of Kosovo. And that is a great acknowledgement of their terrific policy, because even two years ago, Serbs accounted for more than 7.5 per cent of the population of Kosovo. That just goes to show how ethnic cleansing is being pursued by all who claim that democracy is their only aim. In conclusion, I want above all to thank all the countries that respect resolution 1244 (1999) and the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia. We will always adhere to the resolutions of the Security Council and to the Charter of the United Nations.

Six minutes have been used, so maybe you can try to stick to the last four minutes, Ms. Osmani-Sadriu. Ms. Osmani-Sadriu: I will try to stick to three minutes, as you initially suggested, Madam President. Obviously, what President Vučić just stated is entirely false. I would like to invite each and every member of the Council to actually visit the Republic of Kosovo so that they can see for themselves the progress that we have made and the democracy that is thriving, and then they can understand and decide whether they want to believe their own eyes or his lies. I did not — as I was accused of by the representatives of Serbia and Russia — talk about the past. I spoke about the Kosovo of today. But the Kosovo of today is also shaped by the pains of the past, for one simple reason, which is a lack of justice. We all know and have learned from history that peace requires dealing with the past. In that sense, instead of spewing propaganda, Vučić should have told us today whether he regrets belonging to a regime that caused the deaths of more than 150,000 civilians; whether he regrets anything from his career in the 1990s; whether he regrets calling for genocide in Srebrenica from the rostrum of his Parliament; whether he regrets standing behind Šešelj when he said “we should leave no Albanian left alive”; whether he regrets expelling all journalists from the country during those wars; whether he regrets glorifying Milošević just a year ago, calling him “a great man with great intentions”; and whether he regrets the fact that he belonged to that regime and served it so loyally. Its victims are seated right here. Mr. Vučić should take a moment and apologize to them, to show everyone whether he has even a little bit of a glimpse of humanity left in him.