A/36/PV.4 General Assembly

I call on those representatives who wish to explain their vote, after the voting on the amendment which appears in document A/36/L.2 and Add.• and the adoption of the first report of the Credentials Committee [A/36/517]. 2. I remind speakers of the lO-minute limitation on speeches.

The fact that my delegation voted this morning against the amendment does not imply that my Government supports the authorities issuing the credentials in question or deals with them as a Government. My Government's general views on the substarlce of the situation in Cambodia will be expressed during the debate on the appropriate agenda item. At this stage, I would simply mak~ it cle:a t tat in casting our vote today for wider reasons we have no intention of contributing to the re-establishment of the.authority of the Pol Pot regime, nor do we see any grounds for expecting this to happen.

The vote which Austria has cast on the amendment corresponds to the position which the Austrian Government has taken since the question of the representation of Democratic Kampuchea first presented itself at the thirty-fourth session of the General Assemb.ly. In vi~w of the utterly unacceptable"'numan rights practices of the Government of Democratic~puchea NEW YORK and in view of the foreign military intervention which has led to the installation of another regime, which is equally unacceptable, Austria decided to abstain in the vote.

The General Assembly has adopted the first report of the Credentials Committee [A/36/5/7) after having previously rejected the amendment challenging the credentials of the delegation of Democratic Kampuchea. 6. The delegation of France deliberately abstained from voting in favour of that amendment. Its adoption would have been tantamount to welcoming into the international community a regime that was established as a result of an unacceptable military intervention. As for the people of Kampuchea, we believe that they have not yet had an opportunity to pronounce themselves freely and democratically on the regime they wish to have. 7. The General Assembly's rejection of that amendment appears to give recognition to a regime accused of genocide and of violations of inalienable human rights. France, by voting against the amendment, would have appeared to be endorsing the Pol Pot regime, with which, I remind the Assembly, it has never maintained any relations. Therefore, it did not do so. 8. It .~oes without saying that the considerations I have just expressed apply not to the report of the Credefiiials Committee, which was adopted without a vote, but to the specific case of Kampuchea and to that case alone. The position of France on this point has not changed and cannot change.

The representative of the German Democratic Republic has already explained [3rd meeting] the common position of the group of socialist States, including my own, with regard to the report of the Credentials Committee. I should like to develop very briefly, however, some considerations which have motivated my del~gation's vote. 10. Unfortunately, once again the Credentials Committee has submitted a recommendation that totally disregards the real situation and ignores the relevant provisions of contemporary international law as well as common sense. As we have already stated on preVious occasions, the question facing us is a very clear and simple one, provided we all abide by the dictates of normal logic and the principles and norms of international law. 11. No one can claim the light to represent a Member State without having a definitive mandate emanating from that State and its legitimate Government. Since' this constitutes a fundamental prerequisite, it is only the delegation of the People's RepUblic of Kampuchea, appointed by that country's Government, which fully· complies with 12. Those elections, which were held on 1 May of this year, added another qualitatively new factor to the situation in Kampuchea, and to deny the importance of this new factor on ill~devised pretexts would be politically in~ consistent and legally wrong. All this indicates une~ quivocally that the situation in Kampuchea is irreversible, and all infringements of its independence and sovereignty are doomed to failure. In the view of my delegation, the recommendation of the Credentials Committee failed to take into account the facts of life and, consequently, con~ stituted an attempt to deny to the people and Government of Kampuchea their legitimate right to b~ duly represented in the United Nations. 13. There is no need to point out, for it is no secret at all, that the individuals circulating in the United Nations premises and falsely calling themselves representatives of Kampuchea are only instruments in the hands of that ma~ jor Power whose aggressive policy of hegemonism poses a great threat to the sovereignty and independence of the countries of Indo~China and South-East Asia. 14. The People's Republic of Kampuchea is pursuing a policy of peace; friendship and co-operation among nations and of genuine non-alignment. Together with the Socialist RepUblic of Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic, it has supported the idea of the transformation of South-East Asia into a zone of peace', stability and prosperity and has committed itself to the strengthening of international peace and security. The consistent policy of the legitimate Kampuchean Government and its explicitly expressed readiness to settle all issues by peaceful means and through negotiations is in full compliance with the objectives and principles of the United Nations Charter. My delegation regrets that this body has failed to take into ~Dnsideration all these relevant facts and has thus missed the opportunity to pave the way for a meaningful discussion of the problems in South~East Asia. ~ 15. By supporting the amendment, my delegation (lnce again reaffirmed its firm support for the legitimate representation of the people and Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea.

It is the Swedish view that; in the present circumstances, no Government can be regarded as the legitimate representative of the people of Kampuchea. Hence, Sweden does not support the creden~ tials of any group or regime claiming the right to speak for Kampuchea at the United Nations. The abstention of my delegation on the draft amendment, and our joining the consensus in approving the first report of the CredentialsCommittee, should be seen in that light. 18. The unchanging policy of Belgium is to approve as a matter of principle the reports presented by the Credentials Committee. The Belgian vote on the amendment implies no value judgement. It is based on the validity of the credentials of the delegation of Democratic Kampuchea, as recognized by the Credentials Committee. 19. It is the ardent hope of the Government and the people of Belgium that the intolerable suffering of the Khmer people will cease as soon as possible. It is their hope that Kampuchea can without delay proceed with its rebuilding under a democratic and sovereign government, safe from any external interference. If that does not happen, it will be difficult for Belgium to maintain its present attitude at the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.

I should like briefly to explain the votes of the Danish delegation. In the present circumstances, my Government would clearly have preferred a neutral solution to the problem. Because of legal principles and for procedural reasons we l)ave voted against the amendment which would have left the seat of Kampuchea vacant. 21. I wish to emphasize that the fact that we joined in the consensus on the resolution adopted should not be taken as an expression of support for either of the. two governments that claim to repr€;Sent Kampuchea. '

The delegation of Hungary, having studied the report of the Credentials Committee, was unable to accept the mandate of so-called Democratic Kampuchea. Consequently, we voted in favour of the amendment, as did the representatives of a number of other countries, who emphasized the' importance of re-establishing the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in the world Organization. 23. In fact, we are deeply convinced that it is already high time that the representatives duly designated by the Council of State of the People's Republic of Kampuchea should occupy their proper place in ::he United Nations. Our Organization, were it to act in that way, would simply be taking note of the realities and the remarkable changes which have occurred on Khmer soil, undertaken by the legal Government of the country, the only one able to discharge these international responsibilities. 24. The question of the representation of Kampuchea is obviously part of the designs of those whose only goal is to bring about the reinstatement of the genocidal regime t condemned throughout the world, which existed in the country before the overthrow of the Pol Pot clique and to maintain tension and instability in that part of the world. 25. At the same time, we note with regret that certain other countries, members of the international community, whose good inte:,.tions cannot be questioned, have been misled by fallacious propaganda, which is attempting to maintain the illusion of so-called Democratic Kampuchea through usurpation of the seat of that country in the United Nations.

My delegation voted in favour of the amendment submitted by 14 Powers. We did so because my delegation was not able to accept the first report of the Credentials Committee. The reason for our objection to the recommendation in that report is that the Committee found in order the papers issued to the persons that pretend to represent so-called Democratic Kampuchea, a regime that was overthrown by popular uprisings as far back as 1979. 28. It is well known that the leaders of that odious regime, having massacred in a most brutal manner over 3 million of its own people, with the encouragement and aid of its Peking mast<~rs, were sentenced to death in absentia by the People's Revolutionary Tribunal of Kampuchea. , 29. It is not only appropriate but also highly imperative that the seat be restored to the sole genuine and legal representatives of the Kampuchean people. It is for these reasons that Mongolia, together with a number of other countries, on 15 September 1981 sent a note verbale to the President of the General Assembly and to the Secretary-General, drawing their attention to the official messages sent by Mr. Hun Sen, Vice-President of the Council of Ministers and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of Kampachea, on the question of the representation of the People's Republic of Kampuchea at the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, and requesting that the Credentials Committee meet immediately to examine the creder.tials of Kampuchea and report on the question to the Assembly. 30. Unfortunately, in our view, the Committee has failed to fulfil its mandate. It has not only limited itself to a formal and technical procedure of examining the credentials but, moreover, despite the protests and doubts expressed by some of its members, has found in order the papers constituting credentials for persons who represent no one. In so qoing, it completely ignored the communications of the genuine representatives of the Kam-" puchean people, the State Council of the People's Republic at Kampuchea, which was re-elected through general democratic elections and has been effectively exercising its authority throughout the entire territory of the country. 31. It is therefore our strong view that only the delegation designated by the State Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is entitled to represent the Kampuchean people at any international forum, including the United Nations. . ~ 32. Our non-acceptance of the first report of the Credentials Committee, however, does not affect ourpos.i.tion

Before my Minister for Foreign Affairs, on behalf of Pohmd, addresses in due course his congratulations to you, Sir, I have great pleasure in personally congratulating you on your well-deserved election to the exalted but also demanding post of President of the current session of the General Assembly. 34. An injustice has been done to the People's Republic of Kampuchea and, indeed, to the cause of the United Nations. In accepting the credentials of the representatives of the overthrown genocidal regime the United Nations has failed in its political and moral obligations. The Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the only legitimate and authentic representative of the Kampuchean people, has been denied its rightful place in this hall. This is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations, to say nothing of political common sense. 35. The Government of the People's Republic of Karnpuchea has been formed by the National Assembly established as a direct result of national elections last May, in accordance with the country's Constitution. Ever since the overthrow of the Pol Pot regime, the People's Republic of Kampuchea has been pursuing a policy of peaceful coex, istence with all countries, ..regardless of their political and social systems. It has been extending a co-operative hand of good-neighbourly relations to all States of South-East Asia. Its policy is firmly based on respect for the sacrosanct principles of international relations, independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-interference in the internal affairs of others, equality, stability and peace. It has achieved remarkable progress in the reconstruction of the nationa! economy, in defeating famine and in the development of culture and education. , 36. In relation to ilie state of the nation two or more years ago, today we have to deal with a totally new quality in Kampuchea. It is a newly reborn State, a natipn brought back to life from. the verge of annihilation. It is astounding that today the representatives of the heroic people of Kampuchea have once again been denied their place in this Organization. No amount of rhetoric can justify this gross injustice. It is indeed only proper to ask if the supporters of the discredited regime want to turn back the wheels of history. Do they prefer genocidal practices. to continue in Kampuchea? We certainly do not. 37. That is why the Polish delegation voted in favour of the very important amendment to the recommendad.on of the Credentials Committee.

The Chairman of the Australian delegation will shortly convey to you, Sir, my Government's official congratulations on your election to the presidency of this thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. In the meantime, however, 1 should like to offer my warm personal congratulations on your election to this high office, for which you are so admirably qualified by your talents, wisdom and experience. . 39. My delegation abstained in the vote on the question of the credentials of the Democratic K2IJlpucheari·delegation. At the preceding session of the General Assembly 40. There are a number of reasons for our decision to abstain. These include our withdrawal of recognition from the Detflocratic Kampuchean regime, the contested situation within Kampuchea itse~f and the efforts to establish an internationally and domestically acceptable alternative for that country. 41. The Australian Government has repeatedly made clear that it h~pes that a truly representative coalition will emerge in Kampuchea. In our view, it is too early yet to say that such a truly representative coalition has emerged. We shall, however, continue to watch closely developments followingi\from the recent meeting in Singapore of the anti-Vietnamese Khmer groups and from other meetings that are planned. 42. I stress that the Australian Government has no intention of recognizing the Heng Samrin regime-a regime which is kept in power by the Vietnamese army which installed it-and I stress also that our abstention in the vote on credentials which has just taken place should in no way be seen as having such an implication. 43. At the International Conference on Kampuchea held here in New York in July, the Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs said that Australia had sought and would continue to seek to play an active role in the diplomatic campaign to achieve a settlement in Kampuchea. The agenda for this thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly includes, for the third successive year, an item on the situation in Kampuchea. The Australian delegation looks forward to playing a constructive role in the substantiv~ debate on this item. We shall again support the efforts of the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] to bring about a peaceful settlement in Kampuchea.

The delegation of Pakistan voted against the amendment. This was consistent with the position taken by my delegation on the Kampuchean issue, which is well known and needs no reiteration. 45. However, that negative vote does not imply that we condone the flagrant violation of human rights by the Pol Pot regime. We have condemned them in the strongest terms in the past and we shall contim.1e to do so. But, as long as the foreign military intervention continues in Kampuchea and for such time as the people of Kampuchea are·· denied the right to self-determination, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea alone remains the sole legal representative of its people and country. 46. The international community has already expressed itself clearly. and unambiguously on this question and nothing has changed sin~e 1978, when foreign armed intervention took place in Kampuchea-intervention which is still continuing-to merit a. reconsideration of the credentials of the delegation of Democratic Kampuchea. 47. In our view, the cause of international peace and security would be better served by persuading the foreign military forces to withdraw from ~ampuchea to enable 49. Like many other States Members of the United Nations, the Byelorussian SSR has fiffilly and consistently favoured a positive decision being taken by the General Assembly on the question of the representation of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in the United Nations. That fundamental position has been expounded by us in statements we have made in the past. Now we believe it necessary to make the following statement. 50. The general elections that wefe held for the highest organ of State authority of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the National, Assembly, elections ~n which virtually the entire adult population participated, demonstrated the firm authority of the people's genuine authorities and the approval and support that has been given to the progressive'changes in that country. 51. The Kampuchean Constitution adopted in June this year is the legal embodiment of the revolutionary achievements of the people, which has been proclaimed the true sovereign of the country. It reflects the success that has been achieved by the workers of the Republic in resuscitating their national economy and their culture, and it defines the tasks that face them in building the foundations of a new progressive society. The fundamental State law also embodies the fundamental principles of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, including efforts to strengthen peace, independence! friendship and co-operation with neighbouring countries. 52. However, the representatives of certain countries Members of the United Nations, motivated by their own narrow and selfish interests, have not been in a position to understand the irreversibility of the processes and changes that are occurring in Kampuchea on that country's road to independent and autonomous development, and they have voted in favour of recognizing, as it were, the so-called purely paper credentials issued to persons who have been thrown not only out of the country but onto the rubbish-heap of history-the remnants of the bloody, genocidal Pol Pot regime. That decision essentially approves the crimes of the Pol Pot clique against the people of Kampuchea and encourages, the adventuristic designs of the Peking hegemonists and imperialist forces on the People's Republic of Kampuchea. Such a decision will be damaging to both the interests of the Kampuchean people and the prestige of the United Nations. The fact that the representatives of Pol Pot's clique are to be found here is an affront to the memory of the millions of Kampucheans who were done to death by the executioners of that criminal band. 53. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR would resolutely.emphasize that the only legitimate representatives of the Kampuchean 'people are those of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. Only persons appointed by the highest organs of State authority of the Republic can rep- 54. In the light of what I have said the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR voted for the amendment. 55. Our delegation did not oppose the approval of the report of the Credentials Committee since it refers to the credentials of a number of delegations of States Members that are present at this session of the General Assembly. At the same time we feel it should be emphasized that approval of that report in no way connotes agreement with the so-called credentials of the political corpses of the Pol Pot clique. We fully share the convictions of those delegations that consider that the time will come, and very soon, when Kampuchea will be justly represented by its sole legitimate representatives, those of the People's Republic of K?mpuchea.

Mr. President, may I first of all sincerely congratulate you on your election to the presidency of this General Assembly. The head of my delegation will soon have an opportunity to address warm congratulations to you and to wish you every success in your lofty mission. 57. For the third consecutive time the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has had no qualms about disturbing the serenity of the work of the General Assembly by bringing into question the legitimate rights of Democm.tic Kampuchea, a sovereign, non-aligned State and ~ Member of the United Nations that was invaded and exposed to fire and bloodshed for three years in total defiance of the principles .of the Charter of the United Nations, non-alignment and international law. 58. For the third consecutive time the General Assembly has by an ever growing majority rejected the defiance of Viet Nam, which, on the one hand, confirms its expansionist nature and, on the other, reveals its total failure to subjugate the people and nation of Kampuchea through force of arms. 59. The vote is of profound significance because it is an expression of tpe unshakeable position of the international community, which condemns out of hand the Vietnamese aggression against Democratic Kampuchea and resolutely opposes the fait accompli of that aggression. The international community has 'reaffirmed that in no case can aggression be rewarded or encouraged. . 60. By once again rejecting the lies, slanders, pretexts,. scenarios and manoeuvres used by Viet Nam to have the vir.:tim of its. aggression punished, the Assembly has given it a new stem warning to respect the sacred principles of the Charter and the sovereign rights of Democratic Kampuchea and to abandon the law of the jungle that it has set up as its code of conduct. That stem WiUlJing will contribute to bringing Viet Nam to a. clearer un(l~rstand­ ing of the requirements of the international community so that it may comply with General Assembly resolildons 61. The justice of this vote once again confirms the legitimacy of the struggle now being waged by the people and Government of Democratic Kampuchea for national survival. It reaffirms the sacred and .inalienable right of Kampuchea to remain an independent nation with its own personality, developing freely in concert with the community of nations. 62. My delegation wishes to avail itself of this opportunity to reaffirm the profound gratitude of the people and Government of Democratic Kampuchea to the Governments of peace and justice-loving countries for the noble signal, which is imbued with the noble ideals of justice~ that they have just given. T.hat gesture strengthens the prinCiples of the Charter and the confidence of countries, particularly smalland medium-sized ones, in our world Organization.

In the name of the Arab Group of States over which the delegation of Sudan has the honour of presiding this month, I reaffirm what we said in our communication of 17 September 1981 which was circula~ed under agenda item 3 in document Al36/~H6. 64. The Arab Group of States, which voted in favour of the recommendation of the Credentials Committee on the representatives to the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, has reservations concerning the credentials of the Israeli delegation for the reasons contained in our communication.

I shall now call on those representatives who wish to speak in exercise of their right to reply. 66. I remind the General Assembly that speeches in exercise of the right of reply, like explanations of vote, in accordance with decision 34/401, should be limited to 10 minutes and should be delivered from the delegations' seats.

The statement we have just heard from the representative of the Sudan was completely out of order, quite irrelevant to the report of the Credentials Committee and nothing more than a ritualistic incantation of well-worn cliches, designed to abuse the time of the General Assembly and the present discussion in order to introduce completely extraneous and irrelevant matters. 68. The report of the Credentials Committee which was adopted by the General Assembly today makes it perfecdy clear that the credentials of the delegation of Israel are in due and proper order. In his communication the representative of the Sudan deliberately misrepresented and distorted various points connected with the situation in the Middle East, as we have come to expect from the representatives of those Arab States which persist in their 70. Mr: ELFAKI (Sudan) (interpretation from Arabi~): The rep~entative of Israel seems to be careful, as usual, to follow the same approach and practices for which Israel and its leadership are well known. They are characterized by lack of respect for and a flagr&nt and cynical challenge to this Organization and the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council, and blatant flouting of the international will and conscience. 71. My reservation, in the name of the Arab Group of States, is the exercise of a legitimate right guaranteed to us by the Charte1?l0f the United Nations, by the rules of piOcedure and by the standards of the Organization. It is a right which will be exercised by the Group, on behalf of which I have the honour to speak, whenever and however it wishes, regr~dless of any attempts and provocations on the part of the representative of Israel to thwf1I't our efforts in that direction.

We shall examine first section II of the report of the General Committee [A/36/250], which deals with the organization of the session. Members are aware that by its decision 34/401 the General Assembly adopted a number of.provisions aimed at rationalizing its procedures and organization. Some of those provisions have already been implemented at the last two sessions, but many have not yet been or ~lave been only partially implemented. It is hoped that at the thirty-sixth session the Assembly will endeavour to advance this process of rationalization. 73. The provisions of decision 34/401, to which I have just referred, that directly affect the organization of the work of the General Committee are reproduced in paragraph 2 of the report. May I take it that the General Assembly takes note of the action taken by the General Committee on that paragraph?

Regarding the scheduie of meetings referred to in paragraph 3, the General Committee draws the G~neral Assembly's attention to paragraph 3 of its decision 34/401. In this connexion, I should like to remind the Assembly that rule 67. of the rules of procedure provides that the President of the General Assembly may declare a meeting open and permit the debate to proceed when at least one third of the members are present, and that rule 108 provides that the Chairman of a Main. Committee may declare a meeting open and permit the debate to proceed when at least one quarter of the members are present. /l ------- ------- 76. We turn now to paragragh 4 concerning the general debate. May I consider that the General Assembly approves the recommendations in paragraph 4 (a) and (b)?

In view of the very large number of speakers on the list, I shall urge representatives to speak in the order in which they are inscribed on the list. Those who are unable to speak at the scheduled time will be put at the end of the list for the following day. May I make a special personal appeal to all those whQ have inscribed their names to be the first speaker at anyone meeting to make· sure that they are here, so that what happened this morning will not be repeated-that we have a quorum but we do not have a speaker. 78. Regarding the explanations of vote referred 'to in paragraph 5, the General Committee draws the General Assembly's attention to paragraph 7 of its decision 34/401. 79. Paragraph 6 deals with the closing date of the session and paragraph 7 with the records of the Main Committees. I take it that those recommendations are approved by the General Assembly.

In paragraph 8, the General Committee draws the General Assembly's attention to paragraphs 18 and 19 of its decision 34/401 concerning the election of the Chairmen of the Main Committ:ees. It is hoped that these will be fully implemented to facilitate the organization of work of future sessions of the General Assembly. 81. The General Committee also draws the General Assembly's attention to paragraph 17 of its 4ecision 34/401, which is reproduced in paragraph 9 of the report, concerning concluding statements in the General Assembly and its Main Committees. 82. Paragraph 10 refers to bl!dgetary and financial questions under rule 153 of the rules of procedure. In this connexion, the General Committee draws th~ Assembly's attention to paragraphs 12 and 13 of its decision 34/401. 83. As members are aware, this has been a serious problem, especially.towards the end of the session. This year Friday, 4 I;>ecember, is the target date for the conclusion of work of the Main Committees. 85. Regarding paragraph 12, may I consider that the Assembly approves the recommendations of the General Committee regarding the need for maximum restraint in requests for circulation of material as officilll1 documents of the General Assembly?

We turn now to paragraph 13. The General Committee draws the Assembly's attention to paragraph 32 of its decision 34/401 concerning resolutions. 87. In paragraph 14, relating to special conferences, the General Committee also draws the Assembly's attention to recommendation 6 of the Committee on Conferences, adopted by the Assembly in paragraph (b) of its decision 34/405. 88. In paragraph IS the General Committee recommends that the Assembly should take note of a letter from the Chairman of the Committee on Conferences concerning the schedule of conferences and meetings. May I consider that it is the wish of the Assembly to approve that recommendation?

I trust that the Assembly will take duly into account the provisions of its decision 34/401 which the General Committee has drawn to its attention, namely, paragraphs 3, 7, 12, 13, 17-19, 28 and 32.

This completes our consideration of section II of the report of the General Committee on the organization of the session. We turn now to section III of the report, relating to the adoption of the agenda. 91. May I just recall to Members of the General Assem-, bly rule 23 of the rules of procedure, which provides that: "Debate on the inclusion of an item in the agenda, when that item has been recommended for inclusion by the General Committee, shall be limited to three speakers in favour of, and three against, the inclusion." 92. I should like to stress that at this time we are not discussing the substance of any item. I should also like to remind representatives that interventions' wili have to be made from their seats, in keeping with paragraph 11 of General Assembly decision 34/401. 93. Paragraph 17 of the report we are considering relates to the report of 'the Economic and Social Council, item 12 of the agenda, submitted by the Secretary-General in his memorandum [A/BUR/36/1, para. 21].•May I take it that the General· Assembly takes note of Paragraph In Sub-paragraph (0 of item 17 was included in the agenda.

I now invite Members to turn to paragraph 19, which contains the recommendation of the General Committee on item 38 of the agenda, entitled "Question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council". Taking duly into account the report of the General Committee, may I consider that item 38 is included in the agenda? Item 38 was included in the agenda.

In paragraph 20 the General Committee informs the General Assembly that it took note of the suggestions made by the Secretary-General regarding the grouping of related items under a single heading and the staggering of more item,,: over two or more years. 97. We now turn to the agenda which the General Committee recommends for adoption by the General Assembly. 98. In accordance with past practice, we shall follow the numbering giveR in paragraph 21 of the General Committee's report and shall consider together several items in groups, where that seems appropriate. I once again remind Members that at present we are not discussing the substance of any item, except when such discussions can assist the Assembly in deciding whether or not to include an item in the agenda. 99. Items 1 to 6 have already been acted upon in plenary meetings, therefore their inclusion has been approved. 100. We come now to items 7 to 21. Item 17 if) has already been acted upon by the Assembly under paragraph 18 of the General Committee's report. May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to include those items in the agenda? Items 7 to 21 were included in the agenda.

Item 22 is entitled "The situation in Kampuchea". May I take it that this item is included in the agenda? Item 22 was included in the agenda.

We now turn to items 23 to 25. May I take it that the Assembly decides to include them in the agenda? Items 23 to 25 were included in the agenda.

We turn next to item 26, en- ' titled "The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security: report of the Secre- 105. The grounds on which our principled position was based were clearly and elaborately laid down in the statements made on behalf of the Afghan delegation last year to that end. There we pointed out the reasons why discussion by the General Assembly of tlte so-called question of Afghanistan was unwarranted and unjustified, as well as harmful to the search for a political solution. i\ 106. We thought that discussion of this artificially created issue not only could not proVide the proper atmosphere for reaching an understanding but, on the contrary, would complicate the task of reaching a political settlement. 107. We believed and still maintain that matters related to the internal affairs of a sovereign independent country should not and cannot be discussed against the will of the legitimate representatives of that country, under any pretext whatsoever. We further believed that the attempt to drag the United Nations into a discussion such as the one imposed upon us last year emanated from the fact that it was the intention of thos~ in imperialist, hegemonist and other reactionary circles to divert the attention of the international community from the burning issues for which those very circles were responsible. IOf. The proceedings and results of that exercise pr:ovided us with the one outstanding conclusion that the in~· stigators of that issue had everything in mind but a resolution of the "problem". 109. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan ...,at:-d in no uncertain terms that any outcome that might be produced from a false discussion would not be acceptable to or binding upon us. 110. In view of those considerations, our delegation took the firm position of objecting to the inclusion of item 116 in the agenda of the thirty-fifth session. 111. Since then many developments have occurred. As a result of the normalization and stabilization process within Afghanistan, the outside pressure to reverse. that process has become more and more destructive to the interests of the Afghan people. The interest shown by a large number of countries in this question has led to a better understanding of the factors and dimensions involved. We have tirelessly endeavoured to eliminate all difficulties that were presented to block the start of negotiations. 112. The recent statement of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, issued on 24 August 1981 [see A/36/457j, had at its core the ultimate purpose of paving the way for negotiation as proposed on 14 May by the Afghan Government. The attempt in certain quarters to force on the General Assembly once again a discussion of 113. It is on these grounds that the Afghan delegation demands that the so-called Afghan question should not be included in the agenda of this session.

Certain objections have been raised to the inscription of item 26 which has been recommended by the General Committee for inclusion in the agenda of the thirty-sixth sessiolf of the General Assembly. The position of my delegation in this regard has already been stated at the meeting of the General Committee "eld on 16 September 1981. ' . 115. This item was included in the provisional agenda of this session in .pursuance of the General Assembly decision contained in resolution 35/37 adopted last year with the overwhelming support of 111 Member States. This resolution, l\nd an earlier resolution, [ES-6/2] adopted at the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly, had called for the withdrl'awa! of the foreign troops from Afghanistan anCt had pronounced the principles on the basis of which a genuine political settlement of the crisis in Afgnanistan could be achieved. 116. However, these resolutions remain uniQlplemented. The foreign intervention persists in Afghanistan and the situation in that country continues to deteriorate, posing a serious threat not only to regional stability but also to international peace and security. A consequence of this grave situation is the continuing influx of Afghan refugees, whose number in Pakistan alone has reached over 2.5 million. 117. Until the military intervention in Afghanistan is brought to an end, enabling the people of that country to be once again masters of their own destiny and the Afghan refugees to return to their homes, it is imperative for the General Assembly, consistent with its own decisions, to remain seized of this grave situation. My delegation, therefore, strongly supports the retention of item 26 on the agenda of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. 118. Several substantive matters have been raised in respect of the situation in Afghanistan by the repres~ntative of the regime in Kab~l. The rules of.procedure do not permit me to enter into any substantive discussion of the item at this stage. My delegation, therefore, reserves its right to respond in a comprehensive manner to these substantive issues when the item is taken up for consideration by the General Assembly at subsequent plenary meetings. However, I would like to make it clear that the crisis in Afghanistan is a matter of internatior.al concern. since it is ,a direct outcome of the foreign military intervention in that country in violation of the Charter of the i~g social and economic problems of extraordinary magmtude. 120. However, these aspects of the problem do not change the essential nature of the issue, which is international in its essence and implications. The overwhelming majority of the Member States has already spelt out the principles for a political settlement of this problem, in the General Assembly resolutions ES-6/2 and 35/37. Pakistan has been making every endeavour within its capacity, and remains prepared to take any step to facilitate the achievement of a political settlement, consistent with the basis laid down by the international community.

The delegation of the German Democratic Republic has serious objections to the inclusion in the agenda of item 26. Such an agenda item represents, and is regarded by us as, an inadmissible intervention in the internal affairs of a Member State of the United Nations and a clear violation of the fundamental' provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. 122. The revolutionarv transformations that have been carried out by the Afghan people in impiementing their right to self-determination present no danger whatsoever to the peace and security of other State.i. Such danger is presented only by those reactionary and hegemonistic forces that, by means of subversive activity and outside !nterventio~, seek to prevent the democratic developments m Afghanistan. It should be clearly emphasized that the people of Afghanistan, like any other people, are entitled to enjoy seU:'determination and to be protected against any interference ifi their internal affairs. 123. On the basis of fundamental considerations, the delegations of the German Democratic Republic felt it necessary to object to the inclusion of item 26 in the agenda.

The Australian delegation strongly supports the retention of item 26 on the agenda of the thirty-sixth session. 125. The General Assembly, at its thirty-fifth session, passed by an overwhelming majority-·a majority of lIl-resolution 35(37 which called, among other things, for the inscription of this item on the agenda of the thirtysixth session. This proposal has since been upheld by our General Committee. 1~6. Beyond that, we continue to face the fact that for- ~Ign forces remain in illegal occupation of Afghanistan, 10 flagrant violation of the fundamental principles of our C~arter. yve 'continue to need a political settlement that wIll prOVide for the complete withdrawal of those forces and for the ~storation of conditions in which,the Afghan people can determine their future, free from ~xternal interference. We continue, too, to need a settlem~nt under . ,

The Chinese delegation supports the inclusion of item 26 in the agenda of the General Asrembly. 128. At its last session, the General Assembly, by an overwhelming majority of votes, adopted resolution 35/37 calling for the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan and reaffirming the right of the Afghan people to choose their own economic, political and social system, free from outside intervention. During the past year, however, the Soviet Union has flouted that resolution and refused to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan. What is even worse, it has stepped up its brutal suppression of the Afghan people. The Soviet invasion and armed occupation of Afghanistan has seriously violated the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan, thus posing a grave threat to peace and security in that region and the world as a whole. With a view to safeguarding the basic principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of international relations, and maintaining international peace and security, the Chinese delegation firmly supports the inclusion of item 26 in the agenda of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly.

In the General Committee and here at the plenary meeting, the delegation of the Democratic Repubiic of Afghanistan has taken a clear-cut position. It has stated that the Government of that sovereign country, a Member of the United Nations and a participant in the Non-Aligned Movement, is quite definitely against any consideration in the United Nations of a question relating to the situation in Afghanist'1n, or its implications for international peace and security. 130. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has described any such consideration as an unwarranted interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, and the statement made by the representative of this country clearly shows that consideration of this matter at the previous session of the General Assembly was used by the United States, China and those who play into their hands as propagandistic camouflage in order to wage an undeclared war against Afghanistan and to send into this country counter-revolutionary bands and to supply them with arms. In this way, those who support the inclusion of the item on the situation in Afghanistan in the agenda of the present session are essentially taking a step towards once again involving the Assembly in an unsavoury affair, that is, becoming enemies of the Afghan people and concealing acts of aggression. This would be equally, of course, a violation of the Charter and a distortion of the reason for the very existence of the United Nations and its role, which essentially is to protect States and peoples from intervention. 131. Raising this question runs counter also to the task defined in the Charter, by which it is incumbent on the United Nations to support international peace and security by promoting the settlement of international problems. 133. The discussion on this item which has been imposed upon the General Assembly is particularly inappropriate and harmful under circumstances where there is a direct path to a political settlement. The road to such a settlement ha"been outlined in the well-known proposals which have been made by the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on 24 August of this year. These proposals attest to the constructive and realistic position taken by Afghanistan, which is responsive to the interests of bringing about a normalization of the situation in the area and of maintaining international security as a whole. 134. It is obvious that the inclusion of this contrived Afghan issue in the agenda of the thirty-sixth session of the ,General Assembly will not lead to a removal of the problem but rather will create further artificial obstacles to a settlement of the Afghanis~an question. This will simply play into the hands of the Unitea States of America and all those, including China, who seek further to inflame the situation around Afghanistan. Having deliberately caused this to take place, imperialist circles are making use of the situation as a pretext to justify their own policies, causing further deterioration in such a situation, building up the arms race and increasing the United States military presence in the Indian Ocean and the Per~ sian Gulf. 135. In these conditions, the Soviet delegation, as it has already stated in the General Committee, is decisively 'opposed to the inclusion on the agenda, and any consideration by the General Assembly, of the so-called question of the situation in Afghanistan. This position is dictated by our concern·that the fundamental norms and principles of the United Nations Charter should be observed. The prestige and authority of the United Nations should not be sacrificed to those who, more and more overtly, are trying to interfere in the internal-affairs of States, who are trying to impose provocative issues on to the General Assembly which would prevent constructive work being done by this high forum, and who would like to prompt it into confrontation and fruitless discussion.

We have now heard three speakers in favour and three speakers against the inclusion of item 26. May I take it that item 26 is included in the agenda? Item 26 was included in the agenda.

The next item, item 27, is entitled "Question of the Comorian island of Mayotte: report of the Secretary-General". Taking duly into account the report of the General Committee and 'the statement , / /z < -II!lIlII!1IJ-------- -- --1IIIl

We come now to the question of the inclusion of items 28 to 37. May I take it that those items are included in the agenda? Items 28 to 37 were included in the agenda.

The question of the inclusion of item 38, entitled "Question of equitable representation. on and increase in the membership of the Security Council", has already been considered by the Assembly in connexion with paragraph 19 of the report of the General Committee. 140. We come now to the inclusion of items 39 to 64. May I take it that those items are.included in the agenda? Items 39 to 64 were included in the agenda.

We turn now to the question of the inclusion of item 65, entitled "Question of the Malagasy islands of Glorieuses, Juan de Nova, Europa and Bassas da India: report of the Secretary-General". If we duly take into account the report of the General Committee and the statements made in that Committee, may 1 take it that item 65 is included in the agenda? Item 65 was included in ~the agenda.

We turn now to the question of the indusion of items 66 to 92. In the absence of any speakers, I take it that the Assembly agrees to its inclusion. Items 66 to 92 were included in the agenda.

We now turn to item 93 relating to the question of East Timor. The delegations of Indonesia, India and Singapore have asked for the ,floor.

My delegation wishes to remind the Assembly that East Timor became an integral part of the Republic of IndDnesia in 1976, when the process of decolonization of that Territory was completed following the free and democratic exercise of the right of its people to self-determination through integration with the Republic of Indone§ia. As my delegation stated in the General Committee meeting on 16 September 1981; Indonesia strongly opposes the inclusion' of this item in the agenda of the United Nations General Assembly, since such an inclusion would constitute an interference in its internal affairs contrary to Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter.

I should like to record the reservations of the delegation of India about the inclusion of the item in the agenda.

My delegation would similarly like to,express our reservations concerning the inclusion of the item in thp, agenda.

We turn now to items 94 to 134. May I take it that there is no objection to their inclusion in the agenda? Items 94 to /34 were included in the agenda.

The Assembly has thus adopted the agenda of the thirty-sixth session [decision 361402 1]. 150. We turn to the question of the allocation of items, which is dealt with in section IV of the General Committee's report. In paragraph 22 the Committee draws the Assembly's attention to paragraph 4 of its decision 34/401, which states: "Substantive items should normally be discussed initially in a Main Committee and, therefore, items previously allocated to plenary meetings should henceforth be referred to a Main Committee unless there are compelling circumstances requiring their continued consideration in plenary meetiag." 151. The modifications indicated in paragraph 23 of the report are reflected in the proposed allocation. We shall therefore consider them when we come to the relevant items. 152. May I now invite members to turn to the list of items recommended by the General Committee for consideration in plenary meetings. 153. WHh regard first of all to item 8, I should like to invite the Assembly's attention to the recommendation of the General Committee in paragraph 23 (a) (i) that subitem (b), entitled "Subsidiary organs of the General Assembly", should be allocated to the FIfth Committee with the suggestion that it be considered within the framework of item 105 of the agenda relating to the pattern of conferences. May I take it that the General Assembly approves that recommendation?

With regard to item 19, the General Committee recommends in paragraph 23 (a) (ii) that the Assembly should refer to the Fourth Committee all the chapters of the report of the Special Committee relating to specific Territories so that the General Assembly might deal in plenary meeting with the question of the implementation of the Declaration as a whole. May I take it that the General Assembly approves that recommendation?

I now invite members to turn their attention to item 30 relating to the International Year of Disabled Persons. In this connexion, as stated in paragraph 23 (a) (Hi), the General Committee. decided: ."a. To draw the attention of the General Assembly to the fact that the item, for which high-Ievel.participa- May I take it that the General Assembly takes note of that decision and approves the recommendation of the General Committee?

We turn next to item 32, concerning the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa. The General Comwittee's recommendation is contained in paragraph 23 (a) (iv). May I take it that the General Assembly approves that recommendation?

We come next to item 35'concerning the Question of Namibia. The relevant recommendation appears in paragraph 23 (a) (vi). I take it that the General Assembly approves that recommendation.

May I now consider that the General Assembly approves the allocation of the other items listed for consideration directly in plenary meeting?

We turn now to the list of items which the General Committee has recommended for allocation to the First Committee. Regarding itein 17 on general and complete disarmament, the Gener,al 0.>mmittee~ in paragraph 23 (b) (i), recommends that the relev,nnt paragraphs of the annual report of the International Atomic Energy Agency, which is to be considered directly in plenarj meeting under agenda item 14 (al~, should be drawn to the attention of the First Committee in connexion with its consideration of agenda item 55. May I take it that, the General Assembly approves that recommendation?

May I consider that the General' Assembly approves the allocation of items to the First Committee?

We come now to the items recommended for allocation to the Special Political Committee. May I consider that the General Assembly approves that recommendation?

I now invite members to examine the list of items recommended for allocation to the Second Committee. I take it that there is no objection to the list for the Second Committee? I? 164. The PRESIDENT: Are there any comments on the proposed allocation of items to the Fourth Committee? Since there are none, I take it that the General Assembly approves that proposed allocation.

We turn now to the list of items recommended for allocation to the Fifth Committee. Regarding item 1~ of the agenda, entitled "Joint Inspection Unit: reports of the Joint Inspection Unit", the General Committee recommends in paragraph 23 (d) that the item should be allocated to the Fifth Committee with the understanding that the reports of the Joint Inspection Unit dealing with subjects assigned to other Main Committees would also be referred to those Main Committees. May I take it that the General Assembly adopts that recommendation and approves the proposed allocation of items to the Fifth Committee? '

We come now to the list of items proposed for allocation to the Sixth Committee. May I take it that the General Assembly approves that proposed allocation?

Finally, may I invite the Gener~ Assembly to turn its attention to paragraph 23 (a) (v), in which the General Committee recommends that the General Assembly defer a decision on the allocation of agenda item 35 on the question of Cyprus to an appropriate time in the future. May I consider that the General Assembly adopts that recommendation? 169. I wish to thank all representatives for their co-oper- ation, which has made it possible for us to complete our task in time. 170. Each Main Committee will receive promptly the list of agenda items allocated to it, so that it may begin its work as soon as possible, in accordance with rule 99 of the rules of procedure. 171. I now call on the representath·e of the Soviet Union, who has asked to sDeak on a point of order.

The delegation of the Soviet Union would like to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the fact that in document Al36/2S0 paragraph 19 sets forth the result of the voting on item 38 of the provisional agenda. In the same document, we do not find the result of the vote in the General Committee on agenda item 42 (b). 173. Secondly, I should like to draw attention to the fact that the result of the vote on agenda item 38 is not accu- rate. The result of the vote in the General Committee was as follows: 23 in favour, 5 against. I therefore take this opportunity to state that, in the opinion of our delegation, documents sUbmitted. to the General Assembly should scrupulously reflect the resultfl of the work of the main bodies of the General Assembly, and, in this case~ of the General Committee.

The statement made by the representative of the Soviet Union will appear in the record. The meeting rose at 4.55 p.m. NOTES I See also 28th meeting, para. 95, and 46th meeting, para. 3.