S/PV.9660 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Czechia, Denmark, Germany, Italy, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I also invite Her Excellency Mrs. Hedda Samson, Chargée d’affaires a.i. of the Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Ms. DiCarlo. Ms. DiCarlo: This past weekend, many world leaders came together in Switzerland to build consensus on the elements of a just peace in Ukraine. Those discussions took place in the wake of a sharp escalation of hostilities and an appalling increase in civilian casualties. According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), this May at least 174 civilians were killed and 690 injured in Ukraine. That is the highest number of civilian casualties in a single month since June of last year. More than half of those casualties occurred in the Kharkiv region, owing to the Russian Federation’s new offensive, launched on 10 May. There has been massive use of explosive weapons, both in the Kharkiv region and in Kharkiv city — the second biggest city in Ukraine, with more than 1 million residents. On 23 May, missiles struck a printing house, killing seven employees. On 25 May, two air-dropped bombs struck a large home improvement centre, killing 19 people. And on 31 May, missiles hit a residential area in the city, including a multistorey building, killing nine civilians. North of Kharkiv city, the border town of Vovchansk saw some of the most intense fighting in the past month. It is now almost completely destroyed, with thousands of its residents forced to flee. That is a repeat of the devastation visited on Mariupol, Bakhmut and Avdiivka earlier in the war. While Kharkiv has been the region most affected by the recent intensification of fighting, civilians continue to be killed and injured in other parts of Ukraine. Last week, on 13 June, an attack on Kryvyi Rih killed at least nine people, including five children. Regular shelling and missile attacks by Russian Federation forces have also been reported in the Kherson region, including the city of Kherson, resulting in civilian casualties and forcing many of the city’s residents to flee. The escalation of attacks affecting Ukrainian civilians is unconscionable. Since February 2022, OHCHR has recorded 11,126 civilians killed and 21,863 civilians injured. The actual figures are likely significantly higher. In the same period, Russian authorities have reported that at least 91 civilians have been killed and 455 injured in the Russian Federation, primarily in the Belgorod, Bryansk and Kursk regions bordering Ukraine. We once again stress that attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure are prohibited by international law. They must stop immediately. The relentless attacks have also caused massive damage to civilian infrastructure. Even before the current escalation, a joint Rapid Damage and Needs Assessment conducted by Ukraine, the United Nations, the World Bank Group and the European Commission estimated that, as of December 2023, reconstruction and recovery in Ukraine would cost approximately $486 billion over the next decade. Last week’s Ukraine Recovery Conference in Berlin demonstrated international solidarity and support for Ukraine’s path to recovery. The longer the war continues, the greater the need for that global solidarity and support. The large-scale attacks by the Russian Federation against energy infrastructure have reduced Ukraine’s energy-generating capacity by 68 per cent. Periodic strikes imperilling the critical power supply to the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant have also continued. Any attacks involving nuclear facilities are extremely dangerous and irresponsible. They must cease immediately. The United Nations Development Programme has backed the provision of stable energy access for more than 6 million people in Ukraine and is preparing for further delivery of energy equipment to help address shortages. But the worst consequences of the attacks against energy infrastructure are yet to be felt. That is because the shelling and air strikes are also making it difficult to complete the repair of damaged facilities before next winter. The intensified hostilities add to the already difficult humanitarian situation. Thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes, and the United Nations is working with the Ukrainian authorities to meet their immediate demands. To date this year, together with our partners, we have reached more than 4.4 million people with humanitarian assistance, thanks to our donors. The 2024 humanitarian response plan is currently 27 per cent funded. We urge our donors to sustain their generous financial support, which will enable us to continue delivering life-saving assistance to the vulnerable population. Adequate funding is an issue everywhere. But for the approximately 1.5 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in the Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhya regions of Ukraine, currently under Russian occupation, the key challenge remains the lack of access. International humanitarian law requires the facilitation of rapid and unimpeded passage of humanitarian relief for all civilians in need, no matter where they live. We urge the Russian Federation to enable humanitarian access to the areas under its control. The war has affected countries far beyond Ukraine’s borders. The Global Report on Food Crises 2024 shows that in 2023 nearly 282 million people in 59 countries faced high levels of acute food insecurity — 24 million people more than in 2022. That rise has been driven by unfavourable crop conditions for the 2024 harvest and damage to shipping infrastructure and disruptions in navigation in the Black Sea and elsewhere. More than 80 per cent of global trade is done by sea. The Black Sea is a critical trade route estimated to account for more than a quarter of the grain trade. Much more needs to be done to mitigate risks, reduce transaction costs and bring more stability to global agricultural markets. The United Nations has therefore highlighted the importance of stabilizing critical trade routes for agricultural products. The human rights situation in the regions of Ukraine under Russian occupation remains extremely concerning. OHCHR has interviewed dozens of people who recently fled those regions. They report increased pressure to obtain Russian passports, which is linked to the Russian presidential decree of 27 April 2023. According to the decree, people without Russian citizenship in the occupied areas of Ukraine’s Kherson, Zaporizhzhya, Donetsk and Luhansk regions will be considered foreigners after 1 July. International humanitarian law prohibits an occupying Power from compelling the population of occupied territory to swear allegiance to it. That includes forcing the population to obtain the occupying Power’s citizenship. Furthermore, OHCHR has also interviewed hundreds of released Ukrainian prisoners of war, who recounted systematic and widespread torture and ill- treatment, including sexual violence. We welcome the prisoner exchange on 31 May, in which 150 people were released, and we urge the parties to continue and to scale up such exchanges. There must be accountability for all violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, wherever they occur, in line with international norms and standards. Two and a half years since the Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, there is no let-up in the killing and destruction. The broader region is less stable and safe, while other parts of the world watch nervously as they continue to feel the economic and political consequences of the conflict. At the same time, discussions on possible ways to peace are multiplying. In Switzerland, over the weekend many voices stressed the need to adhere to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. I would like to stress that those principles are as valid today as they were in 1945. The Secretary-General has been consistent and clear in calling for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in Ukraine, in line with the Charter of the United Nations, international law and the relevant General Assembly resolutions. The United Nations welcomes and is ready to support all meaningful efforts and initiatives towards that end.

I thank Ms. DiCarlo for her briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

I am pleased that Ms. DiCarlo was able to brief the Security Council today. And my country thanks her for her participation in the peace summit in Switzerland. It was important to have the United Nations represented at that event. Any peace begins and ends with full respect for the Charter of the United Nations, international law and the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. At the outset, I would like to congratulate Switzerland on its successful hosting of the summit on peace in Ukraine at Bürgenstock, Switzerland, last weekend, attended by nearly 100 delegations. A joint communiqué, signed by the vast majority of the delegations, provides palpable groundwork for a process that should bring peace to Ukraine and stability to the wider region. That peace and stability are desperately needed and cannot arrive too soon. Every day and week that diplomacy is postponed, drones are maiming civilians and ballistic missiles are destroying critical civilian infrastructure across Ukraine. We feel compelled to identify avenues that would bring about a just peace in Ukraine. That peace process is not anti-Russian. However, one would be correct to view it as a rejection of aggression. One would also be correct to view it as an instance of rejecting the use of military force for achieving political goals in lieu of diplomacy. And first and foremost, one would be correct to view it as a voice for upholding international law, including the Charter of the United Nations. Without respect for the fundamental principles of sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, there cannot be a lasting and sustainable peace. As the President of Slovenia, Ms. Pirc Musar, stated at the summit, “The summit is a gathering of States firmly convinced that the international order based on the fundamental principles of international law and friendly relations between States must be preserved.” At the same time, Slovenia is aware that there cannot be peace without the involvement of and dialogue between all the parties. We hope that the Russian Federation will demonstrate a genuine willingness to end the war and engage in good faith in negotiations based on international norms. The Charter of the United Nations is a document that has survived many challenges through its 79 years. Based on experience from the Second World War, it provides answers and guidance to solving international problems peacefully. But at no point does it justify aggression as a way of ending disagreements. The United Nations and its Charter are the glue that holds the post-war collective security together. It is in the interest of no one to see that system erode and collapse. That is why we view the peace summit on Ukraine in Switzerland as a first step in restoring the integrity of the Charter of the United Nations. Yes, not all United Nations Members were present. The Russian Federation was missing. But it was a first step — an opening of peace discussions. We should bring those discussions here to the United Nations, where they belong, and hopefully the Russian Federation will get on board. It is in the prime interest of us all, especially the permanent members of the Council, to restore and reaffirm the relevance of the Charter of the United Nations and the Council. That should be at the forefront of Russia’s interests. In order to provide a secure future for the people of Ukraine, and the people of Russia for that matter, perhaps what the Council needs to start with is building trust.

I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing today. This past weekend, scores of delegations hailing from around the world gathered in Switzerland for the summit on peace in Ukraine. Together, 82 signatories to the joint communiqué sent a loud and clear message to Russia that Ukraine is not alone and that, together, we are committed to achieving a just and lasting peace, consistent with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Because the people of Ukraine  — who, for more than two and a half years, have demonstrated extraordinary resilience, resourcefulness and resolve  — deserve nothing less. The summit allowed last week’s Ukraine Recovery Conference in Germany, which convened more than 1,500 representatives from Governments, businesses and civil society, to mobilize support for Ukraine’s recovery. It was an important step towards addressing the devastating impacts of Russia’s unjust war on the people across Ukraine, and it offered an opportunity for Ukraine, in collaboration with a diverse set of countries and organizations, to agree on a potential framework for a future peace settlement with Russia that is in line with the Charter of the United Nations. But for everything the summit was, it is important to note what it was not. Namely, the summit was not a formal negotiation. After all, a negotiated end to the war will require both Russia and Ukraine to come to the table in good faith. And at no point in more than two years has the Kremlin demonstrated a good-faith effort to engage Ukraine in peace talks or to end the war. Instead, Russia has continued to carry out massive missile and drone strikes resulting in civilian casualties in Kharkiv. It has forcibly transferred or deported thousands of Ukrainian children and unjustly detained thousands more Ukrainian civilians. And it has sharply escalated its attacks on Ukraine’s energy grid, taking more than 9 gigawatts of power-generation capacity offline since February. For reference, that is enough energy to power more than 6 million homes. Let us call it what it is: the Kremlin wants Ukraine to accept an unjust peace that rewards Russia’s aggression, while facing the barrel of a gun. It is, as Vice-President Harris said at the summit in Switzerland, “an outrageous attempt to subjugate a free people and an attempt to wipe a sovereign State off the map”. Indeed, while dozens of organizations gathered to discuss humanitarian assistance and a plan to rebuild Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure, Putin was preparing to discuss military arms with Kim Jong Un. And just days ago, Russia launched a total of four ballistic missiles possibly supplied by North Korea towards Ukraine — two on 15 June and two more on 16 June. Instead of adhering to Security Council resolutions, Russia flagrantly violates them. All the while, Russia’s so-called peace plan — released just days before States gathered in Switzerland  — fools no one. Demanding Ukraine withdraw from its internationally recognized territory before considering negotiations mocks the very principle this Organization was created to reject: that countries may not acquire territory through force. Again, to quote Vice-President Harris at the summit, President Putin “is not calling for negotiations, he is calling for surrender”. The Russian representative himself used that language. Last April, in this very Chamber, he said: “Soon enough, the only topic for any international meeting on Ukraine will be the unconditional surrender of the Kyiv regime.” (S/PV.9600, p.16). We must urge Russia to come to the table ready for constructive, fair dialogue. But we must also ensure that Ukraine is at the head of that table and in the strongest possible position. Any discussion about a negotiated settlement is, at its core, a discussion about Ukraine’s future. A sovereign Ukraine should be the party leading those discussions, period. All of us would expect the same if we were in Ukraine’s position. Therefore, those countries interested in promoting a durable peace, rooted in the Charter of the United Nations, must engage closely and directly with Ukraine and must urge Russia to cease this senseless war. To that end, we regret that, adding insult to injury, China released its own “peace plan”  — one formulated without any buy-in from Ukraine itself. If China is genuinely interested in supporting the peace process, we would welcome its help. It can start by ending its support to Russia’s defence industrial base. Without the substantial quantities of machine tools, microelectronics, optics and uncrewed aerial vehicle and cruise missile technology provided by China, Russia would struggle to sustain its war of aggression. What is more, China can join the international community in demanding accountability for atrocities committed in Ukraine and against the Ukrainian people. There can be no lasting peace without justice for the victims of Russia’s aggression. Finally, all of us must increase our efforts to support the recovery, reconstruction, reform and modernization of Ukraine. And I am proud that, at last week’s Recovery Conference, the United States pledged $824 million to help to rebuild Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. Russia started this brutal, unprovoked war against Ukraine, and Russia could end it at any time. But until that day, we must stand by Ukraine as it seeks a just and lasting peace, consistent with the Charter of the United Nations.

I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing. We thank the United Nations for its unwavering support since the beginning of the war in the search for peace guided by international law, including the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and by the resolutions of the General Assembly. We must have the courage to build peace. And to do that, we must talk about it. On 15 and 16 June, more than 100 countries from around the world, international organizations and religious representatives met to discuss how to launch a peace process based on international law and in particular the Charter of the United Nations. That is a clear signal in favour of a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. We would like to thank all those who accepted our invitation and contributed to the success of the summit at Bürgenstock, Switzerland. For the first time, we discussed peace in Ukraine at the highest level. The discussions over the two days provided an opportunity to listen to different ideas, learn from each other’s experiences and propose possible solutions. Those discussions enabled us to better understand each other’s points of view to develop a common vision. The joint communiqué adopted by the vast majority of participating countries represents a concrete outcome of the summit. We continue to receive endorsements and invite all countries to support it. The jointly formulated positions provide a framework on which further discussions should be based. It is important that a common vision has been established on the following three key objectives. First is the safe and secure use of Ukrainian nuclear power plants and facilities and the inadmissibility of any threat or use of nuclear weapons. Secondly, free, full and safe commercial navigation, as well as access to seaports in the Black and Azov Seas are critical. Food security must not be weaponized in any way. Thirdly, all prisoners of war must be released in complete exchanges. All deported and unlawfully displaced Ukrainian children, as well as all other arbitrarily detained Ukrainian civilians, must be returned to Ukraine. Those issues can be confidence-building measures between the parties to the conflict. In addition, they are issues of great importance to many countries which are affected by the consequences of war — for example, as a result of rising food prices — or which have themselves experienced conflict and wish to share their experience. It is clear that, in order to achieve peace, all parties will have to take part in dialogue. The high-level participation of States and organizations last weekend enabled us to launch a broad dialogue and develop common ideas. Together, we have laid important groundwork. We now need to ensure that we maintain that momentum. Further efforts are needed to make progress towards a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. Switzerland remains a partner for peace and dialogue. We need to continue our commitment beyond that first summit. There is no time to lose.

I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. Since the outset of the full escalation of the Ukraine crisis, China has never stopped pushing for peace and promoting peace talks. The Chinese leadership has repeatedly emphasized that in order to advance the political settlement of the Ukraine crisis, it is imperative to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States, to abide by the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, to prioritize the legitimate security concerns of all States and to support all efforts conducive to the peaceful settlement of the crisis. It is worrisome that the fighting in Ukraine continues with no end in sight. One more day of fighting means more people will die or become injured. Another day of conflict increases the risk of escalation and potential loss of control. Achieving an immediate ceasefire; restoring peace at the earliest opportunity; and establishing a balanced, effective and sustainable European security architecture, all serve the common interests of all parties concerned and reflect the collective aspirations of the international community. For some time now, China and other relevant parties have been putting forward a great number of initiatives and proposals for advancing the political settlement of the Ukraine crisis. They constitute part and parcel of the international peace efforts and mark important steps forward in the process leading up to final peace talks. It is our hope that all those initiatives, proposals and endeavours, working in synergy, can strengthen the parties’ readiness to embrace peace and can bolster the international momentum for peace talks, leading eventually to a political settlement. Not long ago, with a view to encouraging and demonstrating support for efforts conducive to easing the situation, China and Brazil jointly launched the six- point common understandings on the Ukraine crisis, emphasizing that dialogue and negotiation are the only viable solution to the Ukraine crisis and calling on all parties to create conditions for the resumption of dialogue and to push for the de-escalation of the situation until a comprehensive ceasefire is realized. The six-point common understandings speak to the shared aspirations of the majority of States and represent the broadest possible common ground at the international level on the Ukraine crisis. They have also received responses from many countries in the world. We encourage more countries to support the six- point common understandings, so as to jointly work for peace. At the diplomatic level, everything that China has been doing always comes back to the same message — to bring the parties to the negotiating table and to achieve a political settlement. It has long been proven by history that the end point of every conflict is the negotiating table. We call on parties to the conflict to demonstrate their political will, to meet each other halfway and to start peace talks as soon as possible. We also call on the countries concerned to uphold objectivity and impartiality and to create conducive conditions to that end. We in particular call on the United States to work for an early end to the war and for the restoration of peace, instead of continuing to escalate tensions, provoking bloc-based confrontations and sabotaging international peace and solidarity. Going forward, China will continue its engagement and communication with all relevant parties to work relentlessly towards a political settlement of the crisis and play a constructive role in that process.

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this briefing. I also thank Under- Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. The conflict in Ukraine has been ongoing for nearly two and a half years with a continuously deteriorating humanitarian and security situation, resulting in massive loss of life and destruction of critical infrastructure. On the political situation, we note that from 15 to 17 March elections were conducted in the Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhya regions of Ukraine, which had unilaterally been declared part of the Russian Federation on 29 September 2022, after the reported conduct of referendums between 23 and 27 September 2022. With respect to the reported elections in March, Sierra Leone recalls that the General Assembly adopted resolution ES‑11/4, on 12 October 2022, which, in its fourth preambular paragraph, noted that the “Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia regions of Ukraine are areas that, in part, are or have been under the temporary military control of the Russian Federation, as a result of aggression, in violation of the sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine”. We also took note of previous General Assembly resolutions, including General Assembly resolution 68/262, which also addressed the referendum conducted on 16 March 2014 in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol and called on States not to recognize any alteration of their status on the basis of the referendum. Accordingly, we expressed serious concern regarding the decision to hold an external electoral exercise in the annexed regions within Ukraine’s internationally recognized borders, noting that such actions are not in line with the provisions of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, in particular Article 2, paragraph 4, and have serious implications for the peaceful resolution of the conflict in Ukraine. In that context, we also recall resolution 2202 (2015) of the Security Council, reaffirming its full respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Premised on the above, Sierra Leone agrees and aligns itself with the Secretary-General’s instructive statement of 22 September 2022 (S/PV.9135, p.2) in which he recalled that any annexation of a State’s territory by another State resulting from the threat or use of force is a violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. While we note the pronouncements of the parties to the conflict of their readiness to engage in dialogue, it is clear that for genuine peace to be achieved the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine has to be respected. In view of the above, it is imperative that direct engagement between both parties take place sooner rather than later. A military solution to the conflict in Ukraine is clearly not feasible. As we navigate the complexities of the conflict in Ukraine, and its multidimensional global repercussions, we reiterate that the conflict has strained global political and economic relations and heightened geopolitical tensions, with serious implications for international cooperation on critical socioeconomic and development issues, in addition to the maintenance of international peace and security. The erosion of trust and cooperation between nations has also led to a breakdown in negotiations on such critical global issues as arms control, nuclear non-proliferation, cybersecurity and trade agreements, posing additional challenges for the maintenance of international peace and security. Sierra Leone once again calls for good-faith diplomatic efforts in pursuit of a peaceful resolution of the conflict. Meaningful steps must be taken towards the immediate cessation of the hostilities and constructive engagement by the parties to the conflict, including on their legitimate concerns, to find a political and diplomatic solution, as envisaged in Article 33 of the Charter of the United Nations. It is important that we also continue to highlight the devastating effects of the conflict on civilians and civilian infrastructure. We reiterate reports from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs that indicate that 14.6 million people — about 40 per cent of Ukraine’s population  — need some form of humanitarian assistance, while approximately 9.7 million people have been forcibly displaced by the war. The alarming civilian casualty figures and humanitarian crisis in Ukraine also underscore the urgent need for all parties to the conflict to prioritize the protection of civilians, dialogue and diplomacy and to refrain from further escalation and from pursuing the option of winning the conflict on the battlefield. The international community, including the Security Council, must remain steadfast in its commitment to supporting the pursuit of a just and sustainable peace in Ukraine. Let me close by importantly noting that, based on our unwavering principled view on the sacrosanct nature of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations on respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Member States, we once again reiterate our call for the full respect of the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders.

I thank the Under- Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, for her presentation of the situation today. I acknowledge the presence of the Permanent Representative of Ukraine at this meeting. Considering the numerous occasions on which the Council has addressed the conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine, I will focus today’s statement on several positions and arguments that we have consistently laid out. First, we remain highly concerned by the dangerous escalatory trajectory of the conflict, including the risk of nuclear fallout by intent, miscalculation or accident, and the real possibility that the conflict could engulf Europe in an all-out military confrontation. Secondly, dialogue, diplomacy and détente remain the only viable paths to de-escalation, the cessation of hostilities and eventual settlement. In that context, we take note of the joint communiqué on a peace framework from the recently concluded summit on peace in Ukraine, held in Switzerland on 15 and 16 June. We appeal to the warring parties, allies and foes alike to put aside their differences and play a constructive role in order to achieve a sustainable resolution of the conflict that considers the legitimate concerns of all involved. The longer the war continues, the farther into the distance the prospect of a lasting peace recedes. Thirdly, as civilians continue to bear the brunt of the war, we call on all parties to strictly adhere to international humanitarian law and the rules of war. The protection of civilians and of those coming to their aid is imperative. The principles of distinction, precaution and proportionality must be scrupulously respected by all parties. Fourthly, we emphasize respect for the Charter of the United Nations as the ultimate arbiter of international peace and security. As we mark the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Geneva Conventions, we must not allow the erosion of the frameworks painstakingly built by the international community that ensure peace and protect human dignity. Finally, we encourage the warring parties to build upon the few existing confidence-building measures  — such as the exchange of prisoners, the return of fallen soldiers, efforts to address humanitarian issues and the engagement of communities in faith- based dialogue  — as steps towards returning to the negotiating table. Coming from a continent that is striving to silence the guns, Mozambique abides by the axiom that “nothing is more valuable, humane and wise than peace among nations”. The Council must therefore persevere in helping both parties regain hope for peace. We reiterate our call to immediately cease hostilities, resume direct negotiations without any preconditions and engage in constructive and meaningful dialogue. Dame Barbara Woodward (United Kingdom): I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. It has now been more than two years since Russia launched its illegal and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine. The consequences of Putin’s war have been disastrous. In Kyiv last December, I met children learning to walk again, having lost limbs in Russian attacks. I met two young girls rescued after months of forced adoption by Russia. We mourn for the more than 10,000 civilians who have lost their lives in Ukraine; we share the concerns of the parents of the 20,000 children forcibly removed and still untraced, displaced from their families. The people of Russia, in particular, soldiers’ mothers, suffer too. But not, of course, the Russian Government, whose war chest is funded by its partners’ oil and gas purchases, which, in turn, allows Russia to purchase weapons from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran, while its citizens — and millions of people across the world — face economic hardship and food insecurity. There is a peaceful way to end the war and the suffering. Last weekend in Switzerland, 100 countries and institutions met to discuss peace and an end to the war based on international law, the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and President Zelenskyy’s own proposals. And I thank the Swiss Government for organizing that conference. From every continent, representatives emphasized that all States benefit if there is respect for the Charter of the United Nations and for territorial integrity and sovereignty. It showed, too, how we could take the first steps towards peace now, including on food security, nuclear safety and the return of Ukrainian children. But Putin spurned that opportunity. He dismissed the peace summit. He actively sought to undermine it. He spent the days leading up to the summit launching a vicious new assault on Kharkiv, using glide bombs to target civilians and to inflict further damage on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. He made clear that he is interested only in Ukraine’s total capitulation. He suggested that a ceasefire could be considered only if Ukraine ceded its sovereign territory to him. Where is peaceful settlement and respect for the Charter of the United Nations in that? And now, just two days after widespread international calls for a just peace in Ukraine, Putin has gone to Pyongyang to seek yet more North Korean weapons to sustain his war, in violation of Security Council resolutions. Every Member of the United Nations has a responsibility to reject that and to uphold the principles of this institution. We must all urge Russia — the one State that can end the war immediately — to withdraw its forces from the internationally recognized territory of Ukraine and engage constructively with international efforts to achieve a just and lasting peace, in line with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

I thank Ms. DiCarlo for her briefing. France welcomes the holding of the high-level conference for peace in Ukraine last weekend at Bürgenstock, Switzerland. Approximately 100 countries met to define together the foundations of what a just and lasting peace should be. The international community was thus able to work towards concrete solutions in the areas of nuclear safety and security, food security and the protection of civilians. While we gathered to seek a path to peace and deal with the consequences of Russia’s war of aggression, Russia intensified its strikes on Ukrainian territory, deliberately targeting civilians and flouting the rights of prisoners of war. The massive human rights violations committed by Russia in Ukraine have been documented. Cases of deportation and abduction of Ukrainian children have been verified by the United Nations. The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine established that the Russian army’s use of sexual violence was part of a systematic policy. Russia has consistently denigrated the peace summit that recently concluded and dissuaded the countries that were invited from taking part. We have heard it denounce the alleged partiality of the initiative by presenting that dialogue as an attempt to issue an ultimatum to it  — Russia, which, on the eve of the conference, set Ukraine’s surrender, pure and simple, as a condition for talks. Russia’s actions show that it does not wish to negotiate in good faith and that it equates peace with Ukraine’s capitulation. Our collective responsibility is to call on Russia to cease its aggression, to resume compliance with international law and to join the framework of discussions launched at Bürgenstock, Switzerland. Appeals for peace can be made only to Russia. It is Russia alone that, with its daily decision to continue its war, is undermining international peace and security. Peace cannot be the surrender of the attacked. Peace negotiations are possible only if they are based on international law. They cannot consist of acknowledging an act of aggression against a sovereign State, the violation of its internationally recognized borders and the normalization of the illegal use of force. Doing so would amount to recognizing the existing situation, the principle that might makes right and the end of international law. The path mapped out by the international community at Bürgenstock is the path of peace on the borders of Ukraine and Russia — namely, the path of international law.

I thank Under-Secretary- General DiCarlo for her briefing. The ongoing war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine continues to cause large-scale human suffering and destruction, with wide-ranging consequences across the globe. The summit on peace hosted by Switzerland last weekend brought together 100 countries and organizations from around the world. That robust participation demonstrates the willingness of the international community to achieve a lasting peace in Ukraine, based on the core principles of the Charter of the United Nations and respect for international law. The international community once again unequivocally reiterated its condemnation of the use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of any State. Those are the principles that must continue to serve as our guiding light as we seek a lasting solution to that illegal war. That is just the start of the process, and it is on us — as members of the international community — to move forward. An impasse in our peace efforts would perpetuate instability and jeopardize global food security and economic stability. The summit’s thematic sessions opened avenues for possible engagement in the crucial areas of food security, freedom of navigation on the Black Sea, nuclear safety and security, the exchange of prisoners of war and the return of the many thousands of Ukrainian children. We deeply regret Russia’s narrative around the peace summit. That narrative attempts to legitimize its aggression and obstructs the creation of a common understanding on a possible path for peace. Russia’s war has also caused one of the fastest forced population movements since the Second World War. Close to 6 million Ukrainians are still living as refugees across Europe, and another 4.9 million are internally displaced. While Ukraine is fighting a war of necessity, defending its very right to exist, Russia continues to inflict suffering and damage. The recent offensive against the Kharkiv region has caused unmeasurable suffering to civilians and made their homes uninhabitable. Attacks against populated areas targeting civilians and wrecking energy infrastructure, schools and other civilian facilities are indefensible. The impact of the war extends far beyond Ukraine. Russia’s decision to terminate the Black Sea Grain Initiative has severely affected the production and export of agricultural products. Food security must not be weaponized in any way. Neither can we forget about the environmental consequences of constant shelling and remnants of war. Furthermore, the Russian Federation’s illegal seizure and militarization of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear plant, the largest nuclear plant in Europe, has threatened nuclear safety and security across the continent. We urge the Russian Federation to withdraw from the site and return full control to the legitimate Ukrainian authorities. We stress once again that the threat or use of nuclear weapons is unacceptable. Russian forces and officials have deported thousands of Ukrainian civilians to Russia, including children who have been forcibly separated from their families. The impact on children continues to be disproportionate, as verified by the United Nations in the most recent annual report on children and armed conflict (S/2024/384). In 2023, children continued to be killed, maimed and abducted. Schools and hospitals were attacked, and humanitarian access was denied. We call on Russia to swiftly adopt and implement an action plan to end and prevent such grave violations. All deported and unlawfully displaced Ukrainian children and all other Ukrainian civilians who were unlawfully detained must be returned to Ukraine. Furthermore, accountability for the most serious crimes under international law committed against and on the territory of Ukraine must be ensured. To conclude, we believe that reaching peace requires the involvement of and dialogue among all parties. We will continue to support Ukraine until a comprehensive, just and lasting peace is achieved, in line with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting. I am also grateful to Slovenia and the United States for requesting it. I also thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her comprehensive briefing. This meeting is particularly timely, after the peace summit on Ukraine over the weekend. Japan deeply appreciates Switzerland for its hosting of that important leaders’ meeting. At the summit we reiterated the international community’s commitment to achieving a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. An overwhelming majority of the world has been seeking peace in Ukraine since Russia began its aggression against Ukraine in violation of Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter of the United Nations. As the United Nations has reported, civilian casualties, including women and children, and the destruction of civilian infrastructure have continued to increase. We have expressed our grave concern time and again that Ukraine today could be somewhere else in the world, including East Asia, tomorrow. If we are to uphold the fundamental principles of international law and prevent any future attempts to change the status quo by force anywhere in the world, it will be essential to achieve peace in Ukraine based on the Charter. Japan would therefore like to point out once again that an overwhelming majority of Member States have confirmed through General Assembly resolutions the importance of the Charter for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. In relation to East Asia, we also condemn the use of missiles and other military equipment from North Korea, in flagrant violation of Security Council resolutions on proliferation. No country should have to fear threats to its own sovereignty and territorial integrity, nor should any country violate the Charter and the resolutions of the Council. Last week Japan’s Prime Minister Kishida and President Zelenskyy of Ukraine signed the Japan- Ukraine Support and Cooperation Accord. It clarifies the areas of cooperation between our two countries, including security and defence, humanitarian assistance and recovery and reconstruction. We signed it based on the belief that the issue of Ukraine is one for the entire international community. What must be done is crystal clear. In order to restore Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity based on the Charter, Russia must withdraw unconditionally and immediately from Ukraine, and we will continue to urge it to do so.

My thanks also go to Rosemary DiCarlo for her insightful briefing. There is nothing whatever that can justify the damage done by conflict, including deaths of civilians, the suffering of refugees and internally displaced persons and other harm affecting civilian populations. Algeria remains concerned about the deteriorating humanitarian situation resulting from the conflict in Ukraine and by the impact of the ongoing hostilities on civilians and civilian infrastructure. The parties should work constantly to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure, including critical energy infrastructure, as well as to comply with their obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law, and to refrain from any action that could endanger civilians and civilian infrastructure. What is also more important than ever is that the parties to the conflict should resist the trend towards escalation and give inclusive dialogue the chance it deserves to achieve a peaceful solution. If we are to bring back peace and security in Ukraine and the region at large there is no alternative to a peaceful settlement of the conflict, and that can be achieved only through an inclusive and constructive dialogue involving both parties to the conflict. It must also be based on the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which no one can question, and the legitimate security concerns of both parties. Escalation can only result in more tension and more casualties and losses, because it takes away any prospects for sustainable peace, as does polarization. It is imperative for the Security Council to stay focused on how to resolve the conflict by tackling the most important and urgent questions, including how to immediately stop the loss of life and destruction of civilian infrastructure, end the hostilities and maintain peace and security and achieve a just and lasting solution to the conflict. That is what should be our compass.

I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for the briefing and also welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of Ukraine in today’s meeting. Guyana takes note of the intensified diplomatic efforts being made this month, including at the peace summit in Switzerland, to respond to the humanitarian and security situation in Ukraine and find a peaceful and enduring resolution to the ongoing conflict. We hope that a path to enduring peace will soon be found with the firm commitment of both parties and the support of the international community. Guyana remains deeply concerned about the devastating impact of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. We deplore the mounting civilian casualties sustained in the war and see the risk of a major catastrophe growing exponentially with each passing day. The illegal invasion of Ukraine has already caused untold loss and destruction of life and property and has led to a humanitarian and refugee crisis that is considered to be the largest and fastest displacement crisis in Europe since the Second World War. The war has also had a detrimental impact on energy, nuclear security and safety, the environment and global food security, and is yet to show any signs of ending. We stress the need to immediately end the hostilities and for the Russian Federation to withdraw its military forces from Ukraine’s internationally recognized borders. Prolonging the war any further will only increase the already dire consequences for the civilian population and for global peace and security. As States Members of the United Nations, we demand that the parties fully comply with their obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law and international human rights law. That includes the obligation to take constant care to prevent any harm to the civilian population and civilian objects and to grant safe and unhindered access for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and United Nations humanitarian workers, including to areas under occupation. Guyana has been clear and consistent in reaffirming full respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. We therefore reiterate that the principles of respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-interference in the internal affairs of another sovereign State, the prohibition of the threat or use of force and the peaceful resolution of all disputes must be adhered to by all nations. We commend the ongoing efforts of neighbouring and friendly States to provide humanitarian support to Ukraine, including to Ukrainian refugees trapped overseas, and we call for increased support for the humanitarian needs and response plan. We also encourage the further intensification of diplomatic dialogue with the parties to de-escalate hostilities and work for sustainable peace. With that in mind, we look forward to the follow-up to the peace summit in Switzerland and other positive initiatives that could bring a reprieve to those suffering from the daily assault of weapons in Ukraine and Russia. Guyana once again urges the members of the Council to work together to pave the way towards peace and put an end to the suffering in Ukraine.

I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her detailed briefing. Ecuador deplores the fact that more than two years after the start of the invasion of Ukraine, there is still no end to the conflict in sight. On the contrary, the hostilities and the risks of escalation are intensifying, exacerbating the tense geopolitical situation and increasing the risk of a wider conflict. Ecuador regrets that the protracted nature of the conflict continues to impose a high cost on Ukraine and its people, disproportionately affecting the civilian population. The gravity of the humanitarian situation in Ukraine is immeasurable. In the same way, the war continues to have negative repercussions at the global level. Armed conflict tends to divert the attention and funds needed to address urgent global challenges, affecting developing countries in particular. Ecuador joins the widespread international call for all parties to refrain from using explosive weapons in populated areas and to move the fighting away from urban areas. International humanitarian law is clear in its prohibition of attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure, and it must be respected. Similarly, I underscore the need to respect the international legal frameworks that govern the transfer of arms and ammunition in order to counter the threats posed by the massive flow of arms and ammunition in the context of the conflict. Regarding nuclear safety, Ecuador reiterates the need to protect all nuclear facilities in Ukraine, including the Zaporizhzhya plant, through compliance with the seven pillars of nuclear safety and the five fundamental principles outlined by the International Atomic Energy Agency. Any narrative or action involving a nuclear threat is unacceptable. Ecuador’s historical position on that issue is clear: there are no safe hands for nuclear weapons to be in. The conflict has now entered its third year, and Ecuador maintains its position of unrestricted support for the principles of the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of Ukraine, while advocating a peaceful and negotiated end to the conflict. My country’s position is based on respect for the principles of international law and on its commitment to the principles established in the Charter of the United Nations, in particular those outlined in Article 2, paragraph 4 of which states that Members of the Organization must refrain from the threat or use of force against the integrity or political independence of any State. That is why Ecuador added its voice to the vast majority of the international community and voted in favour of the six resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in the framework of its eleventh emergency special session, convened by the Security Council in resolution 2623 (2022). In that context, Ecuador calls on the Russian Federation to comply with the ruling of the International Court of Justice of March 2022 and to suspend its military operations in Ukraine to make way for dialogue and diplomacy as legitimate and effective ways to seek peace. In May 2022, the Council approved a presidential statement (S/PRST/2022/3) in which it recalled that, under the Charter of the United Nations, all Member States have undertaken the obligation to settle our international disputes by peaceful means. It also expressed support for the efforts of the Secretary- General in the search for a peaceful solution, and we therefore understand the presence of Under-Secretary- General DiCarlo at the Swiss summit in that context. In the face of rising tensions, it is crucial that negotiations and diplomacy be resumed, framed in the logic of the Charter of the United Nations and guided by the principles of justice established by the General Assembly, respecting the provisions of the International Court of Justice. Ecuador urges the Council to fulfil its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security and to act with determination, in full compliance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, to put an end to this devastating conflict. It is our duty to work to find a just and lasting peace in Ukraine that respects its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and that takes into account the positions of all the parties involved.

At the outset, allow me to put on record our fundamental disagreement  — which we have already expressed on numerous occasions — with the invitation to today’s meeting of eight representatives under rules 37 and 39. That number clearly does not correspond to the stated format of the discussion, as it is a briefing rather than a debate or an open debate. We regret that the South Korean presidency is undermining the Security Council’s working practices. What added value can all those representatives bring to today’s discussion if six of them are both members of the European Union (EU) and NATO and cannot say anything more than the standard EU and NATO position? Clearly, they can bring no added value. The only reason they are taking part is to create a mass audience, a chorus of voices to promote the politicized narrative of Brussels. It is an obvious waste of the Council’s valuable resources. We have already spoken on many occasions about the counterproductive nature of such an approach, which undermines the Security Council’s authority. We note that after being absent from Security Council meetings for six months, the Permanent Representative of Czechia requested to attend today. I recall that in December 2023 he flatly refused to appear in the Council when we met to discuss the Ukrainian armed forces terrorist strikes on Belgorod using Czech- supplied Vampire multiple-launch rocket systems. We trust that today we will finally hear a comprehensive explanation from the Permanent Representative of Czechia regarding the country’s complicity in the crimes of the Kyiv regime. In convening today’s Security Council meeting, Western colleagues were officially motivated by the need to discuss the political situation in Ukraine. However, we heard almost nothing political from the other representatives, or at least nothing new. Nevertheless, there is indeed much to discuss on the political front, including the expiry of Zelenskyy’s presidential term on 20 May and the many legal implications related to that. The Western media has started to speculate more often about his possible successors. Who and what Ukrainian body should now be considered a legitimate representative? Who is legally entitled to participate in peace negotiations regarding Ukraine? Those are important questions, but no one is talking about them. Did any of those who took the floor today mention the causes of the conflict, the large-scale oppression of Russian-speaking people and the spread of blatant Russophobia running counter to the Charter of the United Nations and the 1970 Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations? That Declaration stipulates that the principle of respect for territorial integrity applies to States observing in their actions the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples and, as a consequence, having a Governments that represents all of people living in the country. We are the only ones to have raised, in the Security Council, the rights of Russian-speaking citizens, whose opinions must be taken into account — otherwise, according to the documents I just mentioned, it will be impossible to fully support Ukraine’s territorial integrity. We regret that the United Nations Secretariat has also failed to reflect that point in its statements. We also heard today the British representative sharing words of sympathy for Ukrainian civilians, including children. Ever since 2014, when the Kyiv regime waged a war on its own people in Donbas, we have not heard a word of sympathy for the children of Donbas, whom the Ukrainian armed forces and national battalions have been killing mercilessly. We held Security Council meetings and an informal Arria formula meeting on that issue, in which we demonstrated the injuries suffered by the children of Donbas as a result of the strikes carried out by the Ukrainian armed forces. That is in addition to those who were killed by the Ukrainian armed forces. Where was the British representative’s compassion then? Also, she and her Western partners have not shown any compassion when the Ukrainian armed forces have deliberately targeted civilians in Russian cities. Their selective compassion evokes nothing but disgust. As we have said repeatedly, we launched the special military operation to stop the massacre that the Kyiv regime had been carrying out against the population of Donbas. One other question: have members of the Council, who advocate discussing human rights in the Council at every opportunity, spoken about the fate of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church? The answer is, no, they have not. However, these days, met with deafening silence from international organizations, Orthodox churches are being destroyed, and the priests of the canonic Ukrainian Orthodox Church are being persecuted on political grounds. According to statistics that the Ukrainian security forces bandied around, as of December 2023, more than 70 criminal cases have been raised against members of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church — 16 of them against metropolitan bishops  — and 19 of them have been given a guilty verdict. Just one month ago, despite mass protests, by decree of the Kyiv authorities, a chapel that had been built at the site of the ancient Church of the Tithes in Kyiv was demolished in spite of public objections. At the moment, the Kyiv regime is focused solely on serving the geopolitical interests of the West, because only that will guarantee its political survival. The socioeconomic situation in the country does not matter to the current authorities in Kyiv because they are there as placeholders. However, the situation is worsening by the day. People are fleeing Ukraine en masse, going abroad to escape the mobilization started by the Kyiv regime, which in the country is being nicknamed “mobilization to the grave”. Those fleeing do not wish to swell the ranks of those doomed to certain death as cannon fodder. According to official data from Ukraine alone, approximately 6 million people have fled already. Just yesterday, information came to light that the entire Kyiv Symphony Orchestra had fled to Germany. There are often similar cases involving athletes as well. Corruption is flourishing. Humanitarian assistance is being plundered. There is rigorous media censorship, food prices and household utility costs have skyrocketed, leaving normal people struggling to survive. The Ukrainian people are more and more outraged about what is happening. According to data from the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, the majority of Ukrainians believe that the blame for the worsening economic situation and the worsening democratic situation lies with the action of the authorities. At the same time, members of NATO, led by the United States in the best neocolonial tradition, are in fact plundering Ukraine, buying up its resources, industry and agricultural wealth for a song. Dyed-in-the-wool Russophobe senator Lindsey Graham recently openly stated that Kyiv, “is sitting on $10 to $12 trillion of critical minerals. I don’t want to give that money and assets to Putin to share with China...That $10 to $12 trillion of critical mineral assets could be used by Ukraine and the West”. It is noteworthy that the West, concerned by a return on its investment in the conflict in Ukraine, is talking more and more about loans that Ukrainians will have to repay. I wonder whether the Ukrainians themselves are aware of that. Today, we have not heard a word about all of those topics pertaining to the political situation, topics that are uncomfortable for Kyiv and its Western sponsors. That is because they convened this meeting with one goal  — to try to flog a dead horse with a pseudo- peaceful and pseudo-global conference at Bürgenstock, Switzerland. For any sensible observer, from the very beginning, it was clear that it was doomed to fail, because its organizers and those who inspired it thought about everything except peace. For what talk can there be of peace if the only goal of that gathering was to gather a sort of critical mass in order to put an ultimatum before Russia, allegedly on behalf of the international community? The insincere aspirations of those who were behind the convening of the meeting at Bürgenstock were not fated to succeed. First, the majority of those invited were wise to that clumsy attempt at intrigue and refused to participate. Secondly, many of those who did attend did not say what the organizers had planned, including by explicitly stating that attempts to discuss anything without Russia are pointless. Apparently, with that in mind, or perhaps for their own domestic political reasons, the main instigators of the gathering, namely, the United States, Germany, France and Japan, left the conference before it ended. As a result, even Ukrainian representatives had to recognize that the approaches of the West and the rest of the world to the Ukrainian crisis differ dramatically. The number and geographical coverage of participants clearly shows that the outcome of it was zero. The outcomes of all those meetings have no political weight, and they cannot and will not be any sort of starting point for any serious negotiation of the prospects of a resolution to the Ukrainian conflict. Such narrow gatherings can be convened a dozen times, but they will not bring peace any closer. Here, we express regret that representatives of the United Nations Secretariat participated in that gathering, characterizing their participation as that of observers. That is unacceptable conduct under Article 100 of the Charter of the United Nations. On 14 June, the President of Russian Federation put forth a real peace proposal. We are talking here about the neutral non-aligned, non-nuclear status of Ukraine, its demilitarization, its de-Nazification, the recognition of new territorial realities, and the status of Crimea, Sevastopol, the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics and the Kherson and Zaporizhzhya oblasts as constituent entities of the Russian Federation. In the future, all those essential and principal provisions must be enshrined as fundamental international agreements. Of course, that includes the lifting of all Western sanctions against Russia. Moreover, bearing in mind what we said earlier about the systemic flouting of human rights and freedoms by the neo-Nazi regime, and when discussing the prospects for a resolution to the conflict, it is important also to take into account that Kyiv must repeal its Russophobic legislative acts and other decisions, including the ban on the Russian language in all spheres of life, and renounce once and for all the glorification of Nazism. It is important that Ukraine return to the rule of law in order to guarantee the rights and freedoms of the entire population of Ukraine, including the Russian- speaking part. We heard that the leadership of Western countries and NATO rushed to reject those peace proposals. For us, that was no surprise. Those rejections simply confirm the strategic blindness of Western capitals. We saw something similar at the end of 2021, when the United States, NATO and Europe rejected Russia’s proposals for a draft agreement on security guarantees. We urge our Western colleagues not to repeat their mistakes and to heed the voice of reason. Otherwise, they will bear the political and moral responsibility for the ongoing bloodshed. It is clear that the reality on the ground and on the front line will continue to change, and not in Kyiv’s favour, and that the conditions for starting negotiations will then be different. The aim of the Russian proposals is not to freeze the conflict but to actually resolve it. That will allow us to turn the page on this tragic part of history and, step by step, gradually start to rebuild trust and good- neighbourly relations between Russia and Ukraine, and in Europe as a whole. However, for that to occur, there must be a radical change in the thinking of Western political elites, which must reject on principle attempts to use the Ukrainian project against Russia, NATO must abandon its aggressive, militaristic policy, and there must be a return to normal, substantive dialogue on the entire range of global security issues, and a mandatory taking into account of the interests of all Member States. That is the only path to take to avoid further escalation. We call for that path to be taken before it is too late.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of the Republic of Korea. I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her timely briefing. Last weekend, approximately 100 delegations from various countries and institutions, including the Republic of Korea, convened in Switzerland for the first summit on peace in Ukraine. It is notable that leaders agreed on a common vision on moving forward in the joint communiqué in the areas of nuclear safety, food security and humanitarian issues. My delegation also notes that a variety of views on ways to end this war were exchanged during the summit, and we believe that that summit laid important groundwork towards achieving lasting peace in Ukraine. Also last week, a series of high-level conferences, including the Group of Seven Summit in Italy and the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Germany, demonstrated a shared sense of urgency for stopping this war. However, it is dismaying that Russia continued its attacks against Ukrainian cities, including Kyiv, with missiles and drones, even as global leaders were meeting last week. All wars eventually end, and so will the war in Ukraine. However, the way that the war in Ukraine ends will largely determine the future of global politics and define the security architecture in Europe and beyond. As such, we stress three basic principles that must be upheld in ending the war in Ukraine. First, the Charter of the United Nations and international law should be the bedrock for all future talks, as also set out in the joint communiqué of the summit on peace in Ukraine. In particular, Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity must be respected. In that light, I urge Russia to recall the General Assembly resolutions, adopted by the overwhelming majority of Member States, condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and declaring that its annexation of Ukraine’s territories had no validity under international law. Secondly, accountability should be thoroughly pursued in order to demonstrate our collective will to preserve humanity and quash impunity. We welcome the holding in the Netherlands last April of the ministerial conference on restoring justice for Ukraine, to take stock of the establishment of an accountability mechanism. In the same vein, we support ongoing efforts, including by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, established by the Human Rights Council, to collect evidence of war crimes and other atrocities in Ukraine. Thirdly, international assistance to Ukraine should be ramped up to show our resilience against armed aggression. As Ukraine is struggling to defend itself against Russia’s illegal invasion, it is clear which party should be supported. In that light, we will continue to support Ukraine and its people on the basis of the Ukraine peace and solidarity initiative signed by our two leaders last year. In vivid contrast, supporting Russia’s illegal invasion is immoral and may even constitute a violation of Security Council resolutions, as in the case of the illicit arms transactions between Russia and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. In fact, at this very moment, Russia’s President Putin is in Pyongyang at the invitation of the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Un. While carefully watching the first visit of the Russian President to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in 24 years, we cannot help but be deeply worried that Moscow, having already destroyed the global closed- circuit television monitoring of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea sanctions violations, may further intensify its dangerous military deals in Pyongyang. Not only what Russia receives from that deal, but also what North Korea gets in return, may pose a significant threat to international peace and security. Now that that illegal and perilous military cooperation between those two countries has emerged as a grave international security concern in Europe, Asia and beyond, as demonstrated by the recent condemnation of that act by the leaders of the Group of Seven, it will be met with a resolute response from the international community. The Republic of Korea’s modern history provides an eloquent example of the international community defending the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations and the Security Council playing its role against unprovoked armed aggression. Indeed, I am proud to say that my country is a model for the power of international cooperation and global solidarity. As such, we reiterate our strong commitment to standing alongside the Ukrainian people until they achieve a just and lasting peace in their land. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I now give the floor to the representative of Ukraine.

I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing and participation in the high-level summit on peace for Ukraine as a representative of the United Nations Secretariat in an observer capacity. I also recognize the continued occupation of the seat of the Soviet Union by the dictator’s envoy. His country was not present at the peace summit, as it remains unwilling to give up the language of ultimatums and to accept and implement the language of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. The latter was the basis and the guiding principle for the representatives of 100 countries and international organizations from across the globe, assembled in Switzerland this past weekend. Almost two thirds were represented at the highest level. The summit allowed each of the participants to demonstrate global leadership. Essentially, that event is the first step towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the Charter of the United Nations and the core principles of international law. As noted in the joint communiqué on a peace framework, the summit was built on the previous discussions that had taken place based on Ukraine’s Peace Formula and other peace proposals that were in line with international law, including the Charter of the United Nations. During the summit, participants agreed on a common position on three points  — food security, nuclear security and the release of all captured and deported Ukrainians — adults and children — abducted by Russia. The key principles of those elements for a just and sustainable peace are set out in the joint communiqué on a peace framework. In that document, the summit participants emphasized that the use of nuclear energy and nuclear installations must be safe, secure, safeguarded and environmentally sound, and that Ukrainian nuclear power plants and installations, including the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant, must operate safely and securely, under the full sovereign control of Ukraine and under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The joint communiqué also contains a clause on the uninterrupted manufacturing and supply of food products. Attacks on merchant ships, civilian ports and civilian port infrastructure are unacceptable. The communiqué emphasizes that food security must not be weaponized in any way. Prisoners of war must be released through a full exchange, and all deported and illegally displaced Ukrainian children and civilians must be returned to Ukraine. Since the early stages of preparations for the summit, we have been asked why Russia was not there. As we have already said, Russia prefers aggressive ultimatums to returning to the tenets of international law. Moreover, Russia labels as “ultimatums” our calls to implement the Charter of the United Nations and to respect its principles. Our stance on attempts to appease the aggressor under the current circumstances is clear and well known. Efforts at appeasement will not work now, just as they failed to work in the past, notably in 1938 and 1939. We well remember the efforts made then to prevent world war through appeasement. Democratic States took the unprecedented step of signing the Munich agreement with the leaders of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy. Let us remember the hopeful headlines and articles from the international press on 30 September 1938, which stated, “never has there been a simpler document issued in history, with consequences more far-reaching or more pregnant with hope. If the two men who issued it stick to their resolve, the peace of Europe seems assured for a generation at least”. The British Prime Minister at the time, Neville Chamberlain, echoed those hopeful sentiments, declaring at the airport, upon his return from Munich, “I have returned from Germany with peace for our time.” Indeed, just like today, countries across the world did not want, and I quote Chamberlain again, “digging trenches and trying on gas-masks here because of a quarrel in a far-away country between people of whom we know nothing”. That far-away country was, at that time, Czechoslovakia, which was not in fact very far away. Leaders around the world did everything to appease Hitler by allowing him to annex the region of Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia, the far-away country, in return for nothing more consequential than a promise that that would be his last territorial grab. That brings me to recall how, in 2014, we were persuaded that the world did not want a confrontation with Russia, and the temporary occupation and attempted annexation of Ukrainian territories, including Crimea, was the last territorial grab that Russia needed. The representative of Czechia will speak after me, and I am sure that he will be able to confirm that the result of all the attempts to appease the aggressor in 1938 is well known. The promise of military support for Czechoslovakia was withdrawn, the agreement was signed, and Czechoslovakia, which had mobilized 1.5 million soldiers and was ready to fight, was not even invited to the conference in Munich. Czechoslovakian representatives were only informed of the essence of the agreement. So, was peace finally preserved? I do not think the Chamber needs to be reminded of the ensuing developments. The Sudetenland was annexed, less than two months later the Kristallnacht occurred, six months after Munich the whole of Czechoslovakia was occupied, and less than a year after Munich the Second World War began. Churchill’s warning, shared after the Munich Conference, came true: “You were given the choice between war and dishonour. You chose dishonour, and you will have war”. And the President of the United States, who had previously urged Hitler to seek a peaceful resolution, was now sending entirely different messages and saying that, “for too many years we lived on pious hopes that aggressor and warlike nations would learn and understand and carry out the doctrine of purely voluntary peace. The well-intentioned but ill-fated experiments of former years did not work”. And now let us recall now how the Allies, who once wanted to prevent war through those well- intentioned but ill-fated experiments, came to the final arrangements for how the war should be ended. As soon as they learned the bitter lesson that appeasement and territorial sacrifices would not prevent bloodshed, they gathered for the first Inter-Allied Conference in London in June 1941. This time, neither Hitler nor Mussolini was present at the Conference. It is noteworthy that, at that first Conference, the allies focused on three key topics, although the scope of the critical issues to be addressed was much broader. Not only did the allies pledge to assist one another in the war, but they also promised not to enter into any separate peace and that there could be no peace until the threat of Axis domination had passed. So, as members can see, we have been through all this before. Our predecessors tried appeasement, they tried territorial gifts, and they rejoiced over signed papers with hollow promises from the aggressors. And then the world faced the atrocities of the war, with tens of millions dead, with genocide, with the Holocaust and with massive destruction in many near and far-away countries. Last Friday, in the Chamber (see S/PV.9658), the briefer invited by Russia threatened us with a repeat of the Caribbean crisis, appearing at the same time to be fully unaware of which party to the conflict is a nuclear Power and how that State is using its nuclear weapons to blackmail and intimidate, including by transferring them to other countries. It is worth recalling what former United States President Kennedy said while explaining his decision to implement a quarantine, “the 1930s taught us a clear lesson: aggressive conduct, if allowed to grow unchecked and unchallenged, ultimately leads to war”. All aggressors today should be reminded of that world leader’s words. Between the first conference of the Allies in June 1941 and the United Nations Conference on International Organization in San Francisco, United States, in April 1945, more than two dozen other high-level conferences, including Tehran and Yalta to name but two, were held, and again neither Hitler nor Mussolini was among their participants. Over those years, not only were victories achieved on the battlefield, but a significant amount of work was also done at the negotiating table. If that work had not been done, there would be no United Nations, no Charter of the United Nations and no Security Council. Therefore, it is essential that peace-loving nations continue their work on a peace framework. The summit in Switzerland has made a start on that work. We urge all those who have not yet joined the process to actively engage in and contribute to the restoration of a just peace. We would like the proposals developed by other countries to be a part of the dialogue, rather than being conveyed through the media. Every country and every leader have the right to their own position, without imposing it on others. We must respect each other. Ukraine will never — and I repeat, never — be an object of someone else’s plans. It is not 1938, inside or outside the Chamber. The joint communiqué of the summit in Switzerland has been opened for signature by all Member States. We call on all peace-loving nations to join the strong group of those Member States and international organizations that have already supported the document, thereby contributing to upholding the Charter of the United Nations and its principles, underpinning a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine, as envisaged by the General Assembly resolution (General Assembly resolution ES-11/6). As the President of Ukraine said at the summit, “there is no need to reinvent the wheel when the Charter of the United Nations already defines the foundations of peace and the normal coexistence of peoples. So, we just have to return to them”. A comprehensive, just and lasting peace is all that Ukraine needs. I am convinced that that is our shared aspiration, and I encourage all members to work together to make that vision a reality.

I now give the floor to the representative of Czechia.

I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. Czechia aligns itself with the statement to be delivered by the European Union, and I would like to add a few remarks in my national capacity. As Russia’s unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine continues to inflict widespread suffering on millions of civilians, destroying innocent lives and livelihoods, there is one country that wishes most to see a durable and just peace, and that country is Ukraine. In that regard, we welcome the success of last week’s summit on peace in expressing unequivocal support for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, based on the Charter of the United Nations and international law. At the largest and most representative global event since the beginning of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine in 2014, countries from all regions of the world, represented at the highest political level, sent a very clear message to the Russian aggressor: any peace proposal that is not in line with the Charter of the United Nations, including the principle of territorial integrity, cannot be called a peace plan. At the same time, we sincerely regret that several countries that have the ambition to play an active global role were not present at the summit or did not join the final declaration and its commitment to uphold international law. In line with the outcome of the summit, Czechia remains committed to supporting President Zelenskyy’s Peace Formula, which is the only peace plan on the table that meets the requirements of being in accordance with international law and the Charter of the United Nations. We are ready to continue our active involvement in the Peace Formula process as a co-Chair of the formula’s working group on nuclear safety and security — a matter of great concern to us. As we speak, Russia’s heavy shelling of Ukraine’s civilian energy infrastructure persists. That targeted destruction of the energy grid not only has severe humanitarian consequences for the civilian population but also places an immense strain on the nuclear power plants in Ukraine. To be clear, the erosion of nuclear safety and security is not a problem only for Ukraine or Europe — it has broad, cross-regional implications. Should the situation escalate further and potentially lead to a real incident, it would jeopardize the future of peaceful nuclear installations worldwide. Our efforts to combat global warming by developing clean and sustainable energy sources would suffer a severe setback. Both developed and developing countries would be highly affected. That is a hazardous game, and we must all urge Russia to stop it immediately. Ukraine is under a brutal attack by the Russian Federation. The people of Ukraine continue their heroic defence of their nation, their land and their values. The international community must take concrete steps to end the war and support Ukraine’s sovereignty within its internationally recognized borders. Czechia is determined to work with all those who genuinely uphold the key principles of the Charter of the United Nations to make a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine a reality. Let me briefly respond to the baseless accusations levelled against my country by the Russian representative today, and let me assure him that my country has no intention of participating in meetings organized by Russia that serve no purpose, especially since Russia  — a permanent member of the Security Council  — is the aggressor. I would like to remind the Russian representative that Ukraine is merely exercising its legitimate right to defend itself against the Russian aggression and is doing so fully in line with the Charter of the United Nations and international law. My country’s military support for Ukraine is legitimate under international law. Military assistance to a State that faces aggression is fully in line with the Charter of the United Nations. Ukraine has the right to regain full control of its territory within its internationally recognized borders. The export of military equipment is fully in line with the obligations under the relevant arms trade treaties. Those norms prohibit exports to an aggressor, not to a State victim of an external aggression. With the support received from Czechia and others, Ukraine is defending its civilian population against the countless indiscriminate attacks by the Russian armed forces. Russia’s attacks have already caused the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians. Let us remember that.

I now give the floor to the representative of Denmark.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the five Nordic countries  — Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and my own country, Denmark. We thank the United States and Slovenia for this timely meeting and Switzerland for hosting a successful global summit on peace in Ukraine this past weekend. The significance of the summit cannot be overstated. More than 100 countries and international organizations participated, including numerous Heads of State and Government from across the globe. The summit reconfirmed the widespread international support for a peace process based on international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, and conveyed strong political will to solve concrete challenges. The summit sent a strong message: State borders cannot be redrawn by force. The Charter of the United Nations must be upheld. Sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity are non-negotiable. Those are principles that we all signed up for, and that are the keystones for all of us who believe in multilateralism and international law. They underpin the security of all of us. For that reason and so many others, global support for Ukraine is of the utmost importance for international peace and security  — a shared responsibility of the entire international community. While more than 100 countries and international organizations met at the peace summit, Russia continued its assault on Ukraine and actively worked to undermine international efforts for peace. In the run-up to the summit, Russia committed some of its deadliest attacks against Ukraine since the start of the full-scale invasion. According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the month of May was the deadliest in terms of civilian casualties since June 2023, with more than half of the casualties attributed to Russia’s ongoing assault on Kharkiv. During that same period, we witnessed a surge of cyberattacks and disinformation efforts by Russia. The difference in political approach between a summit on peace in Switzerland and Russia’s brutal actions in Ukraine is striking. Russia’s so-called peace proposal, announced on the eve of the summit, lays bare the intentions of Moscow, which must be rejected  — namely, to subjugate Ukraine and deny Ukraine its right to sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Nordic countries condemn Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. We are deeply concerned about reports that weapons are transferred from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and used by Russia in Ukraine. We urge all States to abide by their obligations under international law and relevant resolutions of the Security Council by refraining from providing material or other support that helps Russia to continue this illegal war. Ukraine is exercising its inherent right of self- defence, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. Third countries have a right under international law to assist a State that is a victim of aggression. Yet Russia cynically continues to call for meetings in the Council on these lawful weapons transfers to Ukraine. Russia’s goal remains to subjugate Ukraine. In the areas that it has temporarily occupied, Russia has brought death, terror and destruction, not peace. No one wants peace more than Ukraine, whose people continue to suffer the consequences of Russia’s aggression. But it cannot be peace at any cost. Any future consultations must adhere to international law, the Charter of the United Nations and its principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty. We sincerely hope for Russia’s involvement in such future consultations on a comprehensive, just and lasting peace on that basis. In closing, the Nordic countries echo the repeated calls on Russia to cease all hostilities and withdraw their troops from the entire territory of Ukraine, within its internationally recognized borders, to end the war and let peace prevail.

I now give the floor to Mrs. Samson. Mrs. Samson: I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union and its member States. The candidate countries North Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Georgia, as well as Andorra, Monaco and San Marino, align themselves with this statement. I would like to commend the efforts of Switzerland in holding a successful summit on peace in Ukraine. I would like to highlight three points. First, the summit reconfirmed the strong support for the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Representatives from 100 countries from all continents and international organizations participated, a majority at the highest level. With broad participation and for the first time at the highest political level, the summit confirmed the need to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine based on the Charter and international law. We welcome the joint communiqué adopted at the summit, which emphasized international law, including the Charter and the relevant General Assembly resolutions. The European Union (EU) stands ready to support tangible steps for its follow- up. The summit also addressed more specific issues of vital interest to the whole world and committed to undertake concrete steps in the future, engaging partners globally: first, to ensure the security and safety of nuclear installations in Ukraine and to recall that any threat or use of nuclear weapons in the context of the ongoing war against Ukraine is inadmissible; secondly, to ensure food security and freedom of navigation; and thirdly, to facilitate the exchange of captives and ensure the return of the many thousands of Ukrainian children to Ukraine. It is now up to Russia to show its readiness to make tangible progress and demonstrate with its actions a clear commitment to the Charter. Regarding my second point, unfortunately, while we were discussing the way to peace in Ukraine, Russia continued its indiscriminate shelling on civilians and civilian infrastructure. Rolling blackouts are now affecting all regions of Ukraine, including the capital city of Kyiv. That leaves essential services and infrastructure without electricity for up to 12 hours a day. The Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions recently visited Ukraine to investigate the reported alarming scale and gravity of the violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law committed by Russia since the onset of its full-scale invasion in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine and beyond. Thirdly, Russia and its leadership must be held accountable for waging a war of aggression against Ukraine and for other most serious crimes under international law, as well as for the massive damage caused by the war. This year, once again, the report on children and armed conflict (S/2024/384) lists the Russian armed forces and affiliated armed groups for the killing and maiming of children, as well as for attacks on schools and hospitals. The EU has joined the international coalition for the return of Ukrainian children. It is engaged in efforts to bring home the Ukrainian children who were deported and forcibly transferred by Russia. Russia will be held accountable for those wrongful acts, which may amount to war crimes. In conclusion, let me reaffirm the EU’s unwavering support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Let us be clear: while under aggression, Ukraine is trying to chart a path towards a just and sustainable peace. It seeks to defend international law and the Charter. Russia, on the other hand, is doubling down on war and human suffering. It seeks to annex another State’s sovereign territory, and it seeks control over another independent State’s domestic and foreign policies, all while continuing to violate international humanitarian law. The EU will continue to support Ukraine for as long as it takes and as intensely as needed.

I now give the floor to the representative of Lithuania.

I have the honour to speak behalf of the three Baltic States — Estonia, Latvia and my own country, Lithuania. We align ourselves with the statement made on behalf of the European Union. I would also like to thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing. We meet today following the summit on peace in Ukraine, which took place in Switzerland and brought together peace-loving Member States. We fully support Ukraine’s Peace Formula as the only viable road map to achieving comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, based on international law and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Any initiatives or plans coming from the Kremlin or elsewhere that neglect the core principles of the Charter of the United Nations cannot be justified or supported. Such endeavours, if implemented, would inevitably undermine international law and would not lead to comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine. Our countries remain committed to working towards the fulfilment of the Ukraine Peace Formula goals, laying the path for a durable and just peace. The General Assembly resolution on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations underlying a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine (General Assembly resolution ES-11/6), which was adopted in February 2023 with a majority of 141 votes, sets out the only viable way towards just and lasting peace in Ukraine in line with the Charter, including the principles of the sovereign equality and territorial integrity of States. The resolution also calls for an immediate cessation of attacks on the critical infrastructure of Ukraine and any deliberate attacks on civilian objects, including residential areas, schools and hospitals. As reaffirmed at the summit, the Baltic States are dedicated to upholding the efforts of the International Atomic Energy Agency to ensure the full safety and security of nuclear infrastructure in Ukraine. Russia must immediately cease its military actions endangering nuclear safety and withdraw its military personnel and ammunition from the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant. Ukraine should regain full control of all its nuclear facilities. We also support measures to ensure the safe and unimpeded transit of Ukrainian grain and produce to those in need, in contribution to global food security. We condemn the Russian Federation, which, along with conventional means of warfare, continues to use special ammunition equipped with hazardous chemical substances against Ukrainian armed forces. We urge the members of the Security Council to bring that issue into their deliberations in order to find an effective response from the international community to Russia’s violations of international law and the provisions of the Chemical Weapons Convention. Furthermore, we call on Russia to abide by its international obligations and immediately release all illegally detained Ukrainians and return the more than 20,000 Ukrainian children deported or illegally transferred to Russia. Particularly alarming is the mobilization of boys to the Russian army as soon as their age allows, which is in violation of the Geneva Convention. We should not tolerate Russia’s war tactics, which include attacking schools and hospitals and the killing and maiming of children, as well as deliberately denying them humanitarian aid. For that, and rightly so, the Secretary-General has listed Russia for two years in a row in the annexes to his annual report on children and armed conflict (S/2023/362 and S/2024/384) as a party that is committing grave violations against children. Russia has not signed the joint action plan with the United Nations to end and prevent grave violations against children. There is also a growing body of evidence that Russia systematically subjects Ukrainian prisoners of war and civilians to killings, torture and ill-treatment, including severe beatings, rape, inhumane conditions in detention and denial of medical support. Russia is also stepping up its hybrid activities against its neighbours, particularly in the Baltic Sea region, including arson attacks, Global Positioning System jamming, attacks against critical infrastructure, interference in the European Union elections, physical violence, information manipulation attacks and the instrumentalization of migration. Such actions by Russia constitute deliberate escalatory provocation aimed at intimidating neighbouring countries and their societies. International monitoring mechanisms, including the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, have concluded that Russian authorities have committed a wide range of violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in Ukraine. The political and military leadership of Russia and its accomplice Belarus must be held accountable for the destruction of civilian infrastructure, including Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, its war crimes and other serious international crimes committed in Ukraine, including the crime of aggression. We also condemn Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, which are complicit in Russia’s indiscriminate war against Ukraine and the killing of civilians, given their provision of weapons and ammunition to Russia. Russia must provide compensation for all of the damage. The Register of Damage Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is already functional. Furthermore, the international compensation mechanism, which may include a claims commission and a compensation fund, will have to be established to cover all losses of the State and people of Ukraine. Eventually, immobilized Russian assets should be used for that purpose in the absence of voluntary compensation. The Baltic States reiterate their full commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. We call again on Russia to unconditionally, completely and immediately withdraw all its military forces and equipment from the entire territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders.

I now give the floor to the representative of Poland.

I thank you, Mr. President, for organizing this especially timely meeting. I also thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her insightful briefing. The just-concluded peace summit in Switzerland, with the participation of over 100 countries and international organizations, representing all continents, clearly showed overwhelming support for ending the hostilities being carried out by the Russian Federation in Ukraine. Once again, the international community said loudly and clearly that it remained committed to ending the conflict in a way that guaranteed Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity and would continue to do that as long as Russia’s aggression continued. President Andrzej Duda, who was one of those voices, stated at the summit, “The peace agreement that will eventually be worked out has to ensure the sovereignty of Ukraine, its full practical capabilities to defend its independence, as well as a free and unimpeded right to shape its internal and foreign policies — without Russia’s influence.” On the contrary, the approach to the peace process presented by Russia leaves no room for negotiation, as it is not really intended to achieve progress in the peace process, but rather serve as an inept justification for the continuation of war. The peace terms proposed by Russia are unacceptable to the entire civilized world. The success of the process initiated in Switzerland last weekend depends on bringing on board as vast a representation of United Nations Members supporting the Charter of the United Nations as possible. Only with broad international support and comprehensive consultations can we work out a basis for the future peace agreement. The meeting at Bürgenstock, Switzerland, proved that the critical mass is already there and that alternatives proposed as stalling tactics to give Russia more time to continue its hostile activities are failing. Poland was among the signatories of the joint communiqué on a peace framework agreed to in Switzerland. We fully support all three crucial aspects enumerated in the document. We deeply hope that the progress made on nuclear safety, food security and humanitarian issues will allow us to come closer to a just peace. For us, there is no alternative to a just peace, and there is no alternative to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Until that is achieved, Poland’s support to Ukraine, in all its forms, will remain Poland’s top priority in all multilateral forums.

I now give the floor to the representative of Germany.

We very much appreciate the opportunity to address the Security Council today. This meeting could not be timelier. I thank you very much, Mr. President, for setting it up. We want to join other delegations in thanking Switzerland for hosting the summit on peace in Ukraine. More than 100 countries and international organizations participated in a truly global exchange on how to bring Russia’s war of aggression to an end. The summit was an important milestone and an overwhelming manifestation of the international community’s unity and its strong desire for peace — a peace that is comprehensive, just and lasting, based on international law and the Charter of the United Nations, and a peace that safeguards Ukraine’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence. Germany will continue to wholeheartedly support that inclusive and cross-regional effort which prepares the ground for future dialogue — a dialogue that will become possible once Russia abandons its ambition to forcefully subjugate Ukraine, to erase Ukraine’s identity and to illegally absorb parts of Ukraine into the Russian Federation. We are not faced with a regional crisis. When a permanent member of the Security Council launches a war of aggression against a neighbour in flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations — underpinned by irresponsible nuclear threats and by the taboo-breaking occupation and militarization of Zaporizhzhya, Europe’s largest nuclear power plant  — we are faced with an attack on the United Nations itself. Russia’s illegal war of aggression is marked by a complete indifference to the suffering of civilians and a blatant disregard for international law. As a result of its relentless shelling and missile and drone attacks, much of Ukraine’s critical civilian infrastructure lies in ruins. It is therefore imperative that we tackle the question of reconstruction early on, while the war is unfortunately ongoing. Germany had the honour of co-hosting last week’s international Ukraine Recovery Conference in Berlin with more than 3,400 representatives of the public and private sector and of international and non-governmental organizations. To make use of the vast potential of Ukrainian society, the empowerment of local actors and communities took centre stage. The Berlin Conference showed broad unity and solidarity in support of Ukraine. Over 110 agreements were signed and investments amounting to $17 billion were announced. Those investments will help Ukraine to rebuild and protect its vital energy infrastructure and help increase its resilience. We are now looking forward to next year’s Ukraine Recovery Conference in Italy. I wish to close my remarks by once again urging Russia to stop its senseless aggression and to withdraw its troops from Ukraine immediately. I would like to call on all Member States to support the peace track that was laid out in Switzerland last week in order to end the war in line with the Charter of the United Nations.

I now give the floor to the representative of Italy.

Italy fully aligns itself with the statement by the European Union and would like to add some considerations in its national capacity. We commend the Swiss Government for convening the summit on peace in Ukraine, with the participation of approximately 100 delegations of countries from all continents and international organizations. It marked a first important step towards restoring diplomacy’s rightful role, and we welcome the joint communiqué adopted. It was also important that the United Nations was present at the conference. Italy remains committed to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, in line with the Charter of the United Nations, based on the principles of sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity. We firmly believe that the full implementation of those principles is a matter not in the exclusive interest of Ukraine and Europe, but of the entire United Nations membership. Respect for those principles is what holds the international community together. If we were resigned to the idea that might can rule over right, we would negate the principle of equality among Member States which is at the very core of the United Nations system. Therefore, our appeal to all States Members of the United Nations community is as follows — they must not be misled by fake narratives confusing peace with surrender or narratives artificially pitting the West against the East or the South. The outcome of the conflict and the destiny of the system of rules based on the Charter of the United Nations are clearly intertwined. We are not at war with Russia or the Russian people, but we are determined to continue to highlight Russia’s policy of blatant violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Those principles have been strongly evoked and reaffirmed by the Summit of the Group of Seven Industrialized Countries, presided over by Italy last week, with the participation of the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy. The Summit delivered a clear message of support for Ukraine’s independence and sovereignty. In that regard, the Group of Seven also called on third countries to cease the transfer of dual-use materials that contribute to sustaining Russia’s invasion. The peace conference in Switzerland created a common framework that enabled discussions of topics related to the conflict and of vital global interest for everyone, such as nuclear safety, food security and the humanitarian dimension, including the protection of Ukrainian children. We must now call for an even greater involvement of all States Members of the United Nations to ensure that those three spheres of action receive consistent follow-up. We need diplomacy also to address the legitimate concerns and expectations of developing countries, which are impacted by the broader repercussions of the conflict, in terms of disruptions to global supply chains and food security. With that in mind, we encourage the participation of all global partners from Asia, Africa and Latin America in those discussions. We remain committed to collaborating with all partners ready to support peace efforts. Now is the time to intensify our collective efforts to achieve that goal.