S/PV.966 Security Council

It is aH too clear that the Council's resolution of 22 July [S/4882] has only been partly implemented. There has been and is a ceasefire. For this, my delegation is thankful. There has not been a return of all armed forces to their original positions. My delegation regrets that this part of the resolution has not been implemented. My delegation, therefore, stands ready to join with aIl delegations in calling for a full and immediate implementation of .this part of our resolution. 8. I am not sure that I have a full understanding of the circumstances which have prevented the complete implementation of the resolution. Several explanations have been mentioned in the course of the debate. One such explanation is the lack of communicationbetween the two parties. Another is based on certain considerations, rather vague considerations of protocol or face. A third attributes the failure tomore substantial differences between the parties. In this connexion I must express my regret that the Secretary-General's services were rejected by France. I must also express my hope that as a part of the implementation of the Council's resolution, conditions around Bizerta may be so arranged as to minimize the possibilities of similar conflict in the future before a definitive settlement is achieved. 9. Now I wish to finish my statement with a few observations on the question as a whole. We in China have always regarded France and Tunisia as among the most peace-loving nations in theworld. The recent fighting around Bizerta was a complete surprise tous. Even now we can only characterize the fighting as the midsummer madness of 1961. France and Tunisia·are acting out of their true character. Furthermore, we 11. Ml'. Mongi SLIM (Tunisia) (translated from French): As various draft resolutions were submitted at the end of yester:day's meeting, and at this morning's meeting, l think it is the Tunisian delegation's duty to give its views on the situation. 12. l must say once more that l do not intend to take part in the discussion of the draft resolutions, because the Tunisian delegation is not entitled to vote and is not therefore required to take a clear and definite stand on this or that proposaI. It might however, be useful for members of the Council to know why the Tunisian delegation, if it belonged to the Council and accordingly had the right to vote, would take a stand in favour of one draft resolution or another. 13. The grave and serious problem before the Council goes far beyond the drafting of a resolution. There has been armed and premeditated aggression, which is still going on. It began at 5.30 in the afternoon of 19 July and now, on 29 July, ten days after it started, it is still going on. We have not yet seen even the beginning of a withdrawa1. 14. My Government does not care whether or not the Council wants to describe the actwhich has been committed as aggression. My Government is not interested in any particular definition in the text of any resolution condemning or merely reprimanding a Member State. We have always been, and still are, in favour of effective decisions and definite results. We are not concerned about words; but, as l explained at length yesterday-and l do net want to so so againthis is a very serious situation. 15. We are indeed a peaceful country; we have always been and we shall continue to be. We have always worked for peace, not only in our own country but everywhere in the world, with the modest means at our disposaI. We may perhaps have had to make sacrifices in order to do so, but we think it is always worth-while to make sacrifices for the maintenance of peace and the consolidation of international security. 16. We are, however, the victims of aggression. We are indeed in a situation which is very dangerous, and not only to the region of Bizerta. In view of the most recent demands, particularly those made yesterday in a communiqué issued in Paris by the French Gov- 17. The communiqué issued yesterday in Paris concerns a very grave and important situation. According to the communiqué, the French Government considers that it is placed in a situation in which it must secure a position for itself in Bizerta and round the town in the interests of Us own security. This is a new idea. AState Member of the United Nations ventures to say publicly and officially: it is in my interest to ensure my own security by installing myself inyourterritory against your will. 18. It will be understood that in such circumstances the Tunisian Government cannot see where the opening of negotiations between Tunisia and the French Government can lead. ls such a doctrine to be upheld? The Tunisian Government, for its part, is certainly not willing to do so. Does the Security Cauncil want to force the Tunisian Government to accept such a doctrine? Then let it bear the responsibility. Foi' our part, since we are always aware of our obligations as a Member State, under Article 25 of the Charter, we shall submit to its decision. 19. Both draft resolutions seem to avoid going to the root of the problem. Once again, this is of little concern to us. What matters to us is that there should be an end. once and for aIl. of the aggresion recently committed against us-which. moreover, is not the first of its kind. 1 venture to remindyou of the Sakiet- Sidi-Youssef attack. But the term used is of little importance. Let an end by put to this action. which consists in bringing into the territory of an independent and sovereign country. aState Member of the United Nations. under the protection of fighter anà bomber aircraft. cruisers and warships. forces which were not there before. 20. Whatever the Council calls this act. 1 ask for it to be brought to an end. My Government and people are very grateful to the Council for the resolution which it adopted by a large majority-10 votes in favour and one country not voting, or a unanimous of those voting-ordering a cease-fire and the return of all armed forces to theil' original positions. 21. Once more, my Government has fully implemented both requirements of this resolution. the ceasefire and the return of Tunisian forces to theil' original positions, with one small reservation of which 1 shall inform the Council officially. Before 18 July there was a very small detachment of the Tunisian army in a barracks in the European part of the town-Japy Barracks. That was its original position. When you 01'- dered the cease-fire. if we had tried to impIement 22. Thus on our side there has been a total and complete implementation of the Council's resolutiùn. l do not think members of the Council can consider the idea of the sensitivity of Member States. VIe are the object of aggression. l have told you the number of our victims and the amount of damage we have suffered. Yet if the Council thinks that Tunisia, for :!ts part, has not implemented resolution S/4882, let it say so and we shall comply; we shall not consider this an attack on our dignity or our sensitivity, although we are the victims of aggression. 23. What, then remains to be done? The irrefutable evidence given before the Council has made it clear beyond a11 question that it is the French authorities who refuse to return to their original positions. It may be objected: yes, but on conditionthatthere are certain guarantees! That is not in resolution S/4882. We have simply obeyed what is to be found in that resolution. It includes no conditions, it lays down no restrictions, it makes no reservations. If the Council sees fit te complete the text with such a requirement, let it take the responsibility itself! Although we think such an injunction would do violence to the freedom inherent in the notion of sovereignty which belongs to the Tunisian Government, let the Council say what itwill! 24. But what I, in aIl conscience, think that the Council should now mention in a resolution is the application of Article 40, which provides that in making its decision the Council shall duly take account of failure to comply. 25. Unfortunately l can find no such statement in draft resolution S/4905. It does not indicate in any way that there has been any failure to comply by either party. The question is so serious and so important that it behoves the Council to include such a statement, in accordance with Article 40 of the Charter. The draft resolution does not even say that Tunisia has honestly complied with the resolution .8/4882. Even if the Council wanted to avoid saying that there has been a manifest, deliberate and constant failure to comply with the interim resolution on the part of one party to the conflict, it might at least say that it has been honestly and sincerely implemented by the other party. Yet draft resolution S/4905 does not say so. 26. This is a serious matter, not onlyformy country and for aIl small nations for which the United Nations, and in particular the Security Council, is the only defence against attacks on their sovereignty and ter- 28. In stressing the necessity for the Council to define the objective of the negotiations to be opened between Tunisia and France, I should like to go back a little way. 29. In 1951 we were a protectorate and there was a Tunisian Government constituted-those were the very terms used-in order to bring about 'internaI self-government for Tunisia. This Government, constituted with the agreement of France-since Tunisia was a French protectorate-conducted negotiations for several months. Finally it was confronted with a position explàined in the famous letter of 15 December 1951, which introduced a new idea for Tunisia: that of co-sovereignty. 30. Of course we could do nothing but refuse, and we did so. At the time we did not exist in the world; we were only a small people loving freedom and peace, but also attached to dignity and sovereignty, and we did what we could. In 1952 and 1953 the Council chamber resounded with debates on the Tunisian affair, because at that time France refused to admit that there could be a single sovereignty in Tunisia and wanted to impose a double sovereignty, or co-sovereignty, upon us. 31. But when a great Frenchman, a man of great heart, came to power in France, he abandoned this notion of co-sovereignty once and for all and recognized only one sovereignty over Tunisian soil, that of the Tunisian people. When he said "Let us negotiate", we accepted and immediately entered into negotiations, which at the time led, not to complete independence, but to some kind of an arrangement leading towards independence. 32. But now that the principle of the single sovereignty of a country, vested in its people, has been recognized, what is involved today? What does Tunisia ask? What did President Bourguiba ask in his letter of 6 July [8/4871] addressed personally, as a last appeal, to General de Gaulle? He said in essence: "If you recognize this principle of the evacuation of the French troops now in Tunisia, we are ready to enter into discussions to determine the conditions and the time within which we should open negotiations." 33. I see no reference to this notion, or to this principle of evacuation, in draft resolution 8/4905. 1 see that an appeal is made to the parties for "the early opening of negotiations for a peaceful resolution of 34. The French argument with regard to the Bizerta region is that France must have guarantees for frêedom of movement between the various French military installations which were in the Bizerta region before 19 July. It would be a serious matter if this were agreed to by the Council, for it might gradually come to mean ensuring security and freedom of movement between those units which were in Bizerta and other French military units, even outside the Bizerta region and not on Tunisian soil. It is not far from Bizerta to the Algerian frontier-only 178 kilometres. If this idea were extended, what would prevent freedom of communication between various French military posts in the region of Bizerta and other French posts in Algeria? 1 say that this is a very dangerous idea. 35. We are not prepared to take this course. 1 repeat, if the return of the French lanà, air and sea forces to their original positions had already been completed, it might have been possible to see to what extent negotiations could be undertaken on the substance of the problem-that is, either on the details of tb evacuation of the French troops from Tunisia, or on the Implementation of the solemn unilateral undertaking entered into by the French Government in its letter of 17 June 1958 [S/4869], which says explicitly: "••• The French Government, which does not intend to maintain"-I stress those last words-"any armed forces on Tunisian Territory other than those which may he stationed there by virtue of agreements negotiated hetween the two States •.•" If this undertaking were carried out, we could then see by what means and within what period we could by common agreement and '.vith the full consent of the parties, arrange for the departure from our soil of aIl troops which are there against our clearly expressed wishes. This is not the first time we have expressed these wishes; they were already expressed in the complaint 1 submitted to the Council on 13 February 1958l1, after the Sakiet-Sidi-Youssef incident. 1 apologize for returning to this subject, but 1 wished to inform you of my Government's position. 36. Draft resolutions S/4903 and S/4904 seem to us to offer sorne possibility of restoring peace and security to our country, on condition that the resolutions are applied honestly and seriously-I am sure they are always applied honestly and seriously, so 1 might 38. You have seen a letter distributed to the Security Council by forty States Members of the United Na\.ions belonging to Africa and Asia [S/4896 and Add.l to 3]. This is an act of solidarity which we very much appreciate. We sincerely thank our African and Asian friends. Yet 1 should not want the problem to be seen as a question of solidarity. Today there are several kinds of solidarity to which appeals are made. 39. 1 think' that in such a situation there is only one solidarity which counts. and which should be above aU questions of continent. ideological positions or strategic interests: namely. the solidarity of all nations. to whichever side they may belong. the solidarity of the body of nations dealing with an act of aggression and the armed occupation of part of the soil of an independent and sovereign State. Sucl' a solidarity has already been seen on several occasions; it has risen above aU ideological tendencies in similaI' situations which have come before the Security Council or the General Assembly. It is to this solidarity that 1 venture to appeal here. 40. Ml'. \\iJEGOONAWARDENA (Ceylon): Yesterday my delegation had occasion to comment on the draft resolution contained in document 8/4903. The Council now has before it the second draftresolution[S/4904]. to which the representative of the United Arab Republic referred yesterday and the representative of Liberia today. and which the Ceylon delegation has the honour to co-sponsor. 41. The present draft resolution goes a step further. in facto towards the basic issue involved. It calls upon the parties concerned to proceed to a settlement of the issue in a peacefulmanner. The objective sought by Tunisia is something that we who recognize Tunisia as a sovereign and independent Member of this 01'- ganization cannot fail to take into account. Rence. the principle underlying this draft resolution should commend itself to the members of the Security Council. We therefore seek their support for the draft resolution. 42. Ml'. MOROZOV (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): If any vestige of doubt remained in anyone's mind concerning the nature of the proposaI submitted for our consideration by the Turkish delegation in document S/4905. obviously such doubt should have been dispeUed after 43. We cannot but note that in his statement the Tunisian representative, faithful to the spirit of objectivity which is characteristic of his delegation's defence of the positions it has taken here, stressed the major defect of the Turkish draft resolution: its refusaI to acknowledge the principle nf the evacuation of French armed forces from Bizerta and from the territory of Tunisia. You heard the Tunisian rep1'8- sentative say with emphasis, in his appraisal of this part of the draft resolution: "We are likely to find ourselves back in situations which are painful for us and serious ••• We are not prepared to take this course ••• 1 do not think that draft resolution S/4905 can satisfy the Tunisian delegation." 44. If, 1 repeat, there were still any lingering doubts about the ominous significance of the wording ofparagraph 3, it is now completely clear that, whatever may have been the intentions prompting the submission of this draft 1'8solution-I shall leave this matter completely aside for the moment and shall once again briefly analyse this point with strict objectivity-this paragraph, if adopted, will plainly impose upon Tunisia the will of France, the will of the aggressor for, as we have already had occasion to mention at the Council's morning meeting, it proposes that negotiations on the question of Bizerta should begin on the basis of positions t0 which the French Government consistently adheres and which, in violation of the Charter and in defiance of the whole world, it has now decided to consolidate with French armed force. 45. Indeed, the words "including adefinite settlement of the question of Bizerta, having due regard for Tunisian sovereignty", seen in this light, can leave not the smallest shred of doubt that the intention is to impose on Tunisia negotiations for the purpose of securing the continued presence of French armed forces on Tunisian soil. 46. The ominous significance of paragraph 3 is also apparent when we see, not only that those who have supported and continue to support the draft resolution and particularly its paragraph 3, agree to the omission from that paragraph of any reference to recognition of the principle of the evacuation of the French armed forces from Tunisia, but also that the statements of those representatives who have explained this draft contain not oneword which could be interpreted as the slightest guarantee that either they or those supporting paragraph 3 of the draft resolution understand it to mean that the negotiations should from the outset be based on unconditional recognition of the principle of the evacuation of French armed forces from Tunisia. 47. AlI this taken together gives us a completely clear and objective political picture of the meaning of this draft resolution which we are now asked to adopt. 48. In such circumstances, the Soviet delegation, for its part, cannot permit a decisi0l?- worded as in the 49. In this connexion and at this crucial point, we should like again to l'aise before the Security Council the question of the inevitable choice that the majority of its members must make. The choice Hes between two things: either the Council considers that Tunisia lS the victim of aggression and in one way or another, by adopting the first and second drafts submitted by Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic [S/4903 and S/4904], condemns the actions of France; or it considers that those actions are correct and legitimate and that responsibility for the fearful losses, suffering and casualties sustained by the Tunisian people lies with the Tunisian people itself to a certain extent or even, perhaps, to a very great extent, as the French Government has tried to maintain. The Council must decisively reject this latter point of view and, guided by the Charter and disregarding political ten.dencies, views and ideologies, must defend the justice which France has flouted. 50. We cannot indulge in any further manœuvring at this second stage; we cannot any longer tolerate a situation in which the Councn expresses no clearview in this matter. Again 1 say that we would welcome the inclusion, in the draft submitted by Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic, not only of a demand for the immediate commencement of negotiations with Tunisia for the purpose of a swift withdrawal of French armed forces from Tunisia, but also of a demand for the immediate withdrawal of French forces from Bizerta and from aU the territory of Tunisia and for the immediate cessation, by the French side, of aU violations of Tunisian sovereignty, whatever form they may take. 51. We are, however, prepared to support these more limited demands-as we remarked here-as minimum steps below which we cannot go. We do not Wish to, and will not, as representatives of the Soviet Government, take part in the deception which is being planned and which will occur if the Councn adopts paragraph 3 of the Turkish draft resolution. 52. In this connexion, basing myself on the provisional rules of procedure which authorize the taking of separate votes on separate parts of a resolution, 1 propose formally that the Councn take a separate vote on paragraph 3 of draft resolution S/4905. 1 shaH vote against this paragraph for the reasons 1 have just explained, and 1 shall detel'mine the position of my delegation on draft resolution S/4905 in the light of the results of the voting on paragraph 3. If the Council decides not to put paragraph 3 to the vote separately under the relevant provisions of the rules of procedure which are known to everyone-this, of course, depends on the sponsors of the resolution- 1 shaH vote against the draft resolution as a whole.

As 1 have no more speakers on my list. 1 should like to know whether any member wishes to make a statement. The representative of Turkey has the floor.

First. 1 want to say very briefly. by way of the right of reply. that certain interpretations have been made of our text which did not correspond with the explanations which 1 have given and with the statements which we have made an through this debate. However. that is beyond the point. j l în i 11 !'i l 1 56. An important question has been asked by the representative of the Soviet Union. He asked that the paragraphs of the draft resolution, submitted by my delegation. be voted on separately. On this point there were certain matters which 1 did not get very clearly during the interpretation and, in accordance with rule 32 of our provisional rules of procedure. until 1 make a decision. 1 wonder if it would be convenient if we could have a five-minute recess so that my delegation could come to a decision on this point. If not, in the present confused state of what 1 was able to take from the interpretation. 1 am sorry to say that 1 am not able to accept this request. J ~

1 understand that there is a request for a suspension of the meeting. If there is J:10 objection, 1 propose to suspend the meeting for five minutes. The meeting was suspended at 4.45 p.m. and resumed at 5 p.m.

1 think 1 have amply explained the reasons why my delegation undertook to present a draft resolution, and 1 do not think 1 need go through them again. However, having heard certain objections-and 1 am thinking in particular of what was said by the representative of Tunisia on paragraph 3 of this draft-although my delegation does not accept any other interpretation of that paragraph except the one which we have given, taking into account the debate which has taken place. my delegation has decided to drop the final paragraph so that a vote may be taken on operative paragraphs 1 and 2. This would also take account of the manner of voting asked for by other delegations and would make is possible to take a vote on the first two operative paragraphs only.

In my delegation's view, the Turkish representative took the right step in sparing us the necessity of voting on paragraph 3 of his proposaI. Since the resolution now has a some- 60. Since these are very simple and uncomplicated amendments, I think there is no needfor me to submit them in writing, and it would he quite a simple matter to vote on them.

My delegation is not prepared to take any amendments at this stage.

Mr. President, although I assume that you have regarded my proposaI as a formaI one, in order to avoid any misunderstanding 1 formally submit these amendments on behalf of my delegation. Since they are very simple, I think there is no need for me to submit a written text. If, however, you wish me to submit a written text, I am prepared to do so.

1 am happy to inform the representative of the Soviet Union that the formaI proposaIs he has made will bE' duly taken into account when the vote is taken. 64. Since no member of the Council has asked to make aOfurther statement, we shall proceed tovote on the draft resolutions in the order in which they were submitted, in accordance with the provisional rules of procedure. l will first put to the vote the draft resolution S/4903, submitted by Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic.

The Council will now vote on the draft resolution in document S/4904, submitted by the delegations of Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic.

We shaH now vote on the draft resolution submitted by the delegation of Turkey, as it appears in document S/4905, but without operative.paragraph 3, which has been deleted by the sponsor.

The onlyresolutionwhich the Counci! has adopted on this question has been the interim resolution adopted on 22 July [S/488~] and calling for a cease fire and the return of aH armed forces to their original positions. My delegation wishes to express its deepest regret that the Security Council has been unable to take the necessary action for the implementation of its interim resolution by France with respect to the withdrawal of French forces to their original positions, and that the Couneil has been unable to take action to remove the balSic cause of the situation now prevailing in Bizerta. 69. In our opinion, the situation is too grave and dangerous to he solved exeept under the aegis of the 70. Mr. Mongi SLIM (Tunisia) (translated from French): Unfortunately, 1 can only conclude that the Security Council, confronted with certain feelings which are perhaps out of place in the light of its real responsibilities, has been unable to take a decision about the provisional measures on which it decided under Article 40 of the Charter. 1 cannot but regret this fact, but 1 should like simply to point out that my country's situation is still grave and serious with regard to its own security and to the security of its inhabitants and their homes. 1 wanted to stress this fact so that the members of the Council might consider sorne possible way, within the terms of the Charter of giving my country, an independent and sovereign State Member of the United Nations, all the necessary assistance to repulse an attack, in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter. In the view of my delegation, such an appeal for the repulsion of aggression by all lawful means of defence is perfectly consistent and legitimate. 71. Once more 1 place my country's territorial sovereignty and integrity in the hands of the Security Council.

We note with deep regret that this time, as on many other occasions, the Council has been unable to fulfil the lofty obligations laid upon it by the Charter ofthe United Nations. Again this time, as on many other occasions, considerations and motives connected with membership in military blocs have prevailed over the need to support, simply and clearly, those principles and aims which are inscribed in the United Nations Charter and, in the present case, to support the lawful and well-grounded complaint by Tunisia against the aggression undertaken by France. 73. What is now happening and whathas justhappened is regrettable; but it does not represent the last word on what is taking place in Tunisia, which has been subjected to French aggression. 74. First, we must remember the resolution which the Council adopted on 22 July. That resolution remains in full force, despite the fact that sorne of the members of the Council who voted for it on 22 July have today refused to support its implementation in the specific circumstances of a further threat of French aggression against Tunisia. That resolution retains its full force; it has not been rescinded because of the situation which now confronts us. And therefore, pending the convening of a special session of the General Assembly-which in accordance with the Liberian representative's statement will, we hope, consider this question and take a stand bath on the aggression committed by France against Tunisia and on the position which various States have faund it possible to adopt in this Council-we wish to state here, with the utmost seriousness, that further fa,ilure by France to comply with the resolution of 22 July will 75. 1 wanted to make this quite clear, not only in regard to the resolution which the Security Council adopted on 22 July and which continues in force, but also as a statement of the position of the Soviet Government on the question under consideration, a posi-:- tion that the Soviet Government will steadfastly maintain in conformity with the statements made by the Soviet delegation during the meetings of the Security Council which have been devoted to this matter. 76. MI'. WIJEGOONAWARDENA (Ceylon): The Council has failed to adopt the draft resolutions which the Ceylon delegation deemed necessary to be adopted to make further progress in the matterunder consideration. We greatly regret this. It is indeed a pitY that an urgent and vital issue of this nature has had to he left pending because the draft resolutions we co-sponsored could not muster the required number of votes in this .Council. 77. But this is a matter in which the United Nations cannot fail to act. As 1have stated in one of my earlier interventions, this is an issue over which world public opinion is vitally concerned, and the United Nations, - reflecting as it does such wOl'ld public opinion, cannot afford not to express its views again in this matter. The principles at stake are so vital that this subject commands the earnest further consideration of the Members of the United Nations.

Since no other member of the Council has asked to speak, 1 should like to express my profound concern at the fact that once again the Council has concluded its meetings without having adopted a positive resolution. 1 hope that the good will of the interested parties and their understanding of their duties will lead to the full implementation of the only resolution it has been possible to adopt on this matter. 79. 1 consider that the item has been fully dealt with and 1 shaH therefore adjourn the meeting. 80. Ml'. Mongi SLIM (Tunisia) (translated from French): MI'. President, l am sorry to speak again after your very wise statement, but 1 must clear up a small misunderstanding. 1 believe that your appeal and the hope you have expressed are addressed to both parties to the dispute, but 1 fear that your statement might be interpreted in another way. According to the simultaneous interpretation, you used the words "aIl Member States which took part in the debate'!.. Those whîch did not take part in the debate might think that they are not bound by your statement. 1 can assUre the Chair and the Council, on my own

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