A/33/PV.58 General Assembly

As the twentieth century draws to a close the international community is still wit':less to an odious crime perpetrated by man against his brothers simply because of differences of race and colour. 2. The apartheid regime, which pursues an inhuman policy against the indigenous population of southern Africa, would seek to take us back to the time ofslavery, which is now gone for ever. The great progress made over generations in the building of civilization and modern society on the basis of the principles of dignity and equality and the 'llccomplishments of mankind in various spheres of progress and access to modem technology will be meaningless so long as in southern Africa people continue to live alienated in their own homeland and denied their fundamental dignities and freedoms. 3. We cannot imagine how the conscience of the international community can be at peace with itself while it knows this crime is being perpetrated. How can it possibly respond by decisions that are not implemented? And then, how can anyone claim that by not breaking off completely . with the apartheid regime one would be consolidating the efforts bemg made to eliminate and uproot that regime, as the argument goes? It is not difficult to disprove that argument when one reviews the history ofapartheid and its odious criminal policies, which are intended to perpetuate its control and to keep the white minority racist Government in power to the detriment of the black majority in South Africa. NEW YORK 4. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/33/22 and Corr.l], which is now before the Assembly, reflects the gravity of the situation in the region and paints a picture of the sufferings of the people of southern Mrica and the injustices that have been inflicted upon them because of the policies of the racist minority, which is acting in flagrant defiance of the international community and showing contempt for the most elementary human rights. 5. The racist regime of Pretoria would never have been able to consolidate its military .potential and step up its repressive operations against the people of South Africa and its freedom fighters, and it would never have been able to massacre innocent women and children, as was done at Soweto and elsewhere, and to set up the so-called bantustans, which are another odious manifestation of apartheid, were it not for the aid and co-operation it receives from certain countries in their efforts to consolidate their economic and military potential. It has thus been encouraged not only to practise apartheid and discrimination against the people but also to continue its occupation of Namibia and to commit acts of aggression against neighbouring African countries in disregard of United Nations resolutions and the will of the international community. 6. It is to be deplored that this co-operation from certain countries, particularly the major Western Powers, has not been confmed to the economic, political and military fields, but has been extended also to the nuclear sphere and South Africa is taking advantage ofthis to develop its own nuc1aar capacity in the military field. On ibis point, we hear those Powers claim that the nuclear material they provide Pretoria is directed soleliy towards peaceful purposes and are in conformity with the requireaguarantees. 7. Those who use this argument mow that thermonuclear materials falling outside the guaran.tees would also be made available to South Africa at the same time. Nuclear materials obtained from abroad would thus be used as part of a programme of armaments as South Africa prepares for its own nuclear tests, creating an extremely serious situation and a direct threat to international peace and security-not just in· southern Africa but throughout the African continent. This makes it essential that the international community firmly resist the racist regime. Otherwise, a great tragedy lies in wait for the peoples of Mrica and the independence and security of all African States will be in jeopardy. 8. One cannot build stability in the region on a solid foundation until apartheid has been eliminated and until all the people of South Africa of whatever nice or colour are able to exercise their right to self-determination. 10. It is high time to take action to implement the resolutions of the United Nations and to see to it that those resolutions are strictly respected by all countries, in particular by those countries deno\mced in General Assembly resolution 32/35, which include the major Western Powers and Israel, because of their continued co-operation with the Pretoria regime in the economic and military fields. 11. Security Council resolution 418 (1977) imposes an embargo on the supply of arms to South Africa and takes an important step towards the isolation of the apartheid regime. But that, of course, is only a preliminary step which must be followed up by a whole programme of economic, political and diplomatic sanctions under Chapter VU of the Charter in order that the isolation of the regime may be complete and that regime may be overthrown in the short term rather than in the longer term. 12. We ask the international community to discharge its responsibilities in order to put an end to the apartheid regime in South Mrica, and we urge it at the same time to increase its material and moral assistance, as well as all other types of assistance, to the'peoples of South Africa, to the African national liberation movements and to all those who are fighting against apartheid. The African people must not be allowed to think they have been abandoned in the just and honourable struggle which they are waging alone against the racist regime and the martyred children of Soweto and the other fighters,. like Steven Biko; must not have died in vain. Those peoples must be given tb-a impression that the whole international community is supporting them and backing them up so that their struggle will have a successful outcome and so that they will regain their right to self-detennination and to a life in dignity. - 13. We must also not fail to emphasize the need to take the necessary measures to save the lives of the independent fighters who are in prison in South Africa and who are threatened with death by the hangmen of the apartheid regime. We have to denounce these criminal practices and increase our pressure so as to secure the release of these detainees. 14. In conclusion, we would point out to the racist regime in Pretoria that no one can stop the tide ofhistory and that the . African liberation movements have created a new situation which will, in the near future, culminate in the elimination of apartheid and the liberation of the peoples of Azania, Namibia and Zimbabwe. The racist regime must come to understand that injustice and repression only inflame the struggle waged by the freedom fighters and that

We are currently in the middle of International Anti-Apartheid Year and, that being the case, I can think of a no more propitious time for our Organization to review our efforts and to take appropriate measures aimed at eradicating the odious system of apartheid in South Africa. The inhumanity and unjust nature of apartheid are universally recognized, as are its destabilizing effect in southern Africa and its threat to international peace and stability. The remaining question is how best to eradicate it. 16. In this connexion, my delegation, as a member of the Special Committee against Apartheid, is happy to recommend to the Assembly that the Committee's report to the . General Assembly {A/33/22 and CO".]} be adopted ~.nd implemented in that it provides, in my delegation's view, adequate means of helping to bring the system of apartheid to an end. We are all aware, however, that, whatever action the international community may decide to take, it will not put an end to apartheid overnight; therefore, measures such as the mobilization of world opinion, as advocated by the Special Committee, are important. My delegation therefore whole-heartediy supports the mobilization of world opinion through the dissemination of information and other activities against apartheid. 17. Furthermore, my delegation is of the opinion that the isolation of South Africa from the international community, as also recommended by the Special Committee, could contribute much to the sllccess of our efforts to eradicate the system ofapartheid. My delegation is ready to support any positive measures which this body or the Security Council might adopt and which would contribute towards bringing the system of apartheid to an end. We fully support the internationally-declared sanctions in force against South Africa and call upon all States to comply fully with them. This body and the Security Council should also con~:der imposing stricter sanctions against South Africa. Above all, it is imperative that the international community incl\;ase its financial and political support to the freedom fighters and oppressed people within South Mrica. 18. In furtherance of the objectives of International Anti-Apartheid Year as declared by the United Nations [resolution 33/105 B, annex!, my Government, on 16 August of this year, the eve of the thirty-third lOmiversary of Indonesia's independen~,issued Special commemorative postage stamps in support of the oppressed people of South Mrica. As a step towards the goal of isolating the Pretoria Government from the international community, my Government has also shunned all relations with South Mrica. In fact, Indonesia has refused to participate in athletic contests and beauty pageants in which South Africa isrepresented. In addition to these acts and its work within the Special Committee, my delegation has contributed to the United Nations Trust Fund for South Mrica and the United Nations Educational and Training Pro~rarnme for Southern Mrica. 19. My delegation would also like to urge that the mandate of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an 20. In conclusion, I should like, on behalf of the Government and people of lndonesia, to reaffirm our un\Wvering commitment to support the struggle of the oppressed people in South Africa and my Government's readiness to co·operate in any way it can with the international community'in bringing to an end the system of apartheid. As I pointed out earlier, my delegation places great importance upon the implementation of the programme of work detailed in the report of the Special Committee against Aparfheid to the General Assembly [A/33/22, paras. 299-302/ and urges all States and international organizations to co·operate with the Committee in the implementation of its programme. Finally, although the struggle for freedom within South Africa is likely to be a long and gruelling one, my delegation is confident that, with the determined struggle being waged by the freedom fighters there and with the support of the international community, freedom and justice will ultimately win out and ~he system ofapartheid will be eradicated.

I wish at the beginning of my rem:uks to emphasize my full support for the statement made on 22 November by the representative of the Federal Republic of Germany on behalf of the nine member States ofthe European Community f56th meeting/. 22. I wish to take this opportunity to reiterate the deep concern of the Government of Ireland at the continuation and, mdeed, reinforcement of the apartheid system in South Africa. Speaking on this matter today, as Irish representatives have always done in session after session of t!te General Assembly, I feel saddened and disturbed that the intransigent attitude of the South Mrican Government in the face of world opinion has ensured the reappearance of this item on the agenda of this thirty-third session. 23. The system of institutionalized racial discrimination which is cmrently in force in South"Africa is an evil and inhuman edifice. While racial discrimination in any form is unacceptable to my Government, the policies of apartheid stand out for particular criticism. In the coume of his address to this Assembly on 28 September last the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs summarized his views on this system as follows: "... it is criminal because it condemns millions of people to a second-class existence within their own courtry, to the destruction of their social and family life and to oppression when they resist; it js hugely wasteful because it deprives the country of th~ talents-of many of ~s most gifted citizens; it is disastrous because it is D01md te;> fail; and it is tragic because the descendants of those Who successfully fought for self-determination agaiIls'~ the 24. Despite international condemnation and despite the growing alit-dation of the majority of its people, the South African Government has sought to entrench racism in South African society. The law has been misused to deny people their fUl'ldamen~al human rights and discrimination based on race permeates the daily life of all the people. Every aspect of State and society, political, social and economic, is fundamentally affected. Politically, the Government seeks in effect to deny the existence of the majority and to prevent its memben from organizing to work for change in the system by peaceful means. Those who try, and those who attempt to help them, are brut3lly suppressed. 25. The character of the apartheid structure has rightly been condemned by the representatives of many countries in the course of the debate on this item. The principle of discrimination is odious; thppractical effects lead to human misery. Laws and regulations which dictate where the majority of the people mayor may not live, which reserve particular skilled -occupations to whites, which prohibit black employees who are working in white areo from bringing their fllmilies to their place of work, which penalize blacks who are found outside their aaigned territories, and which discriminate iD the amount ofpublic money spent on the education of bla~k children, offend against the basic principles ofhumanity. 26. The kernel of the apartheid policy is the system of bantustans or so·called homelands. The architects of this programme hope that by assigning black tribal groups to designated "homelands" the question, or rather the. problem, of political rights for the majority of the people of South Africa will be resolved without loss of political or economic power by the white minority. The fraudulent nature of these proposals is evidenced by the f~ct that it is planned to assign only a small proportion of South Africa's land to the majority of its people. As has already begun to happen, it is intended then to make most of its people foreigners in their own country. The unanimous refusal by the international community to recognize as independent the bantustans, which are a product of the apartheid system, shows clearly that they are seen for what they are. Ireland joins the international community in refusing to accord them any legitimacy or recognition. 27. The inherent inconsistency of the system and the hyprocrisy of the South African Government are nowhere more evident than in the economic field. 'The huge discrepancy between the level of wages paid to black and to white workers is a stark example of discrimination in this area. This type of exploitation not only deprives the majority in South Africa of a reasonable share in the fruits of their labour but also clearly indicates the indifference of the South African Government to their economic and social well·being.,How sad and ironic it is to note that the key to the prosperity of South Mrica, the black worker, is the victim of systematic discrnnination in all spheres oflife as a result of a range of policies instituted by the Go,~;:m&ilent which has benefited liO much from his labours. In this . 28. With that in mind, it is difficult to comprehend the short-sighted intransig~nce of the Government of South Mrica. My Government joins those who, in their addresses to this Assembly, have emphasized the ultimate folly of the South African tactic of permanently suppressing the majority of the people in their own land. This policy is not only immoral and inhuman but also tragic, as it will surely plunge South Africa into a maelstrom, with disastrous consequences for all the people of the territory. Continued deprivation and injustice will inevitably lead to widespread violence. The ruling minority in South Africa expresses fears that it would face domination in a truly democratic society, but the likely alternative is far worse for them. As my Foreign Minister said in the general debate: "Nl~ one should pretend that constructing a multiracial society is an easy task, but the longer it is postponed the more difficult it becomes and the greater the likelihood ofviolence"./13th meeting, para. 56.J 29. The situation is made worse by the repressive action which the South African authorities seem compelled to take in their endeavour to ensure continued political d~mination by a racial minority. The repression is carried om with an arbitrary brutality of which we are all only too well aware. I should like to take this opportunity to voice the support of my Government for those who have suffered in South Africa on account of their political beliefs. We feel a deep sympathy with the fate of those, in South Africa and elsewhere, who are victims of repression because of their stated political opinions, their religious beliefs or their colour. The political prisoners in South African gaols testify to the incompatibility of South Africa's system of racial segregation with the ideals of democracy and justice of my country. 34. I would like to conclude my remarks by reiterating my Government's total opposition to all forms of discrimination on the basis of race. While the intransigence of the Govemme.""lt of South Africa does not provide us with substantial grounds for optimism, we feel that no effort . should be spared by the international community to impress on the minor~ty Government in Pretoria the inhumanity and folly of its policies of apartheid. Indeed, there is nQ alternative. for this Organization, which is dedicated to the resolution by political means of issues which may otherwise le,;ld tJ> ,grave internationaJ. conflict. We must do all' we-can to enSUfe that the change which is inevitable will come about wiiliout further bloodshed, and avoid adding to the burden of suffering of those-who have already exp~rienced the suffering and degradation inherent in the policies ofapartheid. -'" 30. Seeing the situation as it does, my Government is convinced that the international community must redouble its efforts to bring home to those who hold power in South Africa the need for fundamental change without delay if a catastrophe, which will engulf all the people of the country, is to be avoided-a racial' conflict which would have profound consequences internationally, both in that ilfea and at a global level. This obligation must be fulftlled both by the world community collectively and by individual States, particularly by those with contacts with South Africa, in so far as individual action may be effective. 31. For our own part, the fundamental attitude of the Irish people and their representabves was clearly demonstrated in May of this year when the DaiI or lower House of the Irish Parliament unanimously adopted a motion expressing solidarity with all those who further the aims of International Anti-Apartheid Year. As the Assembly may know, Ireland has no diplomatic relations with South Mrica. Successive Irish Governments have taken steps to ensure that no official encouragement is given to economic 32. It is, however, the view of the Irish Government that the expression of views by individual States and action by them are not on their own likely to be effective in persuading those who hold power in South Africa to face reality. My Government is convinced that co-ordinated international pressure is required, and we are committed to playing an active part ;n the formulation and implementation of effective measures to this end. With our partners we shall continue to consider how the collective weight of the States members of the European Community can be used to bring home to the South African Government the necessity for change. 33. At the global level, Ireland welcomed the adoption last year by the Security Council in its resolution 418 (1977) of a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, which it had a~vocated, and it has naturally informed the Secretary- General of its intention to observe that embargo strictly. Ireland, of course, had willingly observed the previous voluntary embargo. Given the continued intransigence of the Pretoria Government and the intensification of repressive measures against the people of South Africa, my Government believes that the Security Council will soon have to consider again the situation in South Africa. In this regard I would recall that we have supported, and indeed last year sponsored, the proposal that the Security Council give consideration to a ban on new investment.2

This is not the first time that the General Assembly has considered the question of the policy and practice ofapartheid in South Africa. The - question is now being considered against the background of a further increase in the struggle for the widening of dtHente, the elimination of all existing focal points of international tension and the prevention of the appearance of new ones, the complete and defmitive eradication of 2 See Officilll Records of the General Assembly, Thirty-second Session, Annexes, agenda item 27, document A/32/L.~4/Rev.2. 36. This year such important international events as the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, the ninth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, held on Namibia, and the declaration of this year as International Anti-Apartheid Year, convincingly show that the peoples of the whole world fully understand the need for the most rapid and complete elimination of colonialist and racist regimes, first and foremost the apartheid regime in South Africa, which is a serious source of heightening tension and conflict on the African cOntinent, and elsewhere as well. Virtually all those who have spoken at this rostrum on the question of apartheid have asked the sam~ question: for how long will the ignominious policy and practice of apartheid continue to exist? Virtually all speakers have asked what decisive and effective measures sho~ld be adopted in order to achieve the elimination of racism,apartheid and colonialism. 37. In its most recent resolutions, the United Nations has almost unanimously stigmatized apartheid as a phenomenon which is extremely antagonistic to the peoples of the world, as an inhuman crime against mankind, and as the mOolt monstrous form of mass and gross violation of human rights. Many speakers before me have correctly termed apartheid the most cruel form of tyranny, an open challenge to the conscience of mankind, and a flagrant defiance of the people of the whole world. 38. Discussion in the General Assembly has still further revealed the character and scope of this increasing danger to international peace, and particularly to peace in Africa, represented by the policy of the Pretoria regime, which is the main carrier of this Fascist and racist practice, this monstrous phenomenon of modem times: apartheid and racial discrimination. 39. It is not without the help and co-operation of certain Western countries that the Republic of South Africa has been converted into a defensive .bastion against the national libe~ration movements in Africa. The -racist regime of Pretoria continues flagrantly to trample underfoot the rights of the indigenous non-white population, and not only in the Republic of South Africa but also in illegally occupied Namibia, and helps to keep in power the 'regime in Southern Rhodesici. Pretoria has become a base for aggressive attacks on neighbouring African countries. 40. Fully endorsing this assessment of apartheid and feeling a deep sense of revulsion against this policy and practice, we should like to dwell in alittle more detail on certain reasons for th~ vitality ofapartheid. 41. Racism In &luth Africa has certain powerful protectors and the conspiracy between them and the raciSts, as many ha~~poitlted out here, is of great help in perpetuating the existenCe of apartheid an!! ~aking those who catty it out more aggressive•.- ~ .. -:-.' "~. ~~.~- 42. The conclusion that ·the ~ain force in preserving the focal points of colonialism and racism in Africa is Western imperialism is nothing new; it has"long been recognized as a 43. The present regime in the Republic of South Africa fully suits the imperialists, particularly from the p-"litical and ideological points of view. They are particularly impressed by its outspoken anti-communism, which is a basis of the policy of South Africa's ruling circles. Nor is . there any secret about the character of Western economic interests in South Africa. The cpartheid regime in the Republic of South Africa does business with about 2,000 different western transnational corporations or their branches. Those who have spoken before me hli'!~ mentioned the hundreds of British, American and other corporations which have billions invested in the economy of the Republic of South Africa. Major corporations of other Western countries are beginning to compete l"dore strongly in the region with English monopolies, which have been longer established in the area, and with others which had earlier seized juicy bits of the territory for themselves. 44. Moreover, notwithstanding all the decisions of the United Nations, investments in South Africa are continuing, and they are not only not diminishing but rathar, increasing, in military production, in nuclear technology, and in the petroleum industry. The monopolies are thus follOWing precisely the recipe of the former Chairman 'of the Military Committee of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATOl, who said quite frankly that .the strategic position of South Africa and the abundance of important raw materials there, compel the Western countries to maintain close links with South Africa. 45. Political, economic and military interests determine the imperialist policy of the alliance of a number of NATO countries and their benevolent relations with the 1'3cist regimes of Southern Africa. South ,f\frica has long been included in the strategic plans of NATO and il> linked to a number of NATO countries by very close bonds of military and economic co-operation. No rhetoric about the condemnation of apartheid, no "code of conduct" such as some would seek to introduce fur the transnational corporations operating in South Africa, can change this indisputable fact. None of the representatives who have spoken here can give examples which show that the so-called "code of conduct" has improved the situation of the indigenous people or that they have thus obtained even slightly more rights than they had in the past. 46. Moreover, in the recent past, bearing in mind the strategic situation of South Africa, there has been an ipcrease in propaganda in favour of the establishment of an imperialist south Atlantic treaty organization bloc, which wa~ mucll talked about at the beginning of the 19608, or a transformation of NATO into an Atlantic treaty OIganization. Of course, in both plans the South African Republic would have a considerable role to play. For NATO, of course, southern Africa is a beachhead for neo-colonialist attacks against the young independent countries of the continent. 47. Only by taking into account all these facts-and others as well, of course-can one understand the admission made 48. Alarmed at the piospect of the inevitable collapse of the racist regimes as a result of the victorious national liberation struggle which has swept the whole southern part of Africa, which would mean the collapse also of the political, economic, military and strategic objectives of the Western countries in the region, the imperialist circles have been feverishly seeking ways to protect their interests in the area. 49. This year the countries of Africa have again experienced the effects of the intensified political manoeuvres of a number of countries of the West and the flagrant military intervention of certain NATO countries designed to preserve the control of Western monopolies over the natural resources of the area and to provide for the military, strategic and other interests of the Western Powers on the continent. so. Imperialist intervention in African affairs has coincided with the counter-attacks by the racist regimes against neighbouring African countries: Angola, Mozambique, Zambia and Botswmta. The. aggressive acts of the racist regimes have had the same vicious aims as the cynical measures adopted by tile NATO Powers: that is, to blunt the anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist struggle in Africa, not just to preserve but to consolidate their own positions there, and to steer the development of the African States into a framework of neo-e910nialist "partnership" that would meet their own interests. 51. An integral part of these efforts has been the unbridled anti-Soviet campaign which has been carried on in South Africa and in the principal NATO countries. In . that campaign, as has become customary, one major Power, which is uying to attach itself to the non-aligned countries but which for a long time has tried to make itself the third super-Power. has been taking part. It has been trying by might and main to buy weapons from the Western countries and constantly calling upon them to increase their military efforts. The aim is clear. Together with imperialism, all those forces are trying to sow distrust of the Soviet Union and the socialist countries and to isolate the peoples-and countries of Africa from their true and reliable allies in the struggle for the complete elimination ofcolonialism. racism and apartheid. 52_ The peoples of Africa are ever more clearly seeing who are their true friends and who are their enemies. They have divined the cunnmg aims of the combined forces of imperialism, racism and reaction and the supporters of these forces. 53_ The position adopted by them at the fIfteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of Mrican Unity {OAU) 54. The Soviet Union fully understands and supports the just efforts of the African peoples to liberate Africa defmitely from the fetters of colonialism, racism and neo-coko::;alism. As was emphasized in the statement of the Soviet \";overnment in June of this year: "The policy of the Soviet Union towards Africa is clear and consistent. In the developing countries, as everywhere. the Soviet Union is on the side of those forces which are defending the cause of national independence, social progress and democracy. It regards them as its friends in the struggle. L"l this the Soviet Union is not seeking any advantages for itself. It is not hunting for concessions. It is not seeking political control or trying to obtain military bases. "The USSR b fully on the side of the African peoples that are strugglIng against any further preservationt in any form, of the vestiges of colonialism and racism in Africa and against neo-eolonialism. It is therefore natural that the Soviet Union has consistently advoca~ed and continues to advocate the elimination of the racist regime in Rhodesia and the transfer of full power to the people of Zimbabwe in the form of the Patriotic Front. the prompt and full withdrawal of the Republic of South Africa from Namibia and the transfer of power to SWAPO, the genuine representative of the people of that country, and the elimination of the system of apartheid from the Republic of South Africa." ss. Taking into account the fact that the racist regime of the Republic of South Africa stubbom1y refuses to put an end to the inhumane policy of apartheid which it pursues and to its aggressive policies ag~inst the African States, the Soviet Union rightly regards the situation in southern Africa as one which represents an immense threat to international peace and security. Together with the African and other countries in the General Assembly and in the Security Council, the Soviet Union has constantly striven and continues to strive for the application to the Republic of South Africa of wide-ranging and comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. The Soviet Union does not have rdly relations with South Africa and applies to it. as to all other racist regimes, a complete and comprehensive boycott. 56. The Soviet Union takes a po~itive view of the work of" the Special Committee against Apartheid and supports its substantive report to the General Assembly. We highly value the constructive anti-eolonialist activities of the United Nations Council for Namibia and its President, Miss Konie. 57_ We noted with great interest the proposal by the representative of Madagascar {56th meeting) that the 58. The adoption of such a declaration could not fail, in our opinion, to be conducive to the further mobilization of international efforts to support the just liberation struggle of all the peopl~s of southern Africa. 59. As in similar cases in the past, the Soviet delegation is prepared to work with other interested delegations towards the drafting and adoption of effective measures that could do most to accelerate the elimination of racist systems in the Republic of South Mrica and throughout southern Mrica.

The next speaker is the representative of the African National Congress of South Africa IANCj. I call on him in accordance with the decision taken by the General Assembly at its 5th plenary meeting, on 22 September 1978.

It is with great pleasure, Mr. President, that I extend to you greetings and congratulations, on behalf of the National Executive Committee of the ANC and express our conviction that under your guidance, thanks to your diplomatic experience and commitment to the cause of justice, the deliberations of this session of the General Assembly will be crowned with success. 62. In five years' time-in )984, to be exact-Africa will be commemorating one of the saddest and most challenging chapters in the history of the human race. It wil'l be the one hundredth anniversary of the Berlin Conference, when some Western Powers met and carved up the m ap of Africa to satisfy their imperialist ambitions. I remind members of the Assembly of that event not only becauee the problem of apartheid is part of the monumental injustice which ensued, but also because those who oppose the measures being proposed today for the solution of that problem are the same countries that met in Berlin; they are the same countries that for centuries have engaged in the unbridled plunder and exploitation of the riches of the African continent and are determined to perpetuate the status quo in southern Africa. 63. For South Africa the years from ·1870 to 1894 were most tragic years. It was during that period that Britain launched a series of wars which eventually led to the subjugation of the V81;OUS chiefdomsand kingdoms into the present-day South Mrica. And in 1910 our people were handed over as a present to the white-settler State then known as the Union of South Africa. The same strategy was carried out in Rhodesia, and after the First World War the people of Namibia were handed over by the Western Powers-by Britain, to be exact-to the misrule of South Africa. In return, South Africa would continue to send a booty of diamond and gold to the city of London and to Fort Knox. 64. It is therefore crystal clear that the roots ofapartheid are to be found in colonialism and capitalist exploitation. 66. The dominant feature, which is cause for the gravest alarm, is the ever-growing intransigence and the frantic arms race, as well as full-scale war preparations, of the racist regimes, undoubtedly encouraged by the persistent diplomatic, economic and military and nuclear collaboration by some Western Powers. The list is very long. However, the major and most incriminating factors are the cancellation of the much publicized United Nations-supervised elections in Namibia and Zimbabwe and the stepping up of the Pretoria-Salisbury programme to install puppet regime~and to impose a neo-colonialist solution in those Territories. The invasion of Mozambig,ue, Zambia and Botswana and lhe savage killing of refugees, including women and children, are part of the grand design to rob the peoples' struggle, led by the South West Africa People's Organization {SWAPOj and the Patriotic Front, of imminent victory. 67. The Salisbury-Pretoria axis dreads the SWAPO- Patriotic Front victory that will lead to the genuine independence of Namibia and Zimbabwe and the inevitable explosion of the powder keg on which the South African regime is sitting. 68. Smith's visit to Washington and an invitation reported to have been extended to Botha by President Carter make us ask the following questions. Is the United States a friend or a foe of the people of southern Africa in their fight for self-determination? Are the United States and the other four Western Security Council members friend:; or foes of the Pretoria regime? The answer_ to those important questions lies in the manner in which they vote on draft resolutions put forward in the Security Council, such as those on mandatory sanctions and an oil embargo against South Africa. It depends on how they have always voted, each time the Security Council has conddered an anns embargo. It depends on their attitude and position towards the stand taken by those seeking to make Security Council resolution 418 (1977), adopted last year, effective by closing the existing loop-holes-and the fact that loop-holes do exist is shown by the recent case of arms smuggling through third-party countries. It depends on what the 'Foreign Ministers of these countries said in reply to Botha's statement about "the ideals for which the West stands, especially the democratic principles of individual and political freedom, which are as dear to us as they are to you". 69. Did the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Cyrus Vance, or any of the Ministers of the countries that are part of the community ofnations that has declared apartheid a crime against humanity challenge Jtat statement? We know what Qotha said on that occasion and 70. The traditional policy has always been to exclude blacks from the Army because it is feared they constitute a potential fifth column. The Pretoria regime has also tried to automate skilled civilian jobs in order to keep blacks out of critical posts while freeing whites for other roles, including military work. Equipment supplied by United States firms-in particular computers and sophisticated transport and electrical goods-has helped the regime to achieve these aims. Many of the products of United States subsidiaries and affiliates in South Africa, such as oil, m:e of direct significance to the military programmes of the racist regime. There is a fast-growing, intimal:e integration of United States and other Western multinational corporations into South Africa's military-industrial comp!ex. 71. Those companies do not stop at heavy investment in the most technologically advanced sectors iu South Africa. They go further and use the country as a pase from which they export throughout the region. In many cases they have developed raw material sources in other southern African countries in co-operation with South Africa and private interests. . 72. The Western Powers have made a good deal of motion in southern Africa, but there has been no movement. The so-called peaceful resolution of the conflict in southern Mrica is no nearer. The white settlers are as intransigent as ever. This is because the Western Powers base their entire strategy on the preservation of South Africa. It need hardly be said that the scope and volume of the Western interests are immense. South Africa is but a branch plant of British, American and other Western firins. It is in fact but an imperialist outpost on that continent. A recent study in the United States Congress has revealed that more than half the United States Senators have shares in the gold and diamond mines of South Africa. Examine any of the prospectuses of the major firms in South Africa and you will see that most of the English "Sirs" and "Lords" are directors of the major South African companies. 73. David Owen, the British Foreign Secretary, has openly admitted that the British Government takes a negative attitude to the imposition of sanctions on South Africa. In a statement he made rec&ntly, he said: "We are not in a position to allow ourselves such a luxury." Apart from the economic and political considerations, the imperialist 74. South Africa is being made an important part of NATO's strategic plans for the Indian Ocean. It is this knowledge that explains South Africa's intransigence. Ian Smith's illegal regime was supplied with oil by a British oil company for 11 years. 75. This brings us to a point at which we wish to commend the Special Committee against Apartheid-and I refer here to the presentation of two reports,-and to state that it is no wonder that in some circles there is a growing concern that the current upsurge in Iran may bring about a situation that may stop the flow of oil to South Africa. 76. The imperialist Powers are not interested either in bringing down Ian Smith or in arranging for elections in Namibia. Their interest in these regimes makes that impossible. What the Western Powers are attempting to do is to prevent the further spreading of the liberation struggle in South Africa. They want to prevent the coming into power in Namibia and Zimbabwe of the national patriotic forces led by SWAPO and the Patriotic Front, which would lead those countries to genuine independence and social and economic progress. 77. Listen to what Mr. Brzezinski, the Special Advis~r on National Security to President Carter, has said about South Africa: ''What we are trying to do is to encourage a process of change which will oppose what otherwise looks like a rather apocalyptic alternative:-We are trying to get the South Africans to rethink the historical destiny of their own country so that through change that society can survive." 78. We have already pointed out that the entire Western strategy is based on co-operation with South Africa, whose stability the West considers a "must". In the meantime, South Africa since 15 June 1976 has experienced a continuing crisis. Almost daily the regime makes announcements about increa!1ed infIltration and action by the forces of Umkonto Asiswe, the spear of the nation, which is the military wing of the ANC. They make announcements about actions in the nothern Transvaal and along the borders with Swaziland. The regime also admits to the discovery of arms caches in the urban complex around Johannesburg, in Natal and around the Durban-Pinetown urban complex. Our movement has improved and strengthened its underground infrastructure. Umkonto Asiswe has improved its capacity to initiate and sustain armed activities inside the country. This is no idle boast designed to stimulate the enthusiasm of representatives here. The racist regime' daily aamits that this year alone its. forces have been constantly engaged in clashes with th-e forces of the ANC. Just last week, on 13 November, a unit of Umkonto engaged the South African forces, which, in spite· of mobilizing helicopter-borne crews, have not been able to track down the ANC forces. This follows the armed clashes announced in August. 79. The ANC would like to declare to the entire world that the mom~;ntum of the armed struggle in South Africa 80. The ANC is encouraged by the positions that have been adopted by this body, recognizing as legitimate all forms of struggle, including armed struggle, for the seizure of power by the people and the creation of a democratic State in South Africa. 81. We call upon the peoples of the world to monitor carefully the designs of certain circles in the West, circles that are trying to prepare public opinion for eventual intenrention in support of the apartheid regime in South Africa. Recently, a scheme to supply arms to South Africa, involving the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada and the island of Antigua, was exposed in this country. These countries have recently voted in favour of the arms embargo again3t South Africa and yet they allow their soil to be used for a nefarious trafficking in arms to South Africa. 82. Up to now nothing has been done to punish the perpetrators of this criminal act, nor has anything been done to the oil companies or the officials in the British Government who encouraged sanctions-busting. The ANC calls upon these nations to put an end to this duplicity and to adhere to the letter and spirit of Security Council resolution 418 (1977). We also call on them to stop blocking the efforts of the international community aimed at facilitating the struggle by imposing all-embracing sanctions under Chapter VII. Finally, we warmly welcome the proposal made by the representative of Madagascar [56th meeting) calling on the United Nations to draft and adopt a declaration on active solidarity with the oppressed peoples of South Africa in their liberation movement, in their just struggle against apartheid and in the creation of a democratic State. 83. We maintain that this would be in keeping with the ideals embodied in the Charter of the United Nations.

Once again the General Assembly takes up the consideration of the problem of apartheid which, after 32 years, does not seem to be getting any closer to a solution. The various measures adopted so far by the United Nations to put an end to the practices of apartheid that have been elevated to a system of government by the South African racists, to our great disappointment have not brought about the expected results. Quite the contrary, indeed-do I need recall it here? -the South Mrican Government, despite appeals, condemnations and repeated plans of the international community in the United Nations, deliberately continues to strengthen its system of discrimination. 85. The Government of Pretoria in the last year has not hesitated to intensify and extend violence and repression, as well as the economic exploitation of the black population, and to commit unjustified aggression against neighbouring countries. 86. Nor has it hesitated to increase the number of arrests of militants in South Africa, pursuant to a so-called 87. FinalJy, they have not hesitated to intensify the expulsion by force of South African peoples from their homes and to send them to isolated areas, thus implementing their practices of bantustanization, practices which themselves have already been condemned by the United Nations. 88. These are only some of the aspects of the outrageous defiance by South Africa of the United Nations and its Charter. If the attitude of the South African Government makes us pessimistic, there is however some hope to be gleaned from the heroic people of South Africa, a people which has shown that it is firmly resolved to struggle until it achieves victory. - 89. There is another cause for optimism. The international community, including countries which have relations with the South African Government are becoming increasingly aware of the phenomenon of apartheid and the struggle of the black people of South Africa, which will spare no effort to become free. 90. Conscious of the gravity of the problem of apartheid and also of the dangers which this problem may cause to international pc.:...;e and security, world public opinion has now become more aware and indignant in view of the tortures and the suffering of 20 million people. In the face of a situation where the Government of South Africa is daily strengthening and intensifying its criminal measures against the black population, concrete and vigorous action is called for at all levels. That action should first :md foremost draw inspiration from the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, as well as the provisions of the Charter. . 91. We have to go beyond verbal exhortations; the international community should shoulder its responsibilities and adopt practical and effective measures, in particular against violations of sanctions imposed by the Security Council on South Mrica. In the face of this situation, which, as just emphasized, constitutes a se~rious threat to peace and security in the world, the Security Council should once again take concrete steps in order to ensure that comprehensive and mandatory sanctions are adopted against South Africa pursuant to the provisions ofChapter VII of the Charter. 92. That is why we must ensure the strict implementation of the embargo on arms to South Mrica enacted by the .Security Council in its resolution 418 (1977) and put an immediate end to all co-operation with the apartheid regime. In this connexion those countries which continue to co-operate with the minority regime in the political, diplomatic, economic, military and nuclear fields should be wamed that they must abide by the relevant decisions of the United Nations. Moreover, an embargo on petroleum and petroleum products, as well as on various investments in the oil industry in South Africa, which is urged by the Organization and the non-aligned countries, would complete and add effectiveness to the whole series of measures to which should also be 'added increased assistance to the 93. Tunisia, last year,4 had an opportunity in this Assembly to emphasize the political aspect of the problem of apartheid, which has many different facets. Apartheid is not only a problem of the violation of human rights; it is also a political problem, since it blocks the accession of the black majority to power. By its struggle against apartheid, the South African people, under the leadership of the ANC and the PAC, the liberation movements, aspire, first and foremost, to become the master of their own destiny 'and to take into their own hands the conduct of the affairs of the country, in the context of a genuine non-racist democracy. 94. I should like to say that Tunisia, ·which, in the International Anti-Apartheid Year, endorses the conclusions contained in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid / A/33/22, chap. II}, calls upon the international community to increase pressure against the inhuman system of apartheid and to take all necessary measures pursuant to the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. SharpeviIle, Soweto, Mandela, Steven Biko-all these names bring to mind the tragedy that has for too many years been taking place in South Africa. But they are also names that symbolize the will of our brothers in South Africa to rid themselves and all Africa of the last vestiges of racism and colonialism. 95. Convinced of the justice of the cause of black Africans, Tunisia will always be at their side to help them recover their freedom and dignity.

The problem of the elimination of racial discrimination and apartheid, as an outgrowth of the ignominious system of colonialism, has been under discussion at the United Nations for more than three decades. 97. But the time has now passed when the advocates o~ colonialism would try to call into question the danger inherent in the Republic of South Africa's policy of apartheid. Apartheid is now condemned by world public opinion as a crime against humanity, as a flagrant violation of the United Nations Chartsr and as a threat to inter· national peace and security. The just struggle of the people of South Africa against apartheid has been recognized as legitimate and as deserving of moral and material support. 98. Today, against the background of the positive transformations occurring in the modern world, the T~ry fact that apartheid, that ignominious phenomenon of our age, still exists is in itself an extraordinary and disgraceful contradiction. 99. The delegation of the Mongolian Pe,Qple's Republic fully shares the conclusion in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid that the situation in ~~uth Africa is "one of the greatest and most urgent challenges 3 Pan Mricanist Congress of Azania. 4 See Officilll Records of the General Assembly, Thirty-second Session. Plenary Meetings, 70th meeting, paras. 71-83. 100. The events of recent years have shown that the racists of the Republic of South Africa continue callously to ignore all the resolutions of the General Assembly, the Security Counci! .and other organs of the United Nations demanding that an end be put to the policy of apartheid. They continue to strive desperately to spin out the remaining days of the shameful apartheid system and to prese~e their colonialist and racist rule. 101. The South African racists stop at nothing to achieve their aims. They are stepping up mass repression; peaceful demonstrators are shot; innocent people are thrown into g~ol;,prisoners are tortured and murdered; numerous trials of opponents of apartheid have become a daily phenomenon. They are hastily putting into effect their odious plan for the creation of bantustans. 102. The South African authorities are not merely con· tinuing their illegal occupation of Namibia, which is an international Territory, but are setting up their own fortifications there in order to turn that Territory into a military beach-head. That is the purpose of the unilateral decision of the racists of the R*'public of South Africa to hold so-called elections in Namibia. 103. The South African authorities are systematically committing acts of aggression against neighbouring African States and are cvnstantly threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of those COUlltries. 104. The racist regime of the Republic of South Africa is expanding its military capacity. 105. As is made clear in the report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Gran!ing of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in the period between 1974 and 1978 alone South Africa increased its military appropJjations by 235 per cent-from 493 million rand to a record 1,654 million .rand [A/33/23/Rev.l, chap. ~ annex 11, para. 14J. During the past five years the Republic of South Africa has doubled the strength of its army. 106: The question arises how the racist regime of South Africa can turn a deaf .ear, to the appeals of the United Nations and world public opinion and act in defiance of all pf ~;mkind.· As many' previous speakers have rightly pointed out, the answer lies in the policy of providing protection to the racist regime of South Africa pursued by certain Western Powers Members of this Organization. These Powers have been providing weapons and other military equipment for the suppression of the national liberation movement of the oppressed people of South 'Africa. They have been prOViding loans and credits to the racist regime of South Africa to' bolster its economic potential.' 107. As the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid noted at the meeting on 27 June of the Security Council Committee established by resolution 421 (1977) 108. It must be pointed out that even after the adoption of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) calling for a mandatory embargo on the supply of arms, the arms dealers have found ways of selling their goods to the Republic of South Africa, as is shown by numerous facts and the boastful declarations of South African officials. 109. It is a secret to no one that the criminal regime of apartheid in the Republic of South Africa is the result of the policy of conspiracy of the South African racists and the Western Powers and multinaiional corporations. 110. According to material published by the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, more than 1,883 companies from 14 countries have capital investments in South Africa. 111. In the circumstances, primary responsibility for the violation of decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council designed to isolate the racist regime of the Republic of South Africa must be borne by those countries that have stubbornly continued to co-operate with the racists of South Africa. 112. In this connexion, we consider that any co-operation with the racist regime must be condemned as an act hostile to the oppressed people of South Africa and as an act of defiance of the United Nations and the international community. The time has come for the Security Council to heed the voice of reason and, in accordance with the prOVisions of Chapter VII of the Charter, take the mandatory measures therein prescribed in order to put an end to any support for and encouragement of the apartheid regime. 113. The position of the Mongolian People's Republic on tJiis subject is well known. It has been stated here annually by our representatives in sessions of the General Assembly. Nevertheless, I mould like to confirm yet again the position of funJamental principle of the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic on this question. 114. The Mongolian people, which for centuries languished under the feudal and colonial yoke, has always been and remains on the side of peoples struggling for their freedom and national independence. The Mongolian people and their Government resolutely condemn colonialism and racism in all their forms and manifestations. The Mongolian People's Republic, faithful to the purposes and tasks of the United Nations, consistently complies with all the resolutions of the United Nations relating to coionialism~racism, and apartheid. The Mongolian People's Republic actively participates in the programme for International Anti-Apartheid Year and considers it one of the major measures in strengthening the struggle for the definitive and complete elimination of all foims of racial discrimination. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic is pre- 115. In conclusion, I should like to express my delegations gratitude to the Special Committee against Apll1'theid for its report, which reflects its multifaceted activities in mobilizing world public opinion for the struggle against apartheid, and for the many valuable conclusions and recommendations in the report. l.16. Mr. BLUM (Israel): According to the Charter of the United Nations, the General Assembly is the primary deliberative organ of the world Organization. And deliberate it should on the important question before· us today. Yet, when we read the special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid contained in document AI 33/22/Add.2 of 20 November 1978, and when we listen to many of the speeches in the current debate, we have the sense that it is not deliberation but {itualistic incantation in which we are now engaged. 117. In 1976, against the strong opposition of many members here, the Arab States and their supporters forced t.in"ough a special resolution singling out Israel for maintaining relations with South Africa {resolution 31/6 E}, a propositicn so absurd and divisive that it severely undermined the vezy purpose of the armual debate on apartheid. 118. But the issue of apartheid was not then, nor is it now, the real concern of the sponsors of that special resolution. Over the opposition of many African members and others throughout the world, they subverted every forum and debate in their frenzied campaign to accumulate as many anti·Israel resolutions as they could. 119. Perhaps naively, Israel believed that a simple presentation of the facts would reveal· the absurdity of the farce and return attention to the real issue at hand, namely, apartheid, which was after all the title of the debate. We therefore enunciated clearly and forthrightly, as we have every year, our stand on racism and apartheid. We produced official international statistics to show that our irade with South Africa amounted to two fifthS of 1 per cent ofSouth Africa's foreign trade. We produced further figures showing that our accusers themselves traded with South Mrica, and we asked: where are the special resolutions, country by country, condemning each State that helped account for the other 99.6 per cent of South Africa's trade? We produced similar statistics on arms traffic and, after the adoption of Security Council resolution 418 (1977), we announced our compliance with that resolution. 120. All of this was ofno avail. Our facts were not refuted . then and they have not been refuted since. Yet the charade was repeated last year and it is being perpetrated again this week by the publication of a special report on Israel's relations with South Africa. Perhaps it would be too difficult for the sponsors to admit their mistake. Perhaps it would.be a loss of face. Certainly logic and reason would dictate a reassessment of the pfactice.ofsingling out Israel. But som:times ritual assumes a mad logic of its own. We forget how the ritual began and why it was introduced. Like the tragi-comic characters in a Beckett piay, we ob5diently take our assigped places on the treaQmi1l, while "Have we not all one father? hath not one God created us? why then do we deal treacherously every man against his brother?" [Malachi, 2:10.J 122. We are ourselves a people of diverse backgrounds, whose religion can be freely adopted by all, regardless of race or colour. 123. However, the traditional Jewish support for the struggle against racism stems not merely from a deep-rooted abhorrence of the very notion of discrimination based on race, colour or creed but also from the fact that for centuries the Jewish people have been the classic victim of racial discrimination. That historical heritage included the murder, by the most brutal, racist regime in human history, of one third of our people for no other reason than that they were Jews. That heritage, along with the ancient teachings of the prophets of Israel, has led our people throughout the world and the State of Israel to fight racism whenever and wherever it rears its ugly he3d. 124. Indeed, it has been forgotten that it was an anti- Semitic assault that led the United Nctions itself to become involved in combating racism. In the wake ofa world-wide swastika epidemic in 1959, the Jewish non-governmental organizations affiliated with the United Nations brought the question of racial discrimination to the United Nations for the first time, an initiative that was vigorously supported by the newly emerging African nations which were then entering the world Organization. The agenda item at that time during the sixteenth session was called "Manifestations of racial prejudice and national and religious intolerance". But the direct link between the Jewish experience of racial persecution and the determination of Jews to end racial discrimination had been manifested in the United Nations at· its very first session. After the adoption of resolution 96 (I) in 1946, declaring "genocide ••. a crime under intematioMllaw", it was a Jewish lawyer, Raphael Lemkin, whose family had been wiped out in Poland dUring the war, who was instrumental in writing the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, adopted by the United Nations on 9 December 1948[resolution 260 A (Ill)]. Since that time, 125. I do not intend to dissect paragraph by paragraph the special ~eport of the Special Committee against Apartheid on recent developments in the relations between Israel and South Africa [A/33/22/Add.2J, for even an unskilled observer unaccustomed to the devious half-truths of certain Members of this Organization would have no difficulty in discerning the ludicrous array of tendentious misstatements which that report contains. That a country which accounts for a minuscule fraction of South Africa's trade merits a special report on relations with South Africa, while other countries with an infinitely larger share of that trade are not singled out, and that such a report is then based on newspaper speculations without any attempt at independent verification, would be sufficient for any independent judiciary to throw the case out of court. 126. But we have this year been treated to deception of a new kind. Section III of the report is entitled "Military and nuclear collaboration". I confess that I read that section no lesg than four times, searching for some mention of nuclear collaboration. There is not one word about it, for the simple reason that such collaboration does not exist. It exists only in the title and in the table of contents of the Special Committee's report, presumably because the Committee no longer expects anyone to read the report or take it seriously. What that section does contain is such "hard evidence" on Israeli military coUaboration as a report in The New York Times that the handful of Israelis in South Africa" '... presumably ... contained some skilled people with technological insight into items of Israeli manufacture' " [A/33/22/Add.2, para. 16J. 127. There is also an unattributed and groundless report, cited without source or date, on the manufacture of civilian helicopters in Israel. Since that issue has already been the subject of an official communication, circulated as a document. of the Security Council Committee established by resolution 421 (1977) concerning the question ofSouth Africa, I wish to take this opportunity to refer members to document S/AC.20/4, dated 17 November 1978, which states: "On instructions, the Permanent Mission of Israel wishes to state that there is no foundation~whatsoever to the press rep,ort in question (which was transmitted without indication ofsource and date). The report, which speaks of acommercial undertaking for the manufacture of civilian helicopters in Israel for export to third countries, ~alIegedly in conjun~tion with a South African company, was investigated by the appropriate authorities . in Israel at the beginning of this year and again in theautumn, and on both occasions was found to be groundless. "The Permanent Mission of Israel wishes to take this opportunity to recall that in his note of 3 April 1978, circulated as document S/1247S/Add.l, t1:le Permanent Representative of Israel indicated that Israel will comply with Security Council resolution 418 (1977)." 129. For the record, however, Israel again categorically denies the implied allegation about nuclear collaboration. As for the allegation about military collaboration, we likewise reaffirm and reiterate the statement by Foreign Minister Dayan in his letters to the Secretary-General dated 7 December 19775 and 3 April 19786 that Israel will comply with Security Council resolution 418 (1977). That remairis the policy of the Government of Israel. 130. As for trade, we have newer hidden or denied our policy, and we have always maintained that the entertainment of relations with Governments which have different policies and ideologies in no way implies acquiescence :n t.ltose ideologies. The figures relating to trade can be learneti from official international publications, which reveal that Israel's trade with South Africa still constitutes no more than two fifths of 1 per cent of the latter's total foreign trade. We are quite prepared for those economic links to be discussed here, with the simple proviso that precisely the same standards be applied to every State represented here. If it is economic ties wit:l South Africa that are at issue, let us receive a full account of all trade, investment, tourism, gold purchases, oil supplies and visits, both overt and covert, and let t16 then vote on a separate resolution for every country which is found to maintain such links. 131. In the Third and Fourth Committees we have already received evidence which indicates that such links are maintained by the very countries which have made such a point of singling out Israel. We have yet to receive in this forum a full accounting of the millions of petrodollars spent annually by Arab States in the purchase of South African gold. Of e'ven greater interest was the article in The New York Times on-ast Friday, 17 November 1978, which stated: "Ammunition for the (Rhodesian) security for~es-once in short supply-is reported to' come in by a circuitous route from Middle Eastern Arab states." I will not go on because we have been obliged to reveal these figures before, and they are available and accessible to any interested observer prepared to conduct an independent investigation. 132. The present application of a double standard is beginning to backfire on its sponsors as their motives aild tactics stand revealed more clearly every year. When they single out Israel, which does not invest in South Africa, but fail to single out each country which does have a stake in the $20 billion foreign investment in that country, then the sponsors are obViously determined to cover up rather than investigate the issue. When they once again turn an apartheid debate into a Middle East debate, they are 133. Two years after it was first applied, the double standard has discredited only its sponsors, who have ignored the interests of the African world and undermined the possibility of effective and constructive action against racism and racial iliscrirnination. Worse, their selective accusations have undermined the moral stature and credibility of the United Nations itself. 134." So that there may be no misunderstanding of.Israel's own stand on the principle before us, let me affirm once again that our position with regard to colonialism and apartheid remains unchanged. Racism and racial discrimination, in any guise, are abhorrent to Judaisl)l and to the State of Israel. As early as 1902, Theodor Herzl, founding father of modem zionism, compared the oppression of blacks in Africa to that which the Jews themselves had suffered, and he vowed that when he had witnessed the redemption of his own people, Israel, he would work for freedom in Africa. 135. These positions 'and attitudes are well known to those delegations which have chosen to side-track and exploit this debate in their campaign of political warfare against Israel. It is high time that this Assembly demand an end to the ritual in which we are now engaged, so that we may move on to a conside.ration of the real issue before us.

Every year the international community expresses its great concern with the policies of apartheid and i'acism, but concrete actions are needed to transform this concern into practical livable reality. Abolition of the evil policies ofapartheid has to be accomplished through an organized, systematic and collective effort of the international communi~. 137. White minority rule in South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe is a source of agony for the peoples in those areas. These regimes have shown a persistent defiance of the will of the international community, not to mention their consistent criminal attitude towards the indigenous peoples. Despite the fact that the racist regime of South Africa has persisted in carrying out its notorious policies ofapartheid, some Powers have engaged in an effort to reach an acceptable solution to the situation in southern Africa. Unfortunately, the racist regime in South Africa is embarking on a dangerous unilateral course of action which will show the efforts of the five Western Powers to be hopeless and unfruitful. The reason behind these regrettable actions is _t.ltat racist regimes try to dominate other peoples, abducting their land and freedom, and preventing them from exercising their elementary human rights. 138. My country has always expressed great concern regarding the inhuman policies ofapartheid in all its forms, and the records of the General Assembly show this fact quite clearly. Our Minister for Foreign Affairs stated in his speech to the General Assembly on 3 October 1978 that: ~ttain their aspirations to independence, equality, justice and self-determination".[18th meeting, para. 127.] 139. In an invariable attachment to these principles and beliefs, my country participated~ through its delegation, in the work of the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, held in Geneva this year. We suggested, among other things, assistance to increase sensitivity in international public opinion to what is happening in southern Africa. Furthermore, we proposed to create a sharper awareness of the problem of apartheid among schoolchildren everywhere, by including this subject in their study programmes. 140. We think that mobilizing international public opinion against the policies of apartheid. and including this subject in study' programmes. will help in eradicating discrimination and in creating sympathy for the people suffering under the apartheid system. In addition. the strict observance of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) imposing a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa will constitute pressure on the racist regime in Pre~oria and force it to abandon the abhorrent policies of apartheid. It is evident that the racist regime in South Africa is growing increasingly brutal in its suppression of the indigenous people and its escalation of its aggression in the region. The military assJlstanct! of some countries and some corporations to South Afri\':a and their collaboration with that country have compllcateid the situation and helped South Africa to defy the will of the international community. Furthermore, the military and economic assistance given by those countries has permitted the rocist regime in South Africa to continue its occupation of Namibia, and to perpetrate its aggression against fr,ont-line States, creating a real threat to peace an4 security ir~ the whole region of southern Mrica. 141. International Anti-Apartheid Year, launched on 21 Much 1978, gives us an excellent opportunity to implement the United Nations resolutions against the policies of apartheid in South Africa and to fight against racism and racial discrimination wherever they are found. 142_ At this juncture, we follow with deep concern the increasing coll(lboration between South Africa and-eertain countries, including Israel, in different fields, especL'illy the nuclear and military. The special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/33/22/Add.2} J spells out these developments. 143. We feel that if the international community continues its efforts by implementing United Nations resolutions and putting more pressure on the racist regime in South Africa, that regime will find itselfmore isolated. It is our hope that the measures taken by the international community against the racist regime in Pretoria will finally have an effect and lead to the abolition ofapartheid, that evil whi<:h endangers peace and security in southern Africa.

For over three decades now, the United Nations has been considering annually the policies ofapartheid of the Government of South Africa. 146. The humiliations and tortures to which millions of Africans in that unhappy land have been suJ,jected by a racist white-settler minority have been Vividly recounted a thousand times over. Studies of the odious system of apartheid are voluminous and resolutions on the subject adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council alone are numbered b~' scores. Yet, all the efforts exerted by the international community over these long years have neither b~'ought about the dismantling of the edifice of aparthdd nor, to our deep regret, contributed to the aiieviation of the unparallelIed suffering, the ruthless oppression and degradation to which the African people are subjected in their own land. 147. Indeed, the result has been the opposite. The more the international community has voiced its opposition to apartheid, the greater has been the oppression and repression of the African population in what appears to be a clear defiance of the will of the international community by the racist regime in Pretoria, as witness the massacres of Sharpeville and Soweto. The murders of such martyrs as Steven Biko and the arbitrary mass arrests and detentions, the uprootings and the dehumanizing practices of the racist regime are but a few examples of the fate of the millions of blacks in South Africa. 148. That the United Nations has so far been unable to take effective action to eradicate this scourge is but a sad commentary on its efficacy. This is especially so because the will of the vast majority of its Members has constantly been frustrated by the well-known imperialist-capite.list camp which has done so much for the continuation of this most unjust and inhuman system that it avowedly deplores and condemns. 149. If the racist regime in South Africa is the actual criminal in what has been characterized as a crime against humanity, those Western Powers and their allies who continue to collaborate with Pretoria are surely no less participants in the 'sordid acts which that regime perpetrates. 150. By assisting in the expansion of the South African economy-through massive investments, by th~jr extensive trade with Pretoria, by their wide-ranging military a,nd nuclear collaboration with that reprehensible regime, by their manifold machinations to bail out the racists of Pretoria through their use of the veto power, the Western members of the Security Council have. more than any others. enabled the racist Pretoria regime to continue to defy the will of the United Narions with impunity. The Western capitalist countries thus continue to bu.ttress, sustain and defend the racist regime in South Africa for no 152. Over and above the economic benefits, the imperialist Powers evidently have yet another compelling reason to keep in power the racists of Pretoria-that is, the need for South Africa as a stepping-stone for their neo-colonialist ventures. As we prepare to celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Ethiopian delegation cannot but ponder on the cynicism and hypocrisy of these collaborators with South Africa who pontificate as the self-appointed advocates and guardians of human rights around the globe. It is, therefore, with indigr.ation that my delegation is participating in the current discussion on the agenda item before the General Assembly. 153. Throughout the long years that apartheid has been discussed within the United Nations, much has been accomplished in evolving ways and means for mobilizing world public opinion against this reprehensible system. Over and above the numerous resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in successive sessions, without exception, and such fundamental documents as the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid [resolution 3068 (XXVIII), annex], the establishment of the Special Committee against Apartheid has been a positive factor in the struggle for the elimination of a system which is as odious as it is inhuman. The United Nations has, likewise, sponsored numerous studies, seminars and, recently, the world conferences on racism and racial discrimination. 154. Thanks to the perseverance of the United Nations, today the world public is well informed about apartheid and, I believe, well mobilized to contribute towards its elimination. What remains now is the taking of comprehensive measures by the Security Council as provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter, and their full implementation. security Council resolution 418 (1977), which imposed a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, is a step in the right direction but, to be effective, comprehensive sanctions are urgently required. 155. Let me underline at this juncture that Ethiopia has been consistent in its energetic denunciations of aparthfdd within the United Nations, the OAU and the movement of the non-aligned countries. Over the years Ethiopia has extended all possible assistance to the victims of apartheid 156. We in Ethiopia have been forthright in our denunciation of those States which, through their manifold collaboration with Pretoria, have in effect been the mainstay and actual guardians ofapartheid. This is, of course, in spite of their loud protestations as sworn enemies of apartheid. We have often publicly appealed to their sense of justice to co-operate with the rest of the international community. Our appeals have fallen on deaf ears and we have been compelled to expose their shameless conspiracies and disgraceful collusi?ns. 157. Whatever partial sanctions have been imposed on Pretoria its trading partners hIDle been only too wil:ing and quick to engage in covert co-operation in violation of the terms of the very resolutions they have supported. All this has been scrupulously recorded and amply highlighted by consecutive reports of the Special Committee against Apartheid. 158. As in the past, my delegation wishes to express its appreciation to the Special Committee against Apartheid and especially its indefatigable Chairman. Not only have the Committee's activities dUring the past year been wide ranging, but the detailed conclusions presented to the General Assembly in its report {A/33/22, chap. Il] are particularly notable and timely. My delegation fully endorses those conclusions and recommendations, and commends them to the General Assembly for adoption. 159. Ethiopia has for long consistently held the view that nothing short of comprehensnve mandatory sanctions against the racist regime in South Africa can bring about either the total 'eradication of apartheid or II satisfactory solution to the question of Namibia, in accordance with the relevant United Nations decisions. I should like emphatically to reiterate our conviction in that respect. 160. Likewise, let me once more appeal from this rostrum to those permanent members of the Security Council that have consistently obstructed meaningful action by that organ to discharge faithfully, even at this late stage, their responsibilities under the Charter and avert further escalation of violence in southern Africa. By supporting comprehensive mandatory sanctions and ensuring their full implementation, they will have advanced the cause ofjustice and enduring peace in southern Africa. For its part, Ethiopiil will continue to make every effort and sacrifice towards the final liquidation of apartheid from South Afric~ and the accession to freedom and independence of the longsuffering African masses in that country.

It is only a little lesll than a month ago that we had an opportunity to make a statement at the 3':.:'4th meeting of the Special Committee against Apartheid, in our capacity as Chainnan of the Latin A.llerican group, in support of the struggle being waged by the political prisoners in South Afr2;-:a. We come before the 162. Since 1946, when our brothers of India sounded for the fIrst in the United Nations the ahrm against this policy,' we have been hearing about the atrocities committed by the Government of South Africa against men and women who are being infamously treated in that country solely because of their race. And although the General Assembly has been formally deciding ever since 1952 to seek a solution to the problem, we still note with amazement the ever.growing dimensions being assumed by this policy of apart/te~:;1. 163. We also have been noting year after year the adoption of more and more resolutions; the numbers increase, but, in the final analysis, the resolutions have not been able to put an end to this situation. At its thirty-first session the General Assembly adopted 11 resolutions {resolutions 31/6 A-KJ" at its thirty-second session the number increased to 15 {resolutions 32/105 A-O] .. and undoubtedly we shall adopt still more resolutions this year. Everything seems to indicate, however, that the resolutions adopted at this session will fare no better than the previous ones. 164. The Security Council also began dealing with this question in 1960, when in its resolution 134 (1960), it recognized that apartheid "might endanger international peace and security". But it was only in 1976, as a conrequence of the genocide committed in Soweto, that it decided to condemn the Government of South Africa. Resolutions adopted by the Security Council the following year, designed to achieve an embargo against South Africa on arms and related material, have not proved effective. 165. We have before us tht: reports of the Special Committee against Apartheid' {A/33/22 and CO".1, A/33/22/Add.l and 2J and the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports {A/33/36]. In the first of these reports we n0te the observation that the South African regime "... has resorted to brutal repression and indiscriminate killing of people, including women and children. It has rushed with bantustanization and has stepped up acts of aggression against independent African States .. .".{See A/33/22, para. 229 (c}j 166. There is no doubt but that the efforts made by this Organization so far have been frustrated, despite the seeming consensus among all the States Members of this body. It would seem as though we were acting like the Pharisees: condemning here what we sponsor and support elsewhere. J67. The policy of apartheid constitutes -:onduct which is contradictory to the most important thing in life: human dignity. It is a violation of human rights and a factor that 168. Indeed, the Preamble to the Charter, under which this Organization was created, specifically refers to the determination of the peoples "•.. to reaffIrm faith in fundamentaR human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small". Further on in the Charter, one of the purposes of the United Nations is stated to be the promotion and encouragement of "respect for llUman rights and for fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion". 169. In the light of these very convincing arguments, why are we waiting to adopt effective measures which will once and for all wipe apartheid fwm the face of the earth? We wonder whether it will be necessary for this policy to lead mankind to a world-wide conflagration such as that caused by nazism. Is it possible that, only because some gentlemen, some companies and some States derive enormousprofIts from this inhuman form of exploitation, we should have to endorse it here? 170. The time has come for drastic measures to put an end to this policy which endangers world peace. 171. This position in favour ofhuman equality is not new in our country. Rather it is part and parcel of our very identity. fndeed it was in Santo Domingo in 1511 that the equality of the Indians and the'~Spanish conquerors was proclaimed for the first time in the Americas. Moreover, our present Government bases its conduct on strict respect for human rights and it has decided to submit for the approval of its Congress the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime ofApartheid. 172. Finally, permit us to congratulate the Special Committee against Apartheid and the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports.on the work they have'done and on the excellent reports they have submitted to this Assembly.

Discussions of the racial policies of South Africa have gone on in the United Nations for 30 years. This fact is frequently advanced as one of the examples of the ineffectiveness ~f this Organization. Certainly the fact that South Africa still clings to its policies despite' the 'overwhelming world opposition to apartheid is disturbing and a source of great distress. Over the years, a great number of States have condemned apartheid. Many contend that it is an obnoxious doctrine contrary to ~the fundamental tenets of the United Nations Charter in that it denies the value gf the human person and the equality of people regardless of race, colour, ethnic origin and creed. The entire world denounces apartheid not only as an international crime against humanity but also as a serious threat to world peace and security calling for immediate concerted remedial action. 174. The Foreign Minister of the Kingdom of Lesotho and Chairman of my delegation spoke at length on apartheid 179. So far we have pleaded in vain. The response of South Africa's friends in the world has thus far been, as my Minister said, always tardy and at best cosmetic. Despite the tragedy we have continued to face since the unilateral closure of some 'of our border with South Africa and the resultant state of siege, compounded by heavy losses from our meagre means) w.. shall continue to share our homes with thousands of fugitives from apartheid. We have never 175. My delegation wishes to pay a particular tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid for its work under its very able Chairman. The Special Committee has ably re-echoed the strident voice of anguish and persecution that resounds .from South Africa to all corners of the world. If the conscience of the international community has been moved by the oppression and brutality practised by the privileged few against the majority in South Africa, it is due to the untiring efforts of the Special Committee. turn~d our back on anyone fleeing racial persecution in South Africa. We consider it appropriate and necessary, therefore, to reiterate the call for increased contributions to the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa and to United Nations humanitarian bOGies as it is through such contributions that we hope to continue our tradition of sharing whatever little. we have with the victims of apartheid. We whole-heartedly endorse the recommendation of the Committee of Trustees of the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa [A/33/313, annexJ. 176. As an en~lave in apartheid South Africa, Lesotho c~ot separate itself from the agonies and high aspirations of the victims of apartheid. This is a reality we accepted long ago. Indeed, each time apartheid massacres blacks, my people have always been among the dead and the casualties. The blood of South African martyrs has always~ ~'jhen callously spilled, mingled with that of the Basuto. When South Africa imposes and creates bantustans it places them not only around Lesotho but aiSO in the areas we consider legitimately a part of Lesotho. Therefore the report and" recommendations of the Special Committee against Apartheid affect us directly. My delegation assodates itself fully with the report. The portion dealing with the review of developments in South Africa since 1977 will probably be issued rather late for the convenience of some delegations. We in Lesoto have lived with these developments every day. They are tragic occurrences, for, in our view, the situation in South Africa has become ext.remely bad. It isasituation characterized by wanton acts of aggression against neighbouring States in the intelesf:s of expanding apartheid. The victims of this adventurism have been the independent neighbouring African States, Botswana, Angola, Zambia, the illegally occupied Namibia and, not least, my own country. 180. Lastly, my delegation has read the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports [A/33/36J. We listened with interest to the lucid introduction of this report at the beginning of the ongoing debate. We were told that the work on the draft is not yet complete. My delegation therefore endorses the view and recommendation that the Ad Hoc Committee's mandate should be extended to enable it to continue its work and that the draft conventi.on should be considered, when ready, next year.

As I am speaking for the first time, may I be permitted to extend my sincere and heartfelt congratulations to the President, Mr. Lievano of Colombia, on his assumption of the presidency of this Assembly. His eminent qualities of leadership give us every assurance that our deliberations will be concluded in a most satisfactory manner. My congratulations go equally to the other prominent persons assisting him in the General Committee. 177. South Africa is set on a course of undermining the authority of the United Nations. Ignoring opposition at ho~e~and international uproar, South Africa has mounted repressive measures, detentions and bannings, tortures and ill-treatment in prisons, police brutality and repressive legislation, to set the stage for further kangaroo trials of opponents of apartheid. These go on amidst an alarming 182. The peace·loving world community has never before been so united against the injustices of apartheid-a policy of oppression and degradation which is a shameful blot on the conscience of humanity. Apartheid, in all its forms and manifestations, is a crime against humanity and is completely inconsistent with the norms of international law 2nd the principles of the Universal- Declaration of Human Rights. The world community cannot remain complacent, and will be neglecting its humanitarian responsibilities unlessapartheid, racism, racial discrimination and everyother form of discrimination on the basis of sex, colour or race is totally wiped [mm the face of the earth. ~nd mounting military build-up and increasing general military preparedness. 178. Lesotho for its part has no diplomatic relations with the Republic of South Africa. As long as South Africa clings to apartheid, Lesotho is not going to have such relations. Of course, we did not decide to be where we are in geographical terms but we ~cognize that a South Africa on fire and in racial conflagration will engulf us in flames. We have no illusions whatsoever on that score. That is why my Government has not ceased to talk to deaf South Africa to bring it to abandon apartheid and to talk with South African blacks. Further, that is why in the words of my Foreign Minister: . . 183. Our common endeavour to take effective and comprehensive action against racism, as reflected in numerous General Assembly and Security Council resolutions, has ~~'lfortunately been blocked by the continuous and flagrant acts of violation by the racist regimes and their imperialist collaborators. "We warned while there was time; we urged, cajoled and pleaded for the West to use its clearly recognized 184. The South African minority regime not only has ignored international public .opinion, but has shamelessly 185. As a further sign of arrogance and greed for power, the Pretoria regime has gone to the extent of transcending its geographical boundarier and launching criminal aggression against Angola and other neighbouring States in total defiance of the United Nations Charter. We fiercely condemn such actions, and demand that every possible measure be adopted to ensure the complete cess3tion of that aggression and the restitution of the human and material'losses resulting therefrom. 186. The prevailing situation in South Africa has deteriorated to such an extent that it undoubtedly constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security and should not be tolerated any further. Aggressors and racists should no longer be allowed to enjoy comfort and prosperity while annihilating and oppressing people and plundering the economic and natural resources that belong tu the majority of the people ofSouth Africa. 137. We must no longer discuss this issue idly. It is time to translate our ideas into action, and to produce tangible results. The people of the world, particularly those who for centuries have been subject to all types of torture and oppression, must be liberated, to assume their lawful place alongside their fellow men and to participate actively and equally in the striving for peal;e, progress and development. 188. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has never failed to lend its full support to any measure, and to participate actively and enthusiastically in any action, aimed at the eradication of imperialism, colonialism, neo-eolonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination, and it will contim..\e to do so until the last vestiges of colonialism are eliJPinated. Likewise, my delegation will never fail to extend its unequivocal support for, and declare its full solidarity with, the national liberation movements everywhere, including those engaged in the armed struggle against the racist and colonial regimes. 189.. We are confident that the national liberation move- T"Q~n;ts of the peoples of NlUnibi<i, Zimbabwe and Azania will tJltimately be successful, and will eradicate the I:,,;t pockets of colonialism and alien domination in South Afri<!a and Rhodesia. We must, however, bear in mind that to expedite the struggle for liberation and to ensure the compl~te restoration of the usurped rights of the people all neces!iary technical and financial assistance, as called for in various United Nations resolutions, must be given to the national liberation mQvements engaged in the struggle against the inhuman and unjust policies imposed on them. We must adopt any measure we can to mobilize world public opinion against the evils of apartheid and racial discrimination, first and foremost by utilizing all the means available to us within the United Nations system. Furthermore, concerted efforts are needed to ensure the implementation of the Programme of: Action against Apartheid 191. As recently as when the Confereuce of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries was held in Belgrade, the Ministers, inter alia, condemned the continuing economic, military and nuclear co-operation of certain Western Powers with the South African racist regime. It was particularly strp.ssed that the support extended has contributed to the !•. Jwth of South Africa's military power· and its machinery for subjugation, including plans to develop nuclear weapons [see A/33/206J. 192. The Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs also characterized the ongoing horrible situation in South Africa as a serious threat to international peace and security and therefore called for a complete and comprehensive embargo against South Africa under the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter [ibid.J. Bearing in mind the decisions and recommendations of the Belgrade Conference, my delegation believes that every effort must be ma<J~ to mobilize world public opinion against the minority racist regime by fully exposing the inhuman policies of subjugation it has adopted as a political instrument for its illegal perpetuation. Efforts must also be made to ensure the complete application of effective oil and other embargoes as called for in United Nations General A~sembly resolutions, and for the implementation ofSecurity Council resolution 418 (1977), which calls for the complete cessation of all forms of military co-operation with the racist :regime. 193. We believe that unless such measures are implemented the international community will be falling to fulfil its responsibility to ensure that peoples can exercise their !t.iwful right to self-detenhination and independence. 194. The United Nations General Assembly unanimously declared 1978 Int~rnational Anti-Apartheid Year [resolution 32/105 DJ in order to mobilize world public opinion in solidarity with the oppressed people of Sou~h Afri':a and to ensure world awareness of the righteous struggle of the South African people and their liberation movements. 195. In order that this year may live up to expectations, my delegatio!l hopes that furthe! concerted efforts will be exerted fully to utilize the remaining opportunities available to us to make it a notable yearin our joint striving for - vigorous and faster action against racism and colonialism. 196. My delegation associates itself completely with the words of wisdom spoken by the dynamic leader of the 8 See Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, Lagos. 22-26 August 1977 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2 and corrigendum), chap. X. 197. To celebrate this auspicious year we must make sure that the scope and dimensions of our actions are of such magnitude as to make it possible to mobilize more swiftly public awareness of and international solidarity in the fight against social, economic and political ini,,~tices everywhere. 198. The bitter and pamful experiences of the past have shown that we can never speak of peace and tranquility unless we mean peace for all. 199. We of this Organization have committed ourselves to ensuring an honourable social, politicnl and economic standard of liVing for all mankind, as proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the United Nations Charter, and to end th~ barbaric oppression of peopie and the exploitation of man by man. It therefore behoves us to meet the challenge with vigour and determination, to consolidate our struggle against recognized evils and to join hands in a quest for peace, progress and development.

My delegation attaches particular importance to the consideration of the item on the South African Government's policies of apartheid during this International Anti-Apartheid Year. The racial situation in South Africa is one of the crucial problems confronting the international community. It is an issue on which all Membtrs of the United Nations have demonstrated a common commitment. This debate provides an opportunity to reaffirm our abhorrence of racism wherever it occurs and to pledge the support of Aust.,alia for determined action to combat racial segregation and prejudice~ 201. My Government's commitment to human rights and its opposition to apartheid is firm and of long standing. As the Australian Minister of Foreign Affairs said in the general debate on 6 October last: "We oppose and condemn a system which so grossly violates the basic rights of the black majority in South Africa" [24th meeting, para. 29J. Our opposition to apartheid is based o~ moral, intellectual, social, economic and political grounds. 202. As other speakers in this debate have made clear, .apartheid is a moral affront to the dignity of man and is a violation of the Charter and the human rights proclaimed by the General Assembly in its Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In imposing its system of institutionalized racism the South African Government has resorted to legislation which expressly violates almost all the 30 a.rticle,s of the Declaration. It is to be regretted that the Declaration has not yet been universally implemented, but in few countries is there such comprehensive legislation explicitly violating its provisions as there is in South Africa. 204. Socially, apartheid continues to cause misery and unhappiness. Families are divided, breadwinners are exploited for their labour in mines and factories, while the South African Government attempts to confme their wives and children to distant bantustans. Australians are appalled by ilie South African Government's reaction to the basic hurlian desire of black South African families to live together in places where its adult members can fmd work. 205. My Government fmds apartheid equally objectionable on economic grounds. The majority of South Africans are denied an equitable Share of the national wealth, which they have helped to create, while the white minority is permitted to enjoy a grossly disproportionate share. 206. South Africa is a country winch would have much to offer a population working harmoniously to enjoy the benefits of its extensive natural resources. It is tragic that South Africa cannot offer its people positive policies on race relations rather than a system which deliberately sets out to drive black and white apart and ineVitably increases bitterness, hatred and repression. During the last year we have witnessed the increasing suffering associated with that repression: unexplained deaths in detention, the harsh reaction to expressions of dissent-and the brutality ~ sociated with the destruction of squatter camps. The circumstances of the death of Steven Biko were horrifying. Yet, despite international condemnation, other detainees. have suffered a similar fate. 207. I should like to comment briefly on a particularly repugnant procedure used by the South African Government against its opponents. I refer to b,anning. Banning is used against people who are not charged with any crime an.d cannot therefore exercise their legal rights to defend themselves. My Government can fmd no justification for such a process, and it has expressed its strongest objections. Among those who have been banned in the last year are Father Makachawa, Secretary of the .Catholic Bishops Conferenr..e; the Reverend Koetze and the Re\'erend Naude from the Christian Institute; Percy Qoboza, the editor of The World; and Donald Woods-all men who have demonstrated their deep commitment to peaceful change. 208. No people can be expected to bear oppression and indignity indefmitely on the scale suffered by lhe majority of South Africans. Continued Sopth African government repression only narrows the options available to right these wrongs. My delegation believes, however, that continued pressure by the international community, and particularly by the United Nationst can contribute towards a solution. 209. Australia is actively trying to influence South Mrica to change its policies. South Africa must demonstrate a willingness to do so by ceasing to ban and detain people without charge, by abolishing the pass laws and other forms of discrimination, by giving all its people equal opportunities for education and employment and by permitting all its citizens to participate in political life. su.~@ly, WilS to iQiUt!~e sycll positiv~ steps by concerted cringe before scuttling to the Security Council to abuse the intern§tional action, unUE;{ the Unlt~d Nations Chattel', as use of the veto. WO\lhl force the diSP\@ding of the despicable, cruel and da,~tar41Y insHtution of aUflltheid in: South Aidea and ens~~ its abspl\lte efad.iQ~UQn from the fa.9.e of this planet. 211. Th~ pJ:ocl~atjQll of th~ Intern~tional Anti- Apqrth(#i{i Yea,r was certaiPJy not inten@d to be a mere symbQIiQ g~stllf~. On th~ cQn,tt:ary, it manif~~ted a d~ter­ miIll!tiOQ- 01} th.~ P~J;t of thj~ worl<l body to p(oce.ed from wor~s t() d~~gs.; it w~s a pl~dg~ to mQve away from h9rtlltOry r~sQI\l~iQns an.d to being to t~e: d~cisiye action tha~ wc;l~q com~l the white. racist mmority r6gi.me in SQ\.lt.h Afri~" to change cQl!f$~-to stop th~ brutaliZing and d~humanizing of Africl!Ils umler it~ in~ane and crimin.al PQliQy of institlJtiQQlillz~draGicY. di~Qrmun3.Uo_n; in short, to abanQQn its b~barQYs and pernicioijs doctrine ofapartheid, 212. In furth~rance of thi~ solemn pledge, the Sierra Leone d~leg~tion fully supports the recommendaJions containe4 in tlW report· of the. Special Committe.e against A~Fthei4 [A/33/2-4;. chap-Ill, for we recogJ$~ that the situation in South Africa constitutes a threat to international peace and sec\.J;rity in terms of Chapter VII of the Charter. Accordingly, and mOflt particullU'ly, we shall support, inteT alia, any and all resol!J.t.ion~ in this A~mbJy urging the. ~C1;\rity CouQcil to take urgent man.da.to,ry action und~· .Chapter VII of theCnaI:ter to bring about the cessationof supplies of p~trQleum,pe.t.roleum pr;oQ>-J.cts or other stIat~~o materials, to· S4uth Africa; loaps to aod inNt}~tments in· SQuth AfriC&;; gU~aQ;tees or other ind.uce.- nlAn~· f0l;- in~estment.~ in· South· AfriClf,; tlU'J{f and,;- other Pl1efer~nces for· imports from South Mric,a; and all trade vdth.&>uth:Aftiq&. ?Ja-. BOJi~ 30 year$ the, Membe.r Stat~~ of the UnHed Nlti~J;tS' ha.ve< ~(\I p}.~aQing:with.SoQth·AfriQa to'm~nd its way,s~ Bwn, beiolie. ap,oflth.f1i4; in: that couotry became inf.titutionaln~1 V\(t1< fmdr·M!ls; Pap,4.it" tb~ repre~ntatiye of Indil\lat,that~timer,on,19 &;ptemQeIi·19'4.7, compl.aiPing of . <jisctimination. by. Soutb Afriq~·, an,4 the- "basicallY racial ~ter~~ off thedi$crimiaatiQ{l.t..9 FQn three d~cad~g. thi~ Assembl¥ has: been; R~sin&· resolu,tio1);. upop: resolutionagain&a 4Ilfll'tll{3id, but" the; raeJsts' ill! South· A(tica have con~m~Qusl}<; igporedl ttte'united Rlot~$tations aodcon..., ~Q1'lS; oft t;his. ~Qrltlibody.. 214. Why> onema~ ask, haVtt. the South African racists I\lQQl\~~ ~d ~o~~: at int~rnatlQnal opp~obriwn? Whyt U,ls.t~4 ()~ a\,~m~g: ~ Glul.Qg~, fromthe. mad cC1!,i.SiPIl; ~~ ()~ ta~W; 4i~_~Q.Q' ~4 se~~M.tio.D;" haye:tney ~ lWQ&CJ.Utly ~~~~ijng: lUlQ:GQnSAlidit~gJhei( it)iquiiQ,y.~ sys.Wm?' ~ l)Hs.~~ i~ QQviQ~ Qe.c.ll~' tb~y k,Q,owc ~Wy i.\"v~ p()w~(\I~ ~~k.~ts. m' th~ WA~t whQ~: e~PAQmic \\l.t~~~ i.Q. ~t <tQl,lnw '!!itt $l?prinG,ipeJ. clit~Jia.:4t·aniving: 1\t {l ~~simt \'<b.vtAAr 'Qf nqt q-ff~«ijveJYJ tQ' d~,molisW the" \l4\~~~ ~~~ Q~ tl/H/ftht:if/ l}){ pr8,~tj«a), ~.~,. ~1~. The.\XWi1ff J?»P.,Qpty r~eil't~ ¥1Q"W. tha.,t thejr·powerful W<¥it~w \lact~ V;iiH; om~ IJ)~~ p!~Q~4Wou_s .. sta~e!Rep.ts 216. If all of us in this world body were sincere in our desire. to smash apartheid, then there ought not be difficulty in taking practical steps as provided for under Chapter VII and thereby giving fruitful effect to our many resolu.tions. 217. It is instructive to note that an article in the knowledgeable and authoritative United States quarterly Foreign Affairs for January this year listed 41 steps that could b~ taken in order to apply pressure gradually on South Africa. Those steps comprise the mandatory action that I urged earlier on, such as ending tax credits to firms in South Africa. cutting off access to advanced technology and prevailing on South Mrica's main supplier of oil to apply a boycott. 218. When one realize.s that there are over 1,000 Western companie.s with investments: of over $10 billion in that country, it is not difficult to see that once a practical de.l.lSion is taken by the. Go,,-emments involved, coercive economic. leverage can be exercised against South Africa to make. certain thatapartheid is abandoned. 219. It is for this. reason that. we once again applaud the Canadian Government for the concrete practical steps it has taken to show its abhorrence of the heinous system of aptlltheid. Canada. is. ceasing government-sponsored commeI:cial aC.tivities. with the racist Government and has oI:dete.d the Expod'Development Corporationof Canadato phase: out. government account support for transactions. involving. South Africa~ Let me state onceapin, as I didin the Third Committee,. that if other major Westem Powers. foHowed Canad~s civilizt:<i and moral leadership, the racist minority regime would be forced. to change course. and the:re.by avoifla blood-bath. of frightening.proportions. 1 0 220. The Sierra' l.e.one. delegation continues to reject, in toto ab .initio, the nefarious policy of bantustanization which wa£ hatched by the white minority racist Government to futthcr and consolidate its unspeakably inhumane. doctrin~ of apartheid~ TIiey have even had the audacity to extend it beyondJheir territory into nei~bouring.l\amibia under the so·calle.dO'dendaalPlan.l 1 221. Unrlaubtedly, bantus..tanization i~ in essence a scheme to mak~ the blacks fo~iguers in th~ir own. country and to. deprive them~of all basi!:;.h.umiUl tights~ For example, even. though. an:.Au.tQan· may have lived, and work continuously fo( ..50_ye~ in;th~ town in whi.ch he Wa§ born, he can be remQved:~ ftom: th~t. town. if. in the opiQ.ion of the. Mini~ter of .Itan.tu Admmj~t(aP-Q.{l, .. the. number oJ A(ric@ijs iIJ. the - If)'/";4.. 1'lt;'ty-thir.d.SffssiQ7l;. Thi(fl CpmmitJee. 17t1J me;eting, Pllla~ 73,. 3IJ.4. ibid." Thi;.d. QJrnmit.tei1. SessiolUll Fa~icle; CQ.rrig~nd9~~ 11 Fora.suI]lmary of tlle.re~mmend"tiopsoft~e Commiss¥;ln·of Enquiry into South West Mri~ affairs {the Odendaal Commissi9n). s~ OfFlC~1 Records of the GeneralAssembly, Nineteenth S~iiQ", Ann~es' annex No. 8 (part I) (A/5800/Rev_l), chap. IV, P~~ 1S,65; 223. The recent change of leadersh!p from the barbaric Vorster of Sharpeville and Soweto notoriety to the monster, Pieter Botha, who is well known as a hardened racist, does not augur well for the futUr<?o Nevertheless, we are even more determined to do all !that lies in our power, through international action, to wipe out the scourge of apartheid. 224. My delegation fully supports the draft international convention against apartheid in sports and commends the Ad Hoc Committee for its report on the subject. We also express to the Secretary-General our appreciation of his report on the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa [AI33/313}. In this regard, may I state that our mayor in Freetown, Dr. June Holst-Roness, has recently launched a fund in honour of Steven Biko. with the aim of prOViding aid for those who "are still slaves in their homeland". 225. We are grateful for the comprehensive report of the Special Committee against Apartheid, through whose vigilance and industry certain breaches of the arms embargo have be~n exposed. We fully support the suggestion by Mr. Sean MacBride that a "... committee ofjudicial inquiry be established by the United Nations to investigate charges made agajnst certain countries regarding alleged military and nuclear collaboration with South Africa"./A/33/22, PflTa. 56.} 226. In conclusion, may I say that Sierra Leone will support all measures aimed at the total international isolation of the sick regime in South Mtica, for we sincerely believe that the arms embargo must be accompanied by a total economic, diplomatic, cultural and. educational boycott. 227. Mr. ALZAMORA (Peru)' (interpretation from Spanish): Throughout its existence, my country has welcomed men and women of various races from various parts of the world and of various cultures. They have made of out country amelting-pot, where their strivings for the common ideal of the self-fulfilment of all members of society and the removal of injustice in any form may fmd expression. That ideal is based on thoroughgoing racial integration, which is one of the essential features. of'P~ru. 228. For that reason, our membership in the Special· Committee against Apartheid is not merely fortuitous; it is an expression of Peru'£ mission and desire to bring about 229. The attainment of those objectives has been the constant concern of the peoples of Latin America. After many sacrifices in a common struggle, inspired like the courageous people of South Africa by the highest ideals of mankind, we were successful in achieving freedom_ We then created multiracial societies and are now, in a common effort, endeavouring to ensure the greatness and the prosperity of our part of the world. 230. In \:tis International Anti-ApflTtheid Year, it is particularly important that we intensify the co-ordinated action of the international community agmnst the infamous system of apartheid, which has been one of the most unyielding instruments of colonialism and a source of international tension. 231. That international tension has involved the major Powers in the search for a solution, which, if it is to be just and lasting, must take into account all the elements of the difficult problem of South Africa, wi.th special emphasis to the final and complete elimination of the system of apartheid. Because of that system it has been impossible for the legitimate representatives of the people of South Mrica to satisfy their just aspirations and look after thtlir own interests. 232. The struggle in Africa today against all forms of colonialism and racial discri.mination is also part of the process of bringing about a new, just and democratic system of international relations. Free peoples and territories are striving to exist without the burden of political, ideological or economic neo-colonialism, so that their future development plans will not depend on the uncertainties of today's unjust economic system and will be in keeping with their own national and regional characteristics. 233. The fight against apartheid is not only one of the most significant battles for the elimination of colonialism and racial di~rim:ination from the African continent, but also a courageous attempt to create an autonomous political area in the continent capable, on the one hand, of warding off the threat of a new form of competition for the wealth of the land and, on the other, of ensuring that it does not become the arena of strategic rivalries or political and ideological domination. 234. We must tirelessly and persistently, using the instruments which the Organization makes available to us, exert pressure to end the power of the minority, which, strengthened by the interests that support it, repre:;ents a serious threat to peace in southern Africa and a permanent threat to intemational security_ 235. All States Members of our Organization therefore have a great historic responsibility_ We are responsiblefor seeking and implementing measures which would put an end to a system ofsocial control based on the institutionali- 236. Until the elimination of the system of apartheid has been achieved, the principles of equality, freedom and . justice underlying the UniteJ Nations Charter, which are the principles that should guide our common actions, will continue to be violated and trampled upon. We must all, therefore, persistently and firmly endeavour to eradicate the system of apartheid, which has rightly been called "a crime against humanity" in the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, to which my country has acceded in accordance with its well-known principles. 243. Assembled as we are at the mid-point in the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, and on the eve of the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human -Rights, what promise can the world community hold out to the oppressed people of South Africa and their posterity, and hence our own? As Mahatma Gandhi once stated, what is happening in South Africa involves the loss of dignity of not only those who are the victims of apartheid, but also those who are perpetrating and directly or indirectly encouraging it. 237. In that task the Special Committee against Apartheid, under the dynamic chairmanship of Mr. Leslie Harriman of Nigeria, has been domS an outstanding job. It has presented us with a valuable report containing important recommendations which will make it possible for us to move fiwJy forward towards the establishment of a society in which all communities may participate, governed by the principles of freedom,justice and concord. 244. How long can the United Nations watch this cruel tragedy without jeopardizing its own prestige and authority? How long can it permit a recalcitrant member to violate with impunity the conscience of mankind? This is by far the most pressing issue on our agenda, and we must ponder on it deeply so as to resl)lve it without any further delay. This will provide authenticity to the authority of the United Nations, and that is all. we want. 238. The sense of dignity and the freedom of the peoples of the United Nations are at issue here, as is man's ability to meet the challenge of oppression and injustice wherever in the world it may arise. 245. All these years, the General Assembly has recognized that the practice of apartheid constitutes a crime against humanity. It has acknowledged the legitimacy of the struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa to eliminate apartheid by all means at their disposal. The General Assembly has decl?red the racist regime of South Africa to be illegitimate and lacking the right to represent the people of that country at the General Assembly. It has declared that the United Nations and die international community have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa. This Assembly has determined that the situation resulting from the policies of apartheid in South Africa poses a se~ous threat to mternational peace and security. It now remains for the Security Council to put an end to that threat. 239~ These thoughts are what has guided the actions of Peru in the Special Committee against Apartheid, and in this world Organization. In that spirit, and with this ftrm conviction, Peru today pays once again a tribute of admiration and esteem to the I;ourageous African ftghters. We wish to say that we shall maintain our firm support for their heroic struggle until we reach the fmal elimination of apartheid.

For the 32 years since my country included the item on the agenda of the General Assembly at its V\~ry ftrst session in 1946 this body has been discussing the question of apartheid in South Africa. A series of resolutions have been adopted by this Assembly and the Security Council, demanding in no uncertain terins the elimination of apartheid. They have all been call.;)usly ignored by the racist regime in Pretoria. This contemptuous defiance of the United Nations is nothing less than the defiance of the whole of civilized humanity. 246. These actions, no doubt, represent various llta'ges in the fight against apartheid. but they are unfortUnately too little and too slow, considering that millions of people continue to live in intolerable slavery under apartheid. Despite universal condemnation, the racist regime is able to carry on with its criminal policy of apartheid This is because condemnations are not always matched by concrete actions to change the illegal and illicit regime. This is also because the racist regime continues to obtain assistance and collaboration from some quarters. Does not collaboration-in any form or for any reason-constitute direct encouragement to the Pretoria regime to persist in its inhuman policy, and thereby subvert the very authority of the United Nations? 241. The oppressed majority of that unfortunate land continues to suffer increasingly brutal repression. Even the mildest form of protest by the people brings down on their heads the full wrath of the illicit white minority regime. Only last year the streets of Soweto were witness to the deaths of innocent schoolchildren. Leaders and patriots of the black people have been suffering incarceration in the dIeaded prison of Robben Island, and many of them have been liquithted by police tortures. Human rights and human dignlty are being trampled under the jackboot of apartheid tYranny. 248. The Special Committee against Apartheid has once again recommended a series of measures for mandatory action by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter[A/33/22, chap. 11]. 249. My delegation fully supports the adoption of these measures by the Security Council not only because we consider it imperative on c'noral grounds, but also because it is the only possible way of halting the course of events and preventing the situation from exploding into a conflagration, with incalculable consequences. 250. Despite Security Council resolution 418 (1977) imposing a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, arms and military equipment continue to pile up in that country because of the existing licences permitting their manufacture. The embargo on the supply of arms must be implemented rigorously by plugging all the loop-holes. This calls for comprehensive mandatory sanctions against all forms of economic collaboration, including trade and investment. My delegation therefore fully endorses the recommendation of the Special Committee against Apartheid that the Security Council take urgent action under Chapter VII of the Charter to bring about the total cessation of supplies of petroleum, petroleum products or other strategic materials to South AfricL; loans to and investments in South Africa; investment guarant.ees or other inducements to invest in South Africa; tarhf and other preferences for imports from South Africa; and all trade with South Africa and its axis allies. We also feel that it is necessary to adopt urgent measures to prevent transnational corporations, banks and all other vested interests from collaborating with the apartheid regime, to take action to terminate existing credits and not to grant fresh credits to South Africa through IMF and other bodies... 251. The people of India have an emotional involvement in the struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa against racial tyranily; It was in South Africa that Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the Indian nation, developed and tested the weapon of passive resistance which has now become the cho~n instrument the world ·over with which . to fight against injustice and tyranny. Soon after ~aking fh~ reins of power in 1946, the' Indian people broke.' off diplomatic, economic, trade and all other relations with South Africa. Because of our strong abhorrence of the racial policies followed in that .country, we took this initiative readily and voluntarily even though 5 per cent of our trade at that time was with South Africa. Our respect for human dignity and our commitment to principles demanded no less. 253. The current International Anti-Apartheid Year proclaimed by the General Assembly has witnessed the initiation.of a number of projects in different countries for mobilizing international action against apartheid. In my own country a high-level national Committ~ is engag~d in organizil7.g a series of activities, which include the issuance of special postage stamps and the holding of seminars, exhibitions, fIlm shows and essay competitions to mark the Year. It has also brought out a special pamphlet on the outstanding African nationalist t::lder; Nelson Mandela, to mark the sixtieth anniversary of his birth this year. It is also ,currently engaged in bringing out other publications on apartheid, includipg one on the profiles of leaders of the freedom struggle in southern Africa. All-India Radio has launched a programme of special broadcasts beamed to South Africa and special television and radio broadcasts for home audiences to mark International Anti-Apartheid Year. 254. The activities undertaken to observe International Anti-Apartheid Year, we believe, will further consolidate the unity of world public opinion in its resolve to eliminate apartheid. The social will must assert itself decisively; civil power must come out to direct and guide where the political will fails. 255. Man, who has in our own time conquered distance and landed on the moon and explored the depth of the great oceans can, given the will, eliminate the detestable savage blot on our planet, apartheid. We should so direct our efforts that our generation and the s,ucceeding ones will be able. to take pride in our work and our deliberations, so that the honour and dignity of man are safeguarded in our own time. 256. The hypocrisy of reluctant Member States cannot be allowed to dash the hopes of millions. Time is running out. We hope that the collective wisdom of the nations gathered here will assert itself so that the drift towards catastrophe in southern Africa may be arrested even at this late stage. Mankind owes it to itself as well as to the suffering people of South Africa to ensure that this tyranny over the human soul is liquidated once and for all, so that coming generations do not bear the burden of'this infamy and degradation..

It is our profound conviction that·the questio~ of apartheid" which has' appeared regu.!l~b',in the agenda of the General Assembly over the past30 years, is certainly one of the most important yet unfortpnate issues with which we .are confronted. The question is, important because. what is involved is the honour and prestige of mankind, the violation of basic human' rights, and the moral values of the contemporary international community as enshrined in the Charter of this august Organization, and also because an urgent response by our Organization can no longer he delayed. ab~millable d~c~rine is com?letely ab~ndoned.a ~iQlent scrupu~ouslY implement the provisions of this important racial confrontation endangermg peace and secunty 10 that resolution for it to be effective. We view the situation in part of the world will be inescapable. So~th Africa, however, as deteriorating to a point where it constitu.tes a serious threat to international peace and security. In view of the intransigence of South Africa, we feel tha.t an arms embargo will not be sufficient to influence and bring pressure to bear on South Mrica. Consequently we have the convicticn that further measures, such as economic sanctions, whether taken individually or collectively, should be urgently adopted to complement the arms embargp. 259. It is unfol'tunate that our fears have always been justified by sub~quent events. ~spite continuous appe,als and demauua by the international community, the South African Government has remained stubbornly and defiantly undetened. It has resorted to massive repression of all opponents of apartheid and to brutal measures against the indigenous population of South Africa. The many resolutions and measures adopted have yielded no tangible results. On the contrary ~ the situation has only been WOrsened to the point where it now poses a grave and 263. The attitude of the Turkish Government vis-a-vis the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa is clear-cut and well known to all. I feel no need to repeat it. flagr~nt thntat to intemational peace and security. 264. In this context, I should like to associate my delegation with the very constructive recommendations included in the report of the. Special Committee against Apartheid. First of all, we certainly believe that the International Anti-Apartheid Year should mark the beginning of a powerful mobilization against apartheid at national and international levels, to assist the South African people in achieving the speedy elimination ofapartheid and the liberation of their country. Therefore, we warmly support the recommendation of the Special Committee that the General Assembly issue a call for such a mobilization-a move that has already been supported by many Governments, organizations and individual leaders, including the three living winners of the anti-apartheid awards bestowed, on 11 October 1978, at the special meeting held in observance of the International Anti-Apartheid Year[30th meeting). 260. The report of the Special Committee Against Apartheid gives a full and detailed account of the odious characteristics of the apartheid policy pursued by the racist Gpvernment of Pretoria. The most recent measures mentioned ~erein, measures condemned throughout the world~ are nothlO& mOre than open defiance of the United Nations rcfl~cting a mood of staunch determination in the pursuit of the doctrine of racial supremacy. This policy of apartheid, this policy of the establishment of bantustans thi$ policy of the violent repression of dissent and opposition can ~ stop~d only by effective internation-al ~ction. The< repOrt of the S~cial Committee provides the n~cessary guidelines for, and charts the course of~ the efforts of the international community to put an end to discrimina.tion and racism. It is only through such a determined cours~ of action on the part of the international CQnununity that the present distressing trend can be n>versed and a development towards majority rule promoted. 265. We also should like to associate ourselves ,villi the important recommendations of the Special Committee that calls for the prohibition of all exports of. petroleum and petroleum products to South Africa~ which passes them on to the racist regime in Southern Rhodesia~ thereby contributing tothe existence of that regime, in contravention of the United Nations resolutions calling fOi: sanctions against it. 2<>L When we look at the years 1971 and 1978, we see that thf;y have marked a momentous period in the long s~ggl€l Qf the South African people against racist dominat!Ql1" The PQst~Soweto developments have revealed a new ~t~rmip,~Hon qn the,p~t of the long-oppressed people to l,ihe~~ tJ1~Il1~lyes.frqm abjec~ and degrading conditions. Qn, thR int~rn!1tio(lal front, the entire international com- 266. I should like to seize this opportunity to commend the members of the Special Committee against Apartheid as well as members of the Secretariat for carrying out their responsible task most faithfully and diligently, under the able and dynamic chairmanship of Ambassador Harriman of Nigeria. m~~x~ 4~, ~~pre.~,4 revulsion-and anger at the intensified ~p.r~~*m. Th~ inte,mationa~ campaign against apartheid lia.!l. q~~n, s.t~p'~q. 41\. through: the dedicated efforts of ~o~~anHs..q(pe.qp1e all ove,t th~ wo~ld. In fact, a number of important qecisions tak.en. by inte.mational organizations during 1977 and 197& testify to the growth of world o,ppo,sition to t1.l?artheid. The World Copference for Action 267. My Gov~rnment certainly bc}lieves that unless there is a rapid evolution in South Africa, the opportunity for a peaceful solution will totally vanish. The Turkish delegation will continue to lend its full support to all measures designed to bring to an end the abhorrent policy of apartheid and to promot~ the right of the people of South Africa to self-detennination. J\g~nst. Apartheid.. held at 4l~OS in August 1977, and the proW,amme of action a~ain&t apartheid adopted thereby; the \'lorId Gonfe.rence to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, held in Geneva in August 1978; and the proclamation of the current year~ starting from 21 March !,;/U, as thelnternational Anti-Apartheid Year) provide in our view) the oppor~unity fot Governments andorganizatio~s to demonstrate, the overwhelming support of the inte~ational,c0Il:lmunity for the freedom struggle in South Africa. 268. I should like to conclude my remarks on this agenda item by quoting a passage from the message that the "T\ukey welcomes the recent positive and energetic efforts of the international community on questions relating to southern Africa and sincerely hopes that 1978, The meeting rose at 7p.m.