A/74/PV.58 General Assembly

I now give the floor to His Excellency Vadym Prystaiko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine.

I wish to start by expressing my appreciation for your leadership, Mr. President, and assuring you of Ukraine’s full support for your activities. I am honoured to speak today from the lofty rostrum of the United Nations as the Foreign Minister of one of the founding members of the United Nations. In San Francisco in 1945, the representatives of Ukraine maintained that the special responsibility of the permanent members of the Security Council would in itself be a reliable conflict-prevention tool. Today, as we are about to mark the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, we see one of the permanent members attempting to annex and occupying parts of my territory and continuing to kill Ukrainians. The day before yesterday the Security Council considered the situation in the east of Ukraine (see S/PV.8726). The meeting notably took place only hours after Ukrainian positions had been brutally attacked by Russian-backed forces, leaving one soldier dead and six wounded. When that same permanent member tried to impose his view of the situation, for well-understood reasons he did not find support among Security Council members. We respect the Security Council and its unique statutory role in the maintenance of international peace and security. We regret that the aggressor State undermines the Council’s capacities and makes it a more compelling case for us to address the issue of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine in the General Assembly, the chief and most representative policy-making organ of the United Nations — the same body that in the past six years has played an instrumental role in exposing the Russian aggression against Ukraine and upholding the international responsibility of the aggressor State for its internationally wrongful acts. The strong voice of the General Assembly remains a crucial element of international pressure to make Russia abide by international law and stop its aggression against Ukraine. Since 2014, the Assembly has adopted seven resolutions condemning the Russian Federation and its aggression and temporary occupation of parts of the Ukrainian territory. In March 2014, in its resolution “Territorial integrity of Ukraine” (resolution 68/262) the General Assembly reaffirmed its commitment to Ukraine’s territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders and the absence of any legal basis to change the status of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. The same General Assembly also unambiguously qualified Russia as an occupying Power and urged the Russian Federation to end its temporary occupation of Ukraine’s territory without delay. We should be rightfully proud of the fact that this organ of the Organization has raised its strong voice to protect the Charter of the United Nations and its universal values, contributing to the realization of the vision “The future we want, the United Nations we need”. We clearly understand that the Organization is dealing with many pressing problems around the globe. But we must also acknowledge that no issue should be abandoned unless it has been successfully resolved, especially when it directly threatens international law and international security. I would like to take this opportunity to thank all our friends for their outstanding solidarity with my country. That day in 2014 will remain in the history books and records as the day when a permanent member of the Security Council brought war, death and destruction into the daily lives of my fellow Ukrainians. The history books will also refer to this day as the day that dealt a huge blow to the entire system of international law based on the United Nations Charter. Regretfully, we must acknowledge that the events of 20 February 2014 were the expected result of the way in which the international community, including the United Nations, allowed one of its members to seize the territory of another member and completely ignore the fundamental principles of international law and the security system, as designed 75 years ago. The lack of an adequate response to the spiralling level of violations and impunity for those violations resulted in a precedent with global implications. Today, none of us can feel safe and protected by the United Nations Charter unless we reverse that trend. That will truly be the best thing to do to honour the Organization when our leaders meet here at the seventy-fifth anniversary in the autumn. Let me briefly update Member States on the scope of the suffering of the people of Ukraine as a result of such violations. About 44,000 square kilometres, or some 7 per cent, of the territory of Ukraine are under foreign occupation in blatant violation of the United Nations Charter. More than 1,400 people have been killed and more than 27,000 wounded. About 2 million residents of Crimea and Donbas have been forced to flee their homes and to become internally displaced persons or refugees. The dire humanitarian situation in the conflict- affected areas of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions continues to deteriorate. More than 3.4 million people are expected to require humanitarian assistance in 2020. More than half a million people live in the areas directly affected by and exposed to the armed conflict while another 2 million people are exposed to landmines and explosive remnants of war. According to the United Nations, that area has already become one of the most mine-contaminated stretches of land in the entire world. In early February, the United Nations launched the Ukraine humanitarian response plan for the current year, which calls for $158 million to assist 2 million people in Ukraine. I call on the international community to contribute to that effort. The occupied areas have become a territory of fear and terror. The occupying authorities, be it in Crimea or in parts of Donbas, use repression, resorting to systematic and large-scale violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms. The economy in occupied Donbas has been destroyed. Sophisticated equipment of many strategic enterprises in the area was dismantled and moved to the Russian Federation. Each of those enterprises produced high-quality goods, providing jobs for thousands of Ukrainians living there. All of them have now shut down. The environmental situation is at direct risk, as some coal mines in Donbas have been neglected, abandoned and flooded. Such irresponsible behaviour could further lead to the contamination of underground water reservoirs, causing water-related diseases and threatening agriculture across the whole region. Nevertheless, the Russian occupation authorities do not allow access for experts to assess the potential environmental threats and identify ways to address them. We are often asked if there is any progress in eastern Ukraine. Let me recall the major developments that have taken place since the previous consideration by the General Assembly of the agenda item “The situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine” (see A/73/PV.67 and A/73/PV.68). In April 2019, the Ukrainian people elected a new President in an exemplary democratic, competitive and open election, thereby proving once again that the Russian narrative of the coup that brought a Nazi regime to power in Kyiv is totally groundless and simply a lie. Restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine by peaceful means has become President Zelenskyy’s top priority. That commitment fully reflects the peaceful aspirations of Ukrainians. There have been 20 recommitments to a comprehensive ceasefire. Ukraine abides by the ceasefire, while the Russian forces and their proxies continue their shelling and attacks. In January alone, attacks by the Russian armed formations left 11 Ukrainian servicemen dead and 33 wounded. That number is actually higher than in the respective months last year. Ukraine extended the duration of the law on the special status of local self-governance and agreed on a number of steps in the political domain, while Russia continues the illegal “passportization” and other measures aimed at including occupied Donbas in the Russian political and economic sphere. Ukraine is launching new humanitarian initiatives for the occupied territories to ensure access for local residents to social payments and State services, while Russia is consolidating a policy of terror there, resembling the witch-hunt of the notorious Stalin regime. It speaks volumes that the puppet structure, created, staffed and financed by the Russian State budget and responsible for repression against the local population in Donbas, even bears the name of the notorious Soviet institution the Ministry for State Security, the predecessor of the Committee for State Security, which was responsible for crimes against its own people in the middle of the previous century. Ukraine is eager to revive the Normandy Four and Trilateral Contact Group international frameworks in order to seek a comprehensive and sustainable solution together with the Russian Federation and mediating partners. The recent summit in the Normandy format held on 9 December 2019 for the first time in the past three years once again proved our commitment to achieving the resolution of this conflict. For Ukraine, every life counts, and we will make every possible effort to reunite all our families and to restore our boundaries. It is truly President Zelenskyy’s personal commitment to do everything possible to return our fellow countrymen and countrywomen to their families and loved ones. He could not wait for the Russian Federation to fulfil its obligations, under the order of the Hamburg tribunal, to return the 24 Ukrainian sailors captured in the Kerch Strait. Instead, he exchanged them for very bad people detained in our own jails but greatly wanted in Russia. The important result of the December Normandy Four summit was a successful mutual release of detainees. We are now working hard on the next release. We hope that it will take place soon and bring home hundreds of our people. That humanitarian mission could be even more successful if the International Committee of the Red Cross is finally allowed access to the detainees or to search for missing persons. Unfortunately, the number of ceasefire violations by the Russian forces is not decreasing, causing further loss of human lives and damage to infrastructure. Furthermore, there is still no sign that the occupying Power is willing to provide unhindered access for the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Special Monitoring Mission throughout the occupied territories. We are ready for a dialogue with the residents of Donbas but not with the fake puppets, or so-called “representatives”. That dialogue must be inclusive of all those who are temporarily displaced from Donbas within Ukrainian territory. The voice of those internally displaced persons should also be heard in Minsk. We look forward to holding local elections throughout the whole territory of Ukraine this autumn. However, without basic security and a political resolution, the people of Donbas, including those who were forced to flee their homes, will not have the chance to make their democratic choice at the elections, which should be certified by the legitimate Ukrainian authorities and the international community, based on the existing and recognized standards. That is why the “security first” principle, on which the logic of the Minsk agreements is based, remains at the core of a peaceful resolution. Russia should immediately implement the security arrangements reached by the Normandy Four leaders, as there is no other way for progress on such tracks, including steps in the political domain. I reiterate that one can hardly hope for peace while a 400-kilometre section of the Ukrainian-Russian State border remains an open gate for Russian weaponry and military personnel. An international presence along the border, mandated by the United Nations, could have been the answer. The situation in Crimea, temporarily occupied by Russia, remains a matter of major concern. In resolutions 73/194 and 74/17 the General Assembly expressed its grave concern over the progressive militarization of Crimea by the Russian Federation as the occupying Power, as well as over reports of the continuing destabilization of Crimea owing to transfers by the Russian Federation of weapon systems, including nuclear-capable aircraft and missiles. It also urged the Russian Federation, as the occupying Power, to withdraw its military forces from Crimea and to end its temporary occupation of Ukrainian territory without delay. All those demands continue to be ignored by the Russian Federation. Violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms by the occupying Power continue unabated in Crimea. Numerous General Assembly resolutions condemn the abuses, measures and practices of discrimination against residents of the temporarily occupied Crimea, including Crimean Tatars as well as Ukrainians and persons belonging to other ethnic and religious groups. The United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine has been denied access to Crimea, and it is not the only body to have been denied such access. None of the well-established intergovernmental organizations, including the United Nations, the OSCE, the Council of Europe and UNESCO, have been able to conduct monitoring activities within the scope of their mandate, as Russia has insisted that any monitoring of Crimea can take place only once the status of Crimea as part of the Russian Federation has been recognized. Of course, that is impossible under international law, the United Nations Charter and, hence, resolutions of this Assembly. In the most recent report on the situation of human rights in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine, (A/74/276) the Secretary-General made it abundantly clear that Russia is responsible for the violations of human rights in Crimea and must immediately uphold its obligations under international human rights law. The occupation of Crimea has led to yet another form of discrimination and violation of human rights. I am referring to the plight of Muslims — the Crimean Tatars  — and followers of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine in the occupied territories. We believe that the issue of religious freedom should also be addressed by the Assembly and welcome relevant initiatives by partners. The Russian Federation spares no effort to legitimize its illegal occupation of Crimea by conducting unlawful elections there, sending its emissaries illegally elected in Crimea to international forums, assigning Russian telephone codes to Crimea and applying its law to punish local residents, who, we must recall, remain under the protection of the Geneva Conventions. Following the practices widely used in Crimea, Russia, the occupying Power, illegally imposed its citizenship on the local population in the temporarily occupied territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, thereby further violating the norms of international humanitarian law and the sovereignty of Ukraine. However, although the Kremlin remains blind and deaf to the appeals and decisions of the international community, I am absolutely convinced that international unity and solidarity and respect for and the promotion of human rights are the only way to stop Moscow’s aggression against my country and eventually bring about the de-occupation of the parts of Ukraine’s territory. I would like to conclude by expressing my strong belief in the role of the General Assembly, the most democratic body of the United Nations. I look forward to today’s discussion, which could provide further impetus to our common efforts towards restoring respect for international law and the Charter of the United Nations and bringing an end to, hopefully, the last war in Europe.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Péter Szijjártó, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of Hungary.

First of all, allow me to express my sincere condolences to the families and loved ones of all those soldiers who were recently killed or wounded by separatist forces at the line of contact in Donbas. I am representing a country of Central Europe that is a direct neighbour of Ukraine. I am representing a State that was founded in the heart of Europe 1,000 years ago and a nation that, throughout history, had to continuously fight for freedom and liberty against invaders, occupiers and dictatorships. I am representing a nation that, following both World Wars, was torn apart by international dictates, as a consequence of which millions of Hungarians now live in the territories of our neighbouring countries. So if anyone is aware of the significance of territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence, freedom, justice and respect — respect for international law, respect for each other and respect for minorities, we Hungarians definitely are. First, I would like to take this opportunity to stress that Hungary supports the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. We are interested in Ukraine being a strong, safe, prosperous and democratic country. As one knows, the neighbourhood usually determines the value of one’s own land as well. Let me report to the General Assembly that, to date, Hungary has spent €225 million on supporting Ukraine since 2014. We have financed the reconstruction and operation of hospitals, schools and churches. We have financed the purchasing of vaccinations for children. We have contributed to catering for children in schools and in kindergartens. We have regularly been providing chlorine to the neighbouring areas to be able to ensure a potable water supply there. The economic development programme that we have been carrying out in the western part of Ukraine provided €60 million in investment, creating a large number of new jobs and generating additional tax revenues for the Ukrainian budget. However, money is not everything. That is why I would like to report that we have provided medical treatment in Hungarian hospitals for 33 Ukrainian troops who were wounded in the fighting in the eastern part of Ukraine. To date, we have received 2,236 Ukrainian children in Hungary for a one-week summer vacation. They were the children of Ukrainians who have been involved, killed or wounded in the fighting in the eastern part of the country. We have also financed the establishment of an emergency station in Donbas. During the most complicated times, even when a gas shortage was about to be forecast, we took the very serious risk of giving strategic help to Ukraine. We started to deliver gas to our neighbours, on a reverse-flow basis  — up to 13 billion cubic metres. Imagine what the Russians thought about that. The Russians are basically the only gas providers for Hungary, but we took that decision because we knew that our Ukrainian friends needed it. The stability, security and prosperity of Ukraine are in the interests of Hungary as well. In order to bolster this statement, I have exactly 150,000 arguments. That is the number of Hungarian people living in the western part of Ukraine. The stronger, the more prosperous and the safer Ukraine is, the better off Hungarians and Hungary will be. The Hungarians who live in the western part of Ukraine would like to keep their national identity, language and culture, as guaranteed by international law, to which we always refer when we speak about such issues. I do not think that I should describe this issue in too much detail at the United Nations, the international organization that is most active when it comes to the rights of indigenous communities. I think that it would be difficult to be more indigenous than the Hungarians in Ukraine, because, as members will recall, I stated that we Hungarians have been living in the Carpathian basin for more than 1,000 years. Unfortunately, some of the recent laws passed under the former President of Ukraine, during the term of the former President of Ukraine in the Ukrainian Parliament, violated and diminished the internationally recognized minority rights of those Hungarians living in Ukraine. Obviously, we are entirely aware of the seriousness of what has been taking place in the eastern part of Ukraine and Crimea, and we are fully aware of what kind of losses Ukraine has suffered. I think that we have proved our solidarity in a proper manner, as I described just a few minutes ago. But to be honest, we cannot accept that a clear violation of international law on the one hand could serve as an explanation or an excuse for another violation of international law on the other. So we do not really understand how Ukraine’s struggle against Russia could lead to regulations that seriously limit the access of the Hungarian community to mother-tongue education and the use of its own language in the spheres of culture, media and public administration. We understand that the Ukrainian authorities would like to strengthen the role of the State language, but that must not lead to any substitution with respect to the mother tongue of a national minority. We can imagine that this issue might seem to be of minor significance. I can even imagine that one might not consider it important whether a rather small national community an ocean away from here can use its own language entirely for education. But believe me, for us Hungarians the internationally recognized rights of even one single Hungarian count. We Hungarians will continue to stand up for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. We Hungarians will continue to provide economic and humanitarian support and assistance to our Ukrainian friends. They can count on us. But in the meantime, we expect that the newly and democratically elected Ukrainian leadership will address this situation as well. We Hungarians are ready for dialogue. Thank God, we recently understood that the intent is mutual. We hope that next year, when we discuss such issues, we can inform the General Assembly that we have dealt with this issue in our region as well. We expect the United Nations to continue to stand up to ensure respect for international law universally and not in a selective manner.

Today I have the honour to speak on behalf of the eight Nordic-Baltic countries: Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden and my own country, Estonia. We would like to begin by thanking the President of the General Assembly for having convened this debate on such a timely and urgent issue, as we know that the situation in eastern Ukraine and Crimea remains of great concern. Today, as we mark the sixth year since the tragic events in Maidan and the beginning of the Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, the Nordic- Baltic countries reconfirm their strongest support for Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, including territorial waters. We condemn the illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol by Russia and are committed to implementing the European Union’s non-recognition policy, including restrictive measures. We urge the Russian Federation to respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, as stated in resolution 68/262. Respect for territorial integrity and the prohibition of the use of force are fundamental principles of international law. These two principles are clearly stated in Article 2, paragraph 4, of the United Nations Charter, as well as in the Helsinki Final Act. By the use of force against the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, Russia is in clear violation of these fundamental principles of international law. The General Assembly has since 2014 adopted several resolutions reiterating its support for Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, addressing the grave human rights situation in Crimea, expressing concern about the militarization of Crimea and the growing instability in the Black Sea and Sea of Azov region. The Nordic-Baltic countries call on the Russian Federation to implement these resolutions as well as other relevant decisions of the United Nations. The situation in eastern Ukraine poses a threat to international peace and security. We deplore the military escalation and offensive attempts near Zolote, as reported on Tuesday, as they go against the urgent need for an immediate ceasefire and show a lack of commitment to the implementation of the Minsk agreements and the measures agreed at the Normandy summit in Paris. We urge the Russian Federation to fully respect its commitments and to exert its considerable influence over the armed formations it backs to ensure that the ceasefire is fully implemented. The full implementation of the Minsk agreements and political dialogue remains the basis for resolving the conflict. We stress once again Russia’s role and responsibility in this regard. We thank Ukraine for its initiatives and bold actions, which have led to positive steps such as the exchange of prisoners, the proposal on the disengagement of forces in three areas and the reconstruction of the bridge in Stanytsia Luhanska. We welcome the measures taken at the Normandy summit held in Paris on 9 December and call for their implementation. We hope that the next summit will bring more positive news and breakthroughs. We support Germany and France in their efforts as well as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Trilateral Contact Group. At the same time, we deplore the fact that a 400-kilometre uncontrolled section of the Ukrainian- Russian State border remains open to flows of Russian weaponry and personnel to Donbas. We also deplore the continuing impediments to the work of the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM), particularly in non-Government-controlled areas, and stress the importance of full, secure and unimpeded access for the SMM to the entire territory of Ukraine. We thank the OSCE, including the SMM, for all of its indispensable work in Ukraine. Russia’s initiative last year to start issuing its passports under a simplified procedure to the residents of Donbas clearly runs counter to the spirit and letter of the Minsk agreements and prospects for resolving the conflict. We call on the Russian Federation to implement its commitments under the Minsk agreements, withdraw its armed forces from Ukraine and stop providing political, financial and military support to the self-proclaimed Donetsk and Luhansk Republics. Full respect for the territorial integrity of Ukraine is the only way to restore regional security. We remain deeply concerned about the grave humanitarian situation in eastern Ukraine. An estimated 14,000 people, including more than 3,300 civilians, have been killed and more than 30,000 wounded in the conflict. Around 2 million people live in areas highly contaminated by landmines, and 3.4 million Ukrainians still need humanitarian assistance and protection. In order to improve the situation, we call for safe, rapid and unhindered humanitarian assistance to the region. The international community must keep Ukraine high on the agenda and intensify its financial support for the humanitarian response in eastern Ukraine. In this regard, we anticipate that the Ukraine reform conference to be held in Vilnius on 7 July will present a very good opportunity for the international community to reconfirm strong political support for Ukraine on the crucial reform process necessary to improve the living conditions of its citizens and enhance the resilience of the society. We are deeply concerned about the increasing militarization of the Crimean peninsula by Russia. Since the illegal annexation, Russia has more than doubled its military forces and increased weaponry in the peninsula. The militarization of Crimea has also increased instability in the wider Black Sea region as well as in the Sea of Azov. The delays caused by the inspection regime imposed on Ukrainian and third- country vessels at the Kerch Strait severely restrict free navigation and are having negative consequences for Ukrainian ports in the Sea of Azov, which have already suffered economically since the beginning of conflict. Furthermore, the human rights situation in Crimea continues to be of utmost concern. Residents of the Crimean peninsula continue to face systematic restrictions of their human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of expression and association, the right to peaceful assembly and the freedom of religion or belief. According to the recent report of the Secretary-General concerning Crimea (A/74/276), the rights to freedom of assembly and association of LGBTI people have also been denied. The activities of the Mejlis, a representative body of the Crimean Tatar People, remain banned in Crimea, in breach of the order of the International Court of Justice delivered on 19 April 2017. We call on the Russian Federation to stop these violations, which target mostly Crimean Tatars and Ukrainian activists, and to immediately release all political prisoners who have been illegally detained in Crimea. We also reiterate that regional and international human rights monitoring mechanisms, as well as human rights organizations, must have unimpeded access to Crimea. To conclude, the Nordic-Baltic countries are convinced that respect for international law and a rules- based world order are fundamental to our common security. We call on Russia to abide by international law. It is essential that the international community maintain pressure on Russia until Ukraine’s sovereignty is fully restored and secured under international law. The Nordic-Baltic countries remain steadfast in their support for Ukraine and its people.

I now give the floor to the observer of the European Union.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union (EU) and its member States. The candidate countries the Republic of North Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania, as well as Georgia, align themselves with this statement. The European Union recalls its unwavering support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and independence of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, including its territorial waters. On 18 March, it will have been six years since the illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol by the Russian Federation. That illegal annexation remains a direct challenge to international security, with grave implications for the international legal order that protects the territorial integrity, unity and sovereignty of all States. In line with resolutions 68/262 and 74/168, the EU reconfirms its condemnation of this violation of international law and continues to implement its consistent non-recognition policy of the illegal annexation, including through restrictive measures, together with its transatlantic partners. This issue is not only a serious bilateral or European concern but also a global one. By its aggressive actions against Ukraine, Russia has violated several international agreements and other instruments, not only the United Nations Charter and the Helsinki Final Act, but also the Charter of Paris; the Agreement on Foundation of the Commonwealth of Independent States; the Budapest Memorandum; the bilateral Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation; and the Agreement between the Russian Federation and the Ukraine on cooperation in the use of the Sea of Azov and the strait of Kerch, to name but a few. The EU will continue to support Ukraine’s resilience, including by improving its ability to counter hybrid threats. The EU reaffirms resolute support for Ukraine’s reform efforts, especially when it comes to the implementation of commitments linked to the association agreement. Since 2014, together with the financial institutions, the EU has committed to over €15 billion in grants and loans to cooperation with Ukraine. EU member States are also significantly involved on a bilateral basis. The Conference on Reforms in Ukraine, to be held in Vilnius on 7 July, will be an important moment to demonstrate the achievements Ukraine has made and strengthen the reform process further. The EU continues to condemn all of Russia’s breaches of international law. As a strong supporter of effective multilateralism, we work to ensure the respect of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in all international organizations  — the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Council of Europe, and, of course, the United Nations, in line with the aforementioned General Assembly resolutions. We welcome Ukraine’s efforts to continue to seek justice using international legal instruments and courts, including the European Court of Human Rights, arbitration courts and the International Court of Justice. In this regard, we underline the importance of respect for judicial decisions and their timely implementation. The ongoing Russian militarization of the Crimean peninsula continues to have a negative impact on the security situation in the Black Sea region and beyond. We continue to call on Russia to ensure unhindered and free passage to and from the Sea of Azov in accordance with international law. Russia’s unjustified use of force on 25 November 2018 near the Kerch Strait, the construction of the Kerch Strait Bridge without Ukraine’s consent, and the opening of its railway section in December 2019 are violations of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, which we have repeatedly condemned. We call on Russia to immediately release the four Ukrainian fishermen and their boat illegally detained in the Sea of Azov on 15 February. Since the illegal annexation by the Russian Federation, the human rights situation in the Crimean peninsula has severely deteriorated. Residents of the peninsula face systematic restrictions of their human rights and fundamental freedoms, such as the freedoms of expression, religion or belief and association and the right to peaceful assembly. In particular, the human rights of the Crimean Tatars have been targeted. In accordance with resolution 74/168, adopted last December, it is crucial that regional and international human rights monitoring mechanisms as well as non-governmental human rights organizations have unimpeded access to the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. Journalists, human rights defenders and defence lawyers should be able to work independently and without undue interference and intimidation. We welcome the work of Ukrainian human rights organizations and the Crimean prosecutor that have been recording human rights violations and abuses temporarily from the Ukrainian mainland. All human rights violations must be investigated, and all perpetrators must be brought to justice. We welcome the release of 35 detained Ukrainians, including Oleg Sentsov, Edem Bekirov and captured Ukrainian sailors, which is testimony to the work and determination of those who have worked tirelessly for this outcome, including members of civil society, human rights defenders, and legal experts. However, the EU deplores the fact that Russia did not release the 24 captured Ukrainian sailors until 7 September 2019, thereby implementing, but with undue delay, the ruling of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. We keep calling for the immediate release of all Ukrainian citizens who have been illegally detained by Russia and sentenced in breach of international law. We also expect Russia to take measures to improve the environmental situation in Crimea, which has considerably worsened. With regard to the conflict in eastern Ukraine, the EU remains firm in its call on all sides to swiftly and fully implement the Minsk agreements and honour their commitments in full in order to achieve a sustainable political solution to the conflict. The EU fully supports the efforts of the. OSCE, the Normandy format and the Trilateral Contact Group. In particular, the EU welcomes the Normandy Four summit in Paris last December and the exchange of prisoners that followed. We thank Ukraine for its initiatives and bold actions that have brought positive change, in particular the exchange of prisoners and the disengagement of forces. The EU urges the sides to fully and comprehensively implement the ceasefire. It is now of utmost importance that the Minsk agreements and the conclusions of the Paris summit be fully implemented. In this regard, we deplore the military escalation and offensive attempts near Zolote, as reported on Tuesday, as they go against the urgent need for an immediate ceasefire and show a lack of commitment to the implementation of the Minsk agreements and the measures agreed at the Normandy Four summit. We urge the sides to fully respect their reiterated commitments. In particular, we call on Russia to exert its considerable influence over the armed formations it backs to ensure that the ceasefire is fully implemented. We also call on Russia to immediately stop fuelling the conflict by providing financial and military support to the aforementioned armed formations, and we remain deeply concerned about the presence of Russian military equipment and personnel in areas currently not under the control of the Government of Ukraine. The EU also condemns the continuous deterioration of the respect for human rights in the non-Government- controlled areas of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. The duration of the EU’s economic sanctions against Russia is linked to the complete implementation of the Minsk agreements. We remain concerned about the continued restrictions being placed on the freedom of movement of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM), particularly in non-Government-controlled areas of the southern Donetsk region and near the border with the Russian Federation. We once again deplore the targeting of SMM assets, including SMM unmanned aerial vehicles, by means of signal interference and small-arms fire. In line with its mandate, the SMM must have safe, secure, unconditional and unimpeded access to the entire territory of Ukraine, including the illegally annexed Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol and along the Ukraine-Russia State border, to which the SMM is systematically denied access by Russia-backed armed formations. Civilians are the ones paying the heaviest price when the sides do not adhere to the ceasefire, when they do not withdraw heavy weapons and when they do not remove landmines, but instead are laying new ones. We welcome the inclusive approach by Ukraine towards the population of the conflict-affected areas of eastern and south-eastern Ukraine. We welcome the fact that civilian crossing over the Stanytsia Luhanska Bridge has been made easier since the opening of the new section of the bridge on 20 November 2019. Still, there are exceedingly long queues at the entry and exit checkpoints. These queues expose civilians to the risk of small-arms fire, shelling and hazards posed by mines and unexploded ordnance. Furthermore, older persons often face hardships related to inclement weather and long waiting times. It is therefore vital that the process at the checkpoints be improved, in the interest of the thousands of people who are crossing them every day. We reiterate our call for the opening of new crossing points, based primarily on humanitarian criteria. We further welcome the release of 200 conflict- related detainees on 29 December. The International Committee of the Red Cross should be granted full and unconditional access to all detained persons. After almost six years of conflict, the deteriorating security situation in eastern Ukraine has an increasing impact on the civilian population, in particular the persons in the most vulnerable situations living in the non-Government-controlled areas and along both sides of the contact line, where people are under continuous threat of shelling. We share a profound concern for their suffering. Adequate social benefits and pensions for all internally displaced persons, regardless of their place of residence and in accordance with the Ukrainian Constitution, should be provided. Protection of the supply of water, energy and other utility services across the line of contact and mitigation of environmental risks are key to avoid a worsening of the situation. As a result of the conflict, 3.4 million Ukrainians are still in need of humanitarian assistance, as outlined in the recently published 2020 humanitarian response plan. We call on the sides to guarantee unhindered and sustained access for humanitarian actors, including the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, to all people in need. The decreasing level of humanitarian funding is reducing the ability to deliver humanitarian assistance. Together with its 27 member States, the European Union is the largest donor of humanitarian aid to Ukraine, with hundreds of millions of euros pledged since the beginning of the conflict, and it will continue to support humanitarian organizations in their important work to alleviate the suffering of affected populations, particularly along the contact line.

More than 70 years ago, with the historic decision to abolish its armed forces, Costa Rica unilaterally renounced the use of force, making the culture of peace prevail over weapons and establishing dialogue and mediation as a way to resolve conflicts. We favour diplomacy, active and unarmed neutrality, and a foreign policy based on shared global values as set out in the Charter of the United Nations. With that past, Costa Rica believes that the territorial integrity of States constitutes a core principle of the Charter of the United Nations. That is why, from the floor in this Hall and in all the forums in which we express ourselves, we reiterate our unconditional and unwavering position on the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity and of the unity and independence of States. This is also the case with regard to our position on Ukraine; the foregoing principles fully apply to it within its internationally recognized borders. We do not recognize the ongoing temporary occupation of part of the territory of Ukraine, namely, the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. The United Nations has adopted a number of resolutions in the General Assembly on Ukraine: on the sovereignty of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders (resolution 68/262), on the human rights situation in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol (resolution 74/168), and on the problem of the militarization of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine, as well as parts of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov (resolution 74/17). The Security Council itself adopted resolution 2202 (2015), in which it endorsed the package of measures for the implementation of the Minsk II agreements. These agreements are important for reaching a political solution to the conflict, and we urge the parties to respect and implement the commitments and measures stipulated therein. The foregoing resolutions must not remain a dead letter. Respecting them is part of the responsibility of us as Member States. The United Nations Charter translates the universal will into values and principles. Respect for them is not optional. We the States Members of the United Nations have the responsibility to respect the Charter and to ensure that it is properly complied with. Those attempts to weaken multilateralism and undermine its institutions oblige us to renew our commitment to the Charter and to the principles of international law, in order to strengthen the institutions of the international system in a more democratic and egalitarian community. The recent meeting of the Normandy format, the first since 2016, is a hopeful sign. It agreed on a number of confidence-building measures, including prisoner exchanges, the creation of new areas of disengagement and the opening of new crossing points along the line of contact. For my country, that is the way forward. The steps taken, such as the mutual release of detainees in September and December 2019, show a political will that is necessary in the search for a solution. Achieving a sustainable and durable ceasefire remains an urgent priority. It must be accompanied by the removal of heavy weapons from populated areas, the effective separation of forces and the protection of civilians and critical civilian infrastructure. The establishment of a peacekeeping mission in Ukraine is seen as a useful tool to ensure compliance with the ceasefire and to improve the conditions of the civilian population in accordance with international humanitarian law. The Security Council must exercise its responsibility to stop hostilities and military action. The Council must ensure that it properly fulfils its primary responsibility: the maintenance of international peace and security. Its action must lead to concrete results in effectively protecting the civilian population and putting an end to flagrant violations of international law. The international community as a whole must promote dialogue at the negotiating table, which will bring about a political solution to the conflict; that is the only way out of this situation. Allow me also, in this Hall, the cathedral of relations among States, to express the gratitude of the people and the Government of Costa Rica to the Government of Ukraine for the assistance provided in the evacuation of two Costa Rican students from the city of Wuhan in China upon the outbreak of the coronavirus crisis. At the same time we would like to express to China our appreciation for achieving that end.

The conflict in and around Ukraine remains a crisis that calls for the urgent attention of the United Nations, and we have seen a concerning increase of violence recently. In the spirit of Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter, sustained efforts have been undertaken within the framework of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to monitor the crisis and pursue possible avenues for political progress. Two weeks ago, we heard the Chairperson-in-Office of the OSCE confirm to the Security Council that Ukraine remains at the top of his agenda (see S/PV.8714). We regret that the Security Council has not been able to support efforts to bring peace to Ukraine politically and through concrete actions. Today’s debate is therefore also an expression of complementarity between the Security Council and the General Assembly that Liechtenstein supports and to which it is committed. Let me take this opportunity to reaffirm Liechtenstein’s position in support of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Ukraine, within its internationally recognized borders. The armed conflict, fuelled by Russian intervention in Ukraine, has caused a humanitarian catastrophe that, as we hold this debate, continues to be acute. More than 12,000 people have been killed in the course of the conflict, and many more have been wounded. Hostilities still affect the lives of more than 5 million people, 3.4 million of whom require humanitarian assistance and protection. Almost 4 million people reside in the conflict zone, with forces being located in trenches as little as 15 meters from civilian houses. Attacks against schools, which have sharply increased in 2019, must be investigated with a view to holding the perpetrators to account. In addition, eastern Ukraine is now one of the most heavily mined places in the world, with severe consequences for present and future generations of Ukrainians. Thirty per cent of those in need are elderly — the highest proportion of populations in any crisis in the world. Liechtenstein has consistently contributed to humanitarian relief efforts in Ukraine since the beginning of the conflict, with a particular focus on vulnerable groups, and will continue its commitment to alleviating the suffering of civilians in this appalling humanitarian crisis on our continent. Accordingly, Liechtenstein calls for full and unconditional access for the International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as other international organizations, in particular to all detained persons, as agreed by the Normandy Four. Liechtenstein calls for immediate and full implementation of the commitments of the Minsk agreements, including those undertaken at the Normandy Four summit of last December, and hopes for the full revitalization of the political process. We recall the responsibilities of the signatories in that regard. Only a comprehensive and sustainable ceasefire can create the conditions to sustainably improve the humanitarian situation. As noted by the head of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM) and the Special Representative of the OSCE Chairperson-in- Office in Ukraine, that cannot occur before parties show the requisite political will. Liechtenstein welcomes positive developments over the past year in this regard. In the meantime, there is a multitude of measures that would alleviate civilian suffering. The reconstruction of the bridge in Stanytsia Luhanska  — a lifeline for those who have to cross the delimitation line  — is a welcome example, as is the prisoner swap between Ukraine and Russia past December. Nevertheless, five years after the signing of the Minsk II agreements the ceasefire and other vital parts of the agreements continue to be violated on a constant basis, which is a state of affairs that is unacceptable and should be an urgent matter for discussion at the United Nations. Parties to the conflict must withdraw their heavy weapons and respect the ceasefire. There must be free and unhindered access by SMM observers to all areas in eastern Ukraine. Liechtenstein welcomes the commitment Ukraine has expressed to undertaking domestic reform, in particular the steps it is taking to strengthen the fight against corruption and in favour of accountable institutions and support for the rule of law. In addition, the provisions on self-governance and decentralization within the Minsk agreements are particularly relevant in view of creating the best conditions for sustainable peace in Ukraine. We therefore note the importance of language policy in addressing interethnic tensions in the country. Finally, many serious crimes committed in the course of the Ukraine crisis warrant a thorough criminal investigation. Liechtenstein has welcomed Ukraine’s declaration under article 12, paragraph 3 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and reiterates its call on Ukraine to ratify the Rome Statute, including the provisions giving the Court jurisdiction over the crime of aggression. This would send a strong and unequivocal message that the Government of Ukraine is willing to address impunity for international crimes comprehensively and without distinction as to the identity of the perpetrators.

Today we mark the sixth anniversary of the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol by the Russian Federation. Switzerland reiterates its condemnation of the annexation as an act contrary to international law and in particular to the principle of the territorial integrity of States. Switzerland does not recognize this annexation. Through its support for the resolution “Territorial integrity of Ukraine” (resolution 68/262), Switzerland reaffirms its support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Furthermore, Switzerland continues to call for respect, protection and implementation of international law in Crimea, including international humanitarian and human rights law, without any discrimination. In this regard, we are concerned by the latest report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, according to which the Russian Federation, as the occupying Power, continues to deport detainees arrested in the Crimea to its own territory, which is a clear violation of international law, in particular international humanitarian law. Switzerland supports Ukraine’s efforts to ensure the unanimous recognition of its sovereignty and territorial integrity at the multilateral level. With its support for the resolution on the situation of human rights in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine (resolution 71/205) over the past four years, Switzerland calls for international human rights monitoring mechanisms, such as the United Nations human rights monitoring mission in Ukraine, to be granted safe and unhindered access to the Crimea. Through its support for the resolution on the problem of the militarization of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine, as well as parts of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov (resolution 74/17), Switzerland also expresses its concern about tensions near the Strait of Kerch. We call for respect for international law in order to further reduce tensions. With regard to the conflict in eastern Ukraine, Switzerland continues to support its peaceful resolution. We welcome the decisions taken at the summit in the Normandy format in Paris last December. These decisions must be implemented fully and without delay. In this respect, Switzerland welcomes the exchange of prisoners between Kyiv and the regions not under Government control in eastern Ukraine at the end of last year. Furthermore, it is positive that the discussions in the Trilateral Contact Group are continuing. However, ceasefire violations in eastern Ukraine persist and, as a result, the situation of the population on both sides of the contact line remains desperate. Civilian casualties due to bombings continue to be deplored. Switzerland is deeply concerned about the latest escalation in the Luhansk oblast earlier this week. Consequently, further progress on the ground is indispensable. It is therefore high time to put an immediate end to the ceasefire violations, which is a prerequisite for any progress at the political level. With regard to the freedom of movement of the Special Monitoring Mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, urgent progress is also needed to take forward the decisions taken at the Paris summit. Monitors are regularly restricted in their access, preventing the Mission from fulfilling its mandate. These restrictions must therefore end immediately. Finally, we hope that further tangible results will soon be possible in order to improve the situation of the population affected by the conflict.

Much has happened since this debate last place a year ago (see A/73/ PV.67 and A/73/PV.68). Since then hundreds of Ukrainians have died, been injured or had their lives violently disrupted. Children and the elderly continue to be disproportionately affected by the only ongoing military conflict in Europe. (spoke in French) Indeed, six years after Russia began fuelling conflict in eastern Ukraine, tens of thousands of women and men have been killed or injured, and more than 1.4 million have been displaced. At this very moment, despite a ceasefire, violations persist. For their part, the observers of the Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe constantly encounter restrictions  — often several times a day — that prevent them from carrying out their mandate. Meanwhile, the number of casualties is increasing. (spoke in English) On Tuesday, five years after the battle at the Debaltseve, attacks by Russian-backed militants left one Ukrainian soldier dead and several injured. We are deeply concerned about this escalation of the conflict and clear violation of the Minsk agreements. A durable ceasefire is an essential first step in progress towards peace. We urge Russia to fulfil its commitments under the Minsk agreements and use its influence over the militants to ensure that they fulfil their obligations as well. (spoke in French) We must, however, note the progress made over the past year. Political will at the highest levels has led to diplomatic breakthroughs. Canada welcomes the resumption of talks under the so-called Normandy format. Political prisoners illegally detained in Crimea and Russia have been able to return home to their families and loved ones. Canada will continue to support diplomatic discussions that can lead to a lasting peace. (spoke in English) Of course, any solution will need to recognize Ukraine’s full sovereignty over all of its territory. Over the course of the past year, Russia has continued to attempt to tighten its unlawful grip on Crimea, increasing its militarization of the region and opening rail service on the Kerch Strait Bridge. Its efforts to make acceptable the unacceptable must not go unchallenged. Canada will never cease to condemn Russia’s illegal annexation and occupation of Crimea. We urge Russia to cease its violations of international law and to respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. In January, Canada imposed sanctions on those involved in the illegitimate elections in Crimea. In doing so, we made clear that we will not stand by while Russia violates international law and destabilizes Ukraine. (spoke in French) Canada reiterates its deep concern about the serious human rights abuses that continue six years after Russia’s illegal occupation, including against Crimean Tatars. We call on Russia to grant human rights monitors unhindered access to Crimea and to respect its obligations under international humanitarian law and human rights law. (spoke in English) This is not a regional issue, but a global one. As United Nations representatives, it is our duty to reflect on how to create a safer, more peaceful world. That starts with upholding the values of the Charter of the United Nations and the rules-based international order and refusing to be silent when those values are threatened.

Six years have already passed since Russia’s illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. Despite its guarantees with regard to respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders when it signed the Budapest memorandum, Russia has blatantly violated the purposes and principles of the United Nations since 2014. Russia’s increasing militarization of the Crimean peninsula is also a troubling source of tension. The deployment of Russian troops and armaments on that territory destabilizes the region. The serious naval incident of 25 November 2018 served to highlight the need for safe, free and unimpeded passage for both commercial and military vessels through the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait, in accordance with international law. We welcome the fact that the detained seamen were finally released in September 2019 and the ships returned. The illegal annexation of Crimea has led to serious and repeated violations of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the people residing on the territory, including extrajudicial executions, arbitrary detentions, kidnappings, enforced disappearances and discrimination. We call on Russia to put an end to that policy, which is clearly aimed at terrorizing all who dare to loudly and clearly denounce the annexation of Crimea. In parallel with our joint efforts with Germany to address the situation in eastern Ukraine in the framework of the Normandy format, which led to the 9 December summit in Paris, we once again call on Russia to respect its international obligations and commitments, as well as the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Finally, France associates itself with the statement made by the observer of the European Union.

It has been six years since Russia illegally annexed the Crimean peninsula. We cannot and will not accept this breach of international law by a permanent member of the Security Council. Germany stands firmly with Ukraine in support of its sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. The situation in eastern Ukraine and on the Crimean peninsula today remains among the most pressing security challenges on the European continent, and millions of civilians continue to suffer. Germany is deeply concerned about the ongoing Russian militarization of the illegally occupied Crimean peninsula and the serious deterioration of the human rights situation. Germany condemns the construction of the Kerch Strait Bridge without the consent of Ukraine, which constitutes a further violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We call on Russia to ensure navigation in the Sea of Azov and passage through the Kerch Strait, in implementation of mutually agreed arrangements. The systematic restrictions of fundamental freedoms — such as the freedoms of expression, religion, belief, association and peaceful assembly — must stop immediately. We are particularly concerned about the situation of, and the attacks against, the Tatar Crimean minority. It is crucial that the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and United Nations human rights monitoring mechanisms, as well as non-governmental organizations, have free and unimpeded access to Crimea and Sevastopol. Germany is also concerned about the situation in eastern Ukraine. Five years after the Minsk agreements were signed, the ceasefire continues to be broken. What urgently need now is the full and comprehensive implementation of the ceasefire. Civilians in the non-Government-controlled areas and along both sides of the contact line continue to live under the constant threat of shelling, small arms fire and the hazards posed by mines and unexploded ordnance. The Minsk agreements remain the basis for a political solution to the conflict. The latest summit under the Normandy format, held in Paris on 9 December 2019, showed that progress is possible. We welcome the new dynamics in the Normandy process under President Zelenskyy, and we welcome the new Foreign Minister to the General Assembly. Since the beginning of his tenure, we have seen positive developments, such as the repair of the pedestrian bridge near Stanytsia Luhanska, the exchange of detainees and military disengagement in three areas. Germany also commends Ukraine for explicitly agreeing, in writing, to the so- called Steinmeier formula, which should now be incorporated into Ukrainian legislation. It is crucial to follow up on that progress by pursuing, in good faith, the proposals for new disengagement areas, further exchanges of detainees, the search for missing persons and improved water and electricity supply, to name but a few areas we have to work on. Germany calls on Russia specifically to fully assume its responsibility and use its considerable influence on the separatists in eastern Ukraine in order to facilitate an agreement. It is high time for Russia to reciprocate the momentum that Ukraine has brought into the process. In that connection, I would like to commend Ukraine for implementing the Minsk agreements and package of measures despite the fact that, on the first day of latter’s entry into force, Russia violated its substance by not observing the ceasefire. The sides also need to agree on all legal aspects of the special order of local self-government of certain areas of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions and constructively discuss political and security conditions, particularly for the organization of local elections. New proposals are needed for new entry/exit points across the line of contact. International humanitarian organizations must have access to the non-Government-controlled areas in Luhansk and Donetsk. Furthermore, full access for the International Committee of the Red Cross to detainees in those areas must be ensured. We call on Russia to stop issuing Russian passports to residents of the Luhansk and Donetsk regions. We are concerned about Russia’s promotion of separatism by its own citizens. It is appalling that the former Vice-Governor of the Irkutsk region has become acting Prime Minister of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic. Germany remains concerned about the continuing restrictions that hamper the freedom of movement of the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM) for the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, particularly in non-Government-controlled areas of southern Donetsk region and near the border with the Russian Federation. I would like to pay tribute to the monitors, who, under very difficult circumstances do a fantastic job. The SMM plays an indispensable role in establishing facts on the security situation. Its safe, secure, unconditional and unimpeded access to the entire territory of Ukraine is essential if the Mission is to fulfil its mandate. We deplore any attempt to harass, intimidate or impede the work of SMM personnel and condemn the continued threats and access restrictions, which are a violation of the Minsk agreements and the conclusions of the Paris Normandy Four summit. The SMM continues to operate in a highly volatile and unpredictable environment. It deserves our full support in carrying out its important mandate. Alongside France, Germany is determined to continue its efforts within the Normandy format to achieve tangible progress and improve the situation of those most affected. We urge both sides to implement the commitments of the Minsk agreements in good faith, including those undertaken at the Normandy Four summit on 9 December.

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this important debate on the situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. My delegation aligns itself with the statement made today by the observer of the European Union. Allow me to add some additional remarks in my national capacity. Slovakia reiterates its full support for the independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, affirms Ukraine’s sovereignty over the Crimean peninsula and its part of the Sea of Azov and upholds Ukraine’s absolute right to have full access to the Sea of Azov, as enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. In line with resolution 68/262, of 2014, Slovakia does not recognize and continues to condemn the Russian Federation’s illegal annexation of the Crimean peninsula. Ukraine is our largest neighbour and a close friend. A stable, secure and prosperous Ukraine is in our strategic interest. We welcome the recent increase in talks to resolve the conflict, and we reiterate that such talks must be predicated on full respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. For two years in a row, Slovakia supported the adoption of the General Assembly resolution entitled “Problem of the militarization of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine, as well as parts of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov” (resolutions 73/194 and 74/17). We reiterate our ongoing concerns that the security situation in occupied Crimea remains dire and that the military activities on and around the peninsula are jeopardizing the security of the entire region. Allow me to reiterate our unwavering support for the Normandy format, the Trilateral Contact Group and the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM) of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in finding a peaceful political solution to the conflict in Donbas. I would like to repeat our call for SMM observers to be granted free and unhindered access to all areas in eastern Ukraine, including the uncontrolled border areas. Slovakia also strongly supports the work of the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, the High Commissioner on National Minorities and the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media in Ukraine. As Assembly members are aware, Slovakia chaired the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in 2019. Our chairmanship focused on conflict prevention, mediation and mitigation, as well as on the people affected by conflicts and on ensuring a safer future and effective multilateralism. We also prioritized humanitarian projects seeking to improve the lives of people in conflict-affected areas, including Ukraine. As the crisis in and around Ukraine affects the common security in the OSCE region, our chairmanship made every effort to bring about a peaceful resolution. Mr. Miroslav Lajčák, OSCE Chairperson-in-Office and Minister for Foreign and European Affairs of the Slovak Republic, paid multiple visits both to Ukraine and to the Russian Federation, in the interest of doing his utmost to contribute to the stabilization of the situation and to peace, with a special focus on the people affected by the conflict. In furtherance of those efforts, the OSCE will continue to play a key role in the process of ensuring compliance with the commitments under the peace agreements and promoting conflict settlement in Ukraine and its surroundings. As a member of the OSCE Troika, we will support the efforts of the current Chair, Albania, in that regard. We acknowledge that some of the recent developments are encouraging, including the repair of the strategic bridge in Stanytsia Luhanska, the meeting of the leaders of the Normandy Four, as well as the two exchanges of prisoners in September and December of last year. However, we are deeply concerned about the unprecedented ceasefire violation that took place just a few days ago, on 18 February, near Zolote in Donbas, resulting in one lost human life. Even one life lost is too many. We call on all parties to strictly implement the ceasefire they have committed to under the Minsk agreements and the Normandy format agreements. Slovakia fully supports the outcome of the recent Normandy Four summit. We consider progress in all the working groups of the Trilateral Contact Group to be indispensable in building a solid base for the next planned Normandy Four summit. Almost six years since the beginning of this crisis, we continue to emphasize that, in order to achieve lasting peace and resolve the current conflict, all sides need to engage constructively and in good faith for the full implementation of the Minsk agreements. In conclusion, I would like to reaffirm Slovakia’s utmost commitment to preventing further escalation in the region and to facilitating the improvement of the dire humanitarian situation. I will refrain from going into too many details about our own role in the context of the humanitarian projects and assistance, but I can assure the Assembly that we remain committed to providing further humanitarian assistance to the people of Ukraine, particularly eastern Ukraine, including helping women, children and the families of those directly affected and assisting with any other needs that might arise. As I have mentioned, Ukraine is our largest neighbour and our close and strategic friend. We sincerely wish for peace in Ukraine, which is, without a doubt, a prerequisite for stability in the whole of Europe.

I would like to align myself with the statement made by the observer of the European Union (EU) on behalf of the EU and its member States. In addition, I would like to make some remarks in my national capacity. I thank Mr. Prystaiko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, for his statement and for his efforts to shine a spotlight on the situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. Six years have passed since the start of the Russian Federation’s violation of international law in Ukraine. It has taken a heavy toll on many parties. In that context, I would like to make three points — first, our concern for the suffering of the people of Ukraine; secondly, our concern for the international legal order and; thirdly, Malaysian Airlines Flight MH-17. With regard to my first point, the human suffering resulting from this conflict must end. In six years, more than 14,000 lives have been lost. Many more innocent civilians have been wounded, have lost their homes or have become displaced. We thank the Secretary- General and all United Nations agencies for their continuous efforts to monitor the human right situation and to provide assistance whenever possible. We also thank the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe for its important work. As the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) reports clearly show, the human rights situation on the illegally occupied Crimean peninsula and in the non-Government-controlled areas in eastern Ukraine remains deeply concerning. Residents of the peninsula face systematic restrictions on fundamental freedoms, such as the freedoms of expression, religion or belief and association and the right to peaceful assembly. We underline the point just made by our Estonian colleague about the special challenges lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons in the Crimean peninsula face. The Kingdom of the Netherlands urgently calls on the Russian Federation to respect human rights on the Crimean peninsula for all and to allow human rights monitors full access to the area. It is important that OHCHR continue to monitor the human right situation, including in the areas not currently controlled by the Ukrainian Government. The world must know what is happening. We have followed recent developments in the Normandy Four format closely. We underline the importance of continuing dialogue. This conflict can be resolved only politically. The Kingdom of the Netherlands calls on all sides to fully implement their responsibilities under the Minsk agreements and to show their full commitment to reaching a real political resolution to the conflict. We are deeply concerned about this Tuesday’s violence from Russia-backed armed formations, which clearly violates the ceasefire agreed upon five years ago in Minsk. All violations of the ceasefire, which continue to lead to the loss of lives, must stop. In 2019, the people of Ukraine clearly confirmed their desire to strengthen the ongoing reform process. We welcome the strong commitment President’s Zelenskyy’s has shown in that regard. We commend the important progress that has been made and encourage further reforms. That will be instrumental in making Ukraine prosperous and more resilient. The Kingdom of the Netherlands will continue to support those reform efforts bilaterally, through the United Nations and through other international institutions. That brings me to my second point — the international legal order. I wish to underline our concerns about the effects of this conflict on the international legal order. Our collective international rulebook is in jeopardy in Ukraine. The illegal annexation of Crimea and the ongoing destabilizing role of Russia in Donbas go directly against Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter of the United Nations — the prohibition of the use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of any State. The resolution adopted by the Assembly underlines that crucial point. As others have done today, the Kingdom of the Netherlands reiterates its strong commitment to the sovereignty, political independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine. It is high time that the resolutions adopted by the Assembly confirming the territorial integrity and unity of Ukraine be implemented. Finally, I would like to address the topic of Flight MH-17, which was shot down over the east of Ukraine 17 July 2014. This terrible tragedy caused the death of 298 innocent civilians from 17 countries, including 196 of my compatriots. Since that day, the Kingdom of the Netherlands has called for truth, justice and accountability. The Security Council adopted resolution 2166 (2014), on 21 July 2014, obliging all Member States to cooperate with efforts for truth, justice and accountability. That is what the victims and their next of kin deserve. On 9 March, the criminal trial against four suspects for their role in the downing of Flight MH-17 will start. This follows years of investigation by the competent authorities of Australia, Belgium, Malaysia, Ukraine and the Netherlands, represented in the Joint Investigation Team. The start of the criminal trial is a very important step towards finding the truth, establishing justice and holding those responsible to account. As the criminal investigation unfolds, we call upon all countries, including the Russian Federation, to fully cooperate with the criminal investigation, in line with Council resolution 2166 (2014). We will continue to inform the Security Council of relevant developments pertaining to Flight MH-17, as we have in the past, in fulfilment of our commitments under resolution 2166 (2014). In conclusion, let me reiterate that sustainable peace and stability in the region will be possible only if and when the Russian Federation returns to respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders.

Slovenia welcomes today’s debate on the situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. We align ourselves with the statement delivered by the observer of the European Union and would like to make some additional remarks in our national capacity. I wish to begin by reaffirming Slovenia’s continued support for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. We remain committed to the policy of non-recognition of the illegal annexation of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, in line with resolution 68/262. Slovenia has consistently supported a peaceful resolution to the conflict in eastern Ukraine, because there is no other solution. We reiterate our full support for the efforts of the Normandy format, the Trilateral Contact Group and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in that regard. We welcome the renewed engagement under the Normandy format and the recent positive developments, including the exchange of prisoners and disengagement activities. We expect all sides to continue with constructive efforts towards a sustainable and peaceful solution, in accordance with the Minsk agreements. Notwithstanding the disengagement activities, the repeated cease-fire violations, the accumulation of heavy weapons and the dire humanitarian situation in the conflict zone continue to be extremely worrisome. We express our deep concern regarding heavy fighting two days ago near the Zolote disengagement area in eastern Ukraine. We call all parties to use maximum restraint and fully respect the cease-ire. We also wish to repeat our call for a return to the commitments agreed in the conclusions of the Normandy format summit in Paris on 9 December 2019. The conflict in eastern Ukraine has exacted a heavy toll from the Ukrainian people over the past six years. Thousands of civilians have been killed or injured, with millions displaced. The civilian population must be protected and their burden must be eased, in particular by improving their living conditions, safeguarding civilian infrastructure and achieving a sustainable ceasefire. Millions are in need of humanitarian aid. We wish to reiterate our call for unimpeded, safe, secure and unconditional humanitarian access to all the people in need. High levels of landmines and unexploded ordnance contamination are also very worrisome, calling for greater efforts in humanitarian demining. Furthermore, we find it unacceptable that the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission continues to face major restrictions regarding its movement. Unhindered access to the entire territory of Ukraine as well as the Mission’s safety and security remain of crucial importance. We also remain concerned by the continuation of the human rights abuses, both in Crimea and in the areas outside Government control in eastern Ukraine. We call on all parties to uphold their human rights commitments and to grant international human rights observers and monitoring mechanisms full, free and unrestricted access across the entirety of Ukraine’s internationally recognized territory. In conclusion, I let emphasize that Slovenia will continue to contribute to the efforts aimed at alleviating the dire humanitarian consequences, particularly through projects for the medical and psychosocial rehabilitation of children from the conflict areas.

Belarus is closely monitoring the situation in Ukraine. We have consistently stated that peace and harmony throughout the territory of Ukraine are of paramount and strategic importance for Belarus. We are seriously troubled by the recent aggravation of the tensions in the south-east. No effort should be spared in ensuring the situation is stabilized as soon as possible. We believe the only effective way to end the crisis is through peaceful dialogue, inclusive of all the relevant stakeholders within Ukraine. It is also crucial to prevent armed clashes and to ensure compliance by the parties, without preconditions, with the Minsk agreements. We continue to consistently support the process of seeking a peaceful settlement to the conflict. We are doing our utmost to contribute to that process. Meetings of the Tripartite Contact Group on Ukraine and its working subgroups are regularly held in Minsk, as the Assembly will be aware. We also provide assistance to the activities of the Special Monitoring Mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. We stand ready to continue to help create conditions conducive to negotiations on the Minsk platform in any format, including at the highest level, such as those held in February 2015. As the President of the Republic of Belarus, Mr. Alyaksandr Lukashenko, has repeatedly stated, we stand ready to make our practical contribution to the operations of a possible United Nations peacekeeping mission in the region, should all parties, without exception, show willingness and consent. We support any and all initiatives aimed at achieving lasting peace in the region. We hope that the outcomes of the Normandy-format discussions in December 2019 will continue to gain momentum. We welcome steps to strengthen security and confidence-building measures, including the exchanges of detainees already completed and those scheduled for the near future. Belarus has never shied away from concerted international efforts to maintain international peace and security. As we have recalled on numerous occasions, the President of the Republic of Belarus proposed in 2015 that there was a need for a new wide-ranging and global discussion on the principles of the future coexistence of States in the context of ensuring comprehensive security and peace. Guided by those aspirations, Belarus took the initiative to launch a new wide-ranging international dialogue on security affairs. That dialogue could and should be geared towards overcoming the existing disagreements in relations among States, both in the region and in the context of shared Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian spaces. Only such dialogue will provide the opportunity to ensure future geopolitical calm, peace and security.

At the outset, I should like to say that the imposition today on the General Assembly of discussion of agenda item 63 bears no relation to reality, even virtual reality. Indeed, it is surreal. There are no temporarily occupied territories in Ukraine. If the Ukrainian delegation means Crimea, then that is a constituent territory of the Russian Federation, having become so in 2014 as a result of a referendum in which 96.77 per cent of voters, following voter turnout of 83.1 per cent, voted in favour of reuniting the peninsula with the Russian Federation. If we are talking about Donbas, then in that territory there is a civil conflict between the Kyiv authorities and the citizens of Ukraine who refused to accept and recognize the 2014 coup in Ukraine. For six years now, successive Ukrainian authorities have been exploiting a legend that is very convenient for them. They assert there is no civilian conflict, but only aggression by the Russian Federation against Ukraine. That a convenient position. It allows them to shirk responsibility for the implementation of the Minsk agreements and to portray themselves as the victim and not the aggressor who, in 2014, brought in the army and nationalist battalions to quell the popular protests in Donbas. This is all the more convenient as this position enjoys the support of the Western sponsors of Kyiv, the former so-called guarantors of the agreement of February 2014 on the settlement of the crisis. That agreement was trampled on the very next day. The same Western sponsors then gave Kyiv carte blanche to sabotage the Minsk agreements and licence for unbridled deceit with blanket coverage. We have heard reference today to the 18 February incident in Holubivske, near Lugansk, where a subversive group of members of the Ukrainian armed forces attempted to enter the territory under rebel control. A Ukrainian soldier died in the resultant hostilities. The Ukrainian armed forces responded with mortar fire, targeting residential areas with 50 shells. The very next day, there were reports in foreign media, not to mention Ukrainian outlets, that the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics violated the ceasefire on the fifth anniversary of the signing of the Minsk agreements. I wonder if the Assembly knows the whereabouts of the body of that unfortunate 22-year-old Ukrainian soldier sent to fight against his own people. It is with the rebels. Does this fit with the version of events whereby it was the rebels who began the offensive? By the way, even yesterday they did not bother to retrieve that body. Six years ago, we all bore witnesses to the tragic events in the centre of Kyiv, which culminated in the brutal coup that shook Ukraine to its foundations and led to the secession of Crimea and the ongoing armed conflict in Donbas. A large-scale, systemic crisis is now besetting the country. That crisis was largely driven by and is actively supported by Western States, primarily the United States of America. Everything that transpired subsequently in Ukraine cannot be characterized as anything but endless political chaos, legal nihilism and rampant ultranationalism. At the same time, there were vigorous attempts to distort the truth and conceal the facts behind baseless accusations. Today, the truth, unpleasant as it is for the Kyiv authorities, is now coming to light. Ukrainian voters delivered their assessment of the Maidan authorities in the presidential and parliamentary elections last year. In voting for change, they showed their mistrust of the previous Government. The new leadership was able to grasp the prevailing sentiment in the country, but for the moment is unable to provide an alternative, effectively pursuing the failed policies of the predecessors. The starting point of any discussion at the United Nations regarding a resolution in Ukraine is the recognition of the package of measures on the implementation of the Minsk agreements, adopted five years ago under Security Council r esolution 2202 (2015), as the sole international legal basis for the international community’s efforts on this track.Manoeuvres like that undertaken today by the Ukrainian delegation unfortunately indicate a reluctance to acknowledge this. This was made patently clear in Tuesday’s meeting of the Security Council (see S/PV.8726) to commemorate the fifth anniversary of the adoption of resolution 2202 (2015). A key component for resolving any conflict is dialogue between the warring parties. This is something we all call for in every such situation — in Syria, Libya, Yemen, Afghanistan and elsewhere. However, there is no need to engage in dialogue with Donbas since, according to one of the architects of the Minsk agreements and the Normandy format, Mr. Heusgen of Germany, they are merely Russian puppets so there is no need to engage in discussion with them. Instead, we hear the hackneyed mantra about Russian aggression and that it is Russia that does not comply with the Minsk agreements, even though we are not mentioned therein. This is a reckless approach to the Minsk agreements, which makes it difficult to imagine how the outcomes of the summit held in Paris in December will be implemented accordingly, the prospects for the next meeting are also very vague. Taking a broader view, until there is acknowledgement of the real root causes of the problems in Ukraine, there can be no progress towards a settlement. Nothing will change while Kyiv fails to take into account the legitimate interests of a huge part of the population of the country, and that is not just the residents of Donbas. Following the unconstitutional coup of exactly six years ago, the people of the east and Crimea made it clear that they did not support the new regime, which had turned the country on its head. In any civilized country, the authorities would try to sit down at the negotiating table; instead, the Maidan actors decided to send punitive “friendship trains” with thugs to the Crimean peninsula and move the army to the east, flooding it with bombs and shells. This is the root of all the problems in Ukraine. Quite naturally, the people sought every way possible to protect their lives and values. The people of Crimea decided to return to their homeland and to hold a referendum. The people of Donbas gave Kyiv one more chance and offered concessions by endorsing, in February 2015, a package of measures to implement the Minsk agreements, to which the Russian Federation and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe attested. However, today we see that Ukraine, instead of restoring the trust of millions of its citizens, is doing precisely the opposite. It is rubber-stamping laws blatantly discriminating against people and their religious, cultural, economic and political rights, imposing censorship and prohibiting the use of their mother tongue. This has nothing to do with respect for the people, their views and their value — what the United Nations calls “inclusivity’. And we are not the only ones to raise this issue today. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Hungary, Mr. Péter Szijjártó, did so too. Thus, when we hear tall tales of the Russian Federation violating something or other, which is why Kyiv can disregard its obligations to its own people, we understand perfectly well that its sole aim is to expand its discriminatory policies towards Donbas. The residents of these regions understand this just as well as we do, which is why they are doing everything possible to repel these efforts. It is clear to us that Kyiv’s fear of compliance with its Minsk obligations, and of holding elections above all, is due to the fact that the people in the east are likely to vote for those who for all these years protected them from the bullets and shells of the Ukrainian Army. Engaging with such democracy is a game the Maidan heirs do not want to play; hence the discussion on the immediate restoration of control over the border and the refusal to grant amnesty to the combatants. Who are they trying to deceive with such propaganda — the people who see which side the bullets are coming from? Was it Donbas that attacked Kyiv? Do they believe that the people do not understand that, should the self-defence forces surrender, the events of the five years ago in Odessa will be immediately repeated in Donetsk and Lugansk? They remember the day, on 2 May, when dozens of people were burned alive in Trade Union House for daring not to support the Maidan. No one in Ukraine has yet been punished for that tragedy. Instead of supporting the national dialogue, the Ukrainian authorities, through the special services, persistently suppress any dissent, interfere in the work of the media and carry out searches in the editorial offices of news agencies. International human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and Freedom House, explicitly point to the fact that radical groups in the country enjoy complete impunity, cloaking themselves in patriotic rhetoric. The policy of glorification of Nazism has long been the norm in Ukraine. At the Security Council meeting on Ukraine on 18 February (S/PV.8726), the representative of Ukraine said that people would be carrying portraits of Stalin on 9 May in Moscow. If he was referring to a military parade, then this is a parade of units of the armed forces and their equipment. If he was referring to the Immortal Regiment marches occurring in Moscow, cities throughout Russia and abroad, those people carry portraits of their family members who participated in the Great Patriotic War. Of course, this will include Ukrainians. I usually carry a portrait of my father, who entered the war as a volunteer in Leningrad in 1941 and ended it in Berlin in 1945. It is possible that the portraits of various military commanders will be there, Stalin’s among them, because he was the commander-in-chief and the victor of the Second World War and the Great Patriotic War. But I am certain that the marches in Moscow will not include portraits of Bandera and Shukhevych, Nazi henchmen and collaborationist heroes of modern-day Ukraine. While on 9 May in Moscow, people will be bearing portraits of their victorious relatives and those who prevailed in liberating the world from fascism in memory of the common victory of our countries in the Great Patriotic War, in Kyiv, those who would dare to do this will be intimidated and and those who carry the portraits of fascist collaborators will be praised. It is no secret that the delegation of Ukraine annually votes against the General Assembly resolution on the glorification of Nazism. Today, Ukraine is commemorating at the State level the 115th birthday of the writer Ulas Samchuk, known as the Ukrainian Homer. Here is a quote from the Ukrainian Homer, giving his assessment of one of Hitler’s murderous speeches: “This is the invincible moral and spiritual power that for centuries has molded and fortified that nation. Those numerous generations, the immortal bearers of the creative spirit of that nation, which is today at the forefront of historical events under the leadership of their mighty Führer. The Führer of the Great Germany, with his valiant soldiers, brought us freedom. Let us not forget that. We thank the Führer, Adolf Hitler, and the victorious German soldiers by labouring for our land even more zealously.” That is the country that the people of Donbas are being asked to return to. They do not wish to shout slogans glorifying Bandera or to glorify heroes who are alien to them and to the vast majority of Europeans. They wish to honour the memory of those who liberated them, not those who cooperated with the fascists and killed thousands of Jews, Russians, Ukrainians and Poles. Let them have the right to decide themselves how to live; let them enjoy special status within Ukraine; let them have the right to elect their own leaders and language, as is done throughout the civilized world. After all, these simple things are the essence of the package of measures. I now turn once again to attempts to impose a discussion of Crimea on the General Assembly. If some do not wish to recognize the decision of the Republic of Crimea to join the Russian Federation, that reflects their manifest contempt for 2.5 million Crimeans. That is not our way. That is why the Russian Federation respects and protects the expression of the popular will of the residents of the Crimea, which is their response to the actions and statements of the Maidan leaders. With regard to human rights violations, the most flagrant are those committed by those who imposed visa restrictions for Crimeans, restricting their freedom of movement, and by those who impose sanctions that affect ordinary citizens. Is this being done to punish these people for choosing the Russian Federation? Why would one think it possible to instruct Crimeans and other Russians as to what they can do? I assure those who wish to come and make sure that the situation in the peninsula is far from what Kyiv and its sponsors are seeking to suggest and that they are always welcome in Crimea. They can join the 7 million tourists and ask the Crimeans themselves about how they feel. I am sure they would be surprised by what they would find. No one should fall for cheap propaganda; seeing is believing. I hope that everyone in the Hall will finally and rightfully recognize Ukraine’s attempt to politicize the General Assembly’s meetings, and today’s meeting is a stark example of what is going on. Rather than condoning provocation by the Kyiv authorities, let us instead focus on finally compelling Ukraine to take into account the views and hear the voices of their fellow nationals residing in the east of the country.

The Syrian Arab Republic continues to believe that the inclusion of the item “The situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine” on the agenda of the General Assembly was and remains a unilateral, irresponsible and politicized step reflecting the desire of certain Governments to escalate the situation in that region and to settle scores, old and new, with the Russian Federation, even at the expense of international and regional security and stability and of the historically good relations between the Ukrainian and Russian peoples. This issue is governed by crystal-clear legal principles based on the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and relevant international conventions, as well as the rules of international law that collectively make it necessary to entirely reconsider the legality and legitimacy of including this item on the agenda of the General Assembly. I shall now explain the most important of these legal and procedural principles. First, in considering this issue, the General Assembly is encroaching on the mandate of the Security Council, in violation of article 12, paragraph 1, of the Charter, which reads as follows: “While the Security Council is exercising in respect of any dispute or situation the functions assigned to it in the present Charter, the General Assembly shall not make any recommendation with regard to that dispute or situation unless the Security Council so requests.” In this regard, we stress that inserting the phrase “temporarily occupied territories” in the title of the item does not change the fact that this issue falls under the jurisdiction of the Security Council, in implementation of its relevant resolution 2202 (2015), which is exclusively related to this issue. Secondly, the situation in those regions is governed by the Minsk agreements which were endorsed, as we said, by the United Nations through Security Council resolution 2202 (2015), including all its annexes. The agreements were also supported by the presidential statement of the Security Council contained in document S/PRST/2018/12. Here, we reaffirm that the implementation of the Minsk agreements and the relevant Security Council resolution will require genuine political will on the part of all parties to work together to restore security and stability in Ukraine and normalize the historical relations between Ukraine and the neighbouring Russian Federation, without any negative interventions by Western Governments. Some of those Governments claim today that they have Ukraine’s best interests at heart while in fact they seek to escalate tensions in the region and return to the Cold War, creating hostile atmospheres and fictitious enemies with a view to distributing heavy weaponry, including medium- and long-range missiles, thereby threatening security in Ukraine and the region. Given all of the foregoing, we view agenda item 63 and the present meeting as representing an unsuccessful and regrettable attempt to obstruct the implementation of Minsk agreements and relevant Security Council resolution. This attempt also undermines international efforts to resolve the dispute and implement the package of measures supported by the Normandy format for resolving the situation in Ukraine. Let us all admit honestly and transparently that today we are unfortunately starting to lose confidence in our ability to work together through multilateralism, to engage in dialogue and listen to one another without imposing judgments and positions in advance. Moreover, we are starting to lose confidence in the status and ability of the Organization to embrace all of us in a professional and balanced manner, leading to the maintenance of peace and security and the achievement of sustainable development, prosperity and stability for all, leaving no one behind and without economic, financial, political or military pressures. We would therefore offer a word of sincere advice to our friends in Ukraine. They should engage in honest, serious and direct dialogue with the Russian Government geared towards the implementation of the Minsk agreements and the relevant Security Council resolution, without giving any opportunity to external parties to deepen the rift between the two countries in favour of selfish military and political interests that surely do not serve the best interests of the Ukrainian people in any way or the purpose of achieving security, stability and prosperity in the region. In conclusion, we will continue to warn against the negative tendencies of certain Member States to pointlessly exhaust the agenda of the General Assembly and waste United Nations resources. That would undermine the fundamental noble objectives and purposes of the United Nations and exploit this rostrum as a means to achieve polarization, deepen divisions and exchange political and media accusations. Instead, the platforms of the General Assembly and the Security Council should be used as a means for working together in unity towards realizing peace, security and sustainable development for all. For all of the foregoing, we will vote against any draft resolution related to this item and we call on all delegations to do likewise.

I thank the President for organizing today’s important debate. The Trump Administration reaffirms its unwavering commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We welcome this opportunity to discuss Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, including its ongoing violations of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in the Donbas and occupied Crimea. Ukraine is taking steps to strengthen its democracy, enact needed reforms and deepen its Euro- Atlantic integration, while defending itself against Russian aggression and hybrid warfare, and President Zelenskyy needs the support of States Members of the United Nations to achieve these goals. The United States welcomes the recent detainee exchanges and the continuing work to improve humanitarian conditions for civilians on both sides of the line of contact suffering from the conflict. President Zelenskyy’s political courage, the steps he has taken to energize conflict diplomacy and his clear commitment to finding a diplomatic resolution to the conflict in eastern Ukraine are to be applauded. However, we note that six years of ongoing conflict in Ukraine has led to the death of more than 13,000 people, displaced 1.4 million and left 3.4 million in need of humanitarian assistance. At the same time, Russia continues to ignore the call for a comprehensive ceasefire and stalls agreement on additional disengagement areas and crossing points along the line of contact. These actions and Russia’s aggression are flagrant violations of international norms and constitute the greatest threat to European security since the Balkan wars of the 1990s. The United States is deeply grateful for the work of regional multilateral institutions, such as the European Union (EU) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), to bring peace, prosperity and stability to Ukraine. The OSCE Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine provides critical assessments of the situation on the ground and often works in dangerous conditions. We call on Russia to allow the OSCE and United Nations monitors access to all of Ukraine’s territory, including Crimea, to document the realities of life in these areas. The United States will continue to press for United Nations attention and the international spotlight on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. In November, we co-sponsored the Third Committee resolution on the human rights situation in Crimea. In December, we supported United Nations resolutions condemning Russian abuses and the military build-up in Russian- occupied Crimea (resolutions 74/168 and 74/17). The fact that both of the latter resolutions were adopted by this very body confirms broad support from the international community for condemning Russian aggression in Ukraine. We reiterate our deep concern about growing restrictions on the exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Crimea, as seen in the more than 80 Crimeans wrongfully imprisoned for their political views and the unjustified raids, detentions and other acts of intimidation against members of the Crimean Tatar and ethnic Ukrainian communities and opponents of the occupation. The United States calls on Russia to immediately follow through on its commitments under the Minsk agreements to withdraw its forces and equipment, stop supporting its proxies and respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in eastern Ukraine. President Trump fully supports Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, including its territorial waters. We will not accept anything less than the full restoration of Ukraine’s control over all its territory, including Crimea. Our unwavering commitment to Ukraine continues, including when we recently coordinated with the EU and Canada to implement new sanctions designations against Russian-backed Crimean officials and an entity operating in Crimea without authorization from the Ukrainian Government. The Trump Administration will maintain these and our other sanctions against Russia until the Russian Government returns control of Crimea to Ukraine and fully implements the Minsk agreements. If I may, I would like to repeat what Secretary Pompeo said on 31 January: “Today I am here with a clear message: the United States sees that the Ukrainian struggle for freedom, democracy and prosperity is a valiant one. Our commitment to support it will not waiver.”

Turkey’s position with regard to the crisis in and around Ukraine is clear and unwavering. We fully support Ukraine’s territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders and do not recognize the illegal and illegitimate annexation of Crimea. Crimea and the development of the Crimean Tatars is a key issue for Turkey. This year is not only the sixth anniversary of the illegal annexation of Crimea, but also the seventy-sixth anniversary of the tragic deportation of the Crimean Tatars in 1944 from their historical homeland of Crimea. The non-recognition of the illegal annexation of Crimea is a matter of principle for us. With that understanding, we co-sponsored the relevant Crimea- related United Nations resolutions. As a country that has more than 3 million citizens of Crimean Tatar descent, Turkey follows the human rights situation in Crimea very closely. Six years after the annexation, the activities of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People are still banned in the peninsula, and Tatar leaders, including Mustafa Abduldzhemil Jemilev and Refat Chubarov, still cannot enter Crimea. More than 25,000 Crimean Tatars left the peninsula following the annexation. As in the past, the Crimean Tatar people continue to seek their rights through peaceful means. Despite their peaceful attitude, they are being intimidated by the de facto authorities. We will continue to support Crimean Tatars in their legitimate desire to live freely and safely in their ancestral homeland. We are also fully committed to supporting the efforts aimed at releasing Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar political prisoners. Almost six years after the beginning of the crisis, the situation remains tense in the Donbas. The resolution of this conflict should be through appropriate diplomatic measures, in line with international law. In this regard, we call for the full implementation of the Minsk agreements. The work of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe Special Monitoring Mission, under the leadership of Turkish Ambassador Halit Çevik, is critical and needs to be strongly supported by all parties. We continue to support direct dialogue between the leaders of Russia and Ukraine and encourage them to move towards a peaceful resolution, on the basis of Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. A democratic, well-governed and well-reformed Ukraine will contribute to stability in the wider region. We commend the Ukrainian Government for its reform efforts under difficult conditions. Before concluding, I would like to emphasize that we will continue contributing to all efforts aimed at finding a peaceful solution to the situation in Ukraine.

The Czech Republic supports the statement delivered by the observer of the European Union (EU). The position of the Czech Republic on Ukraine is consistent and unambiguous. We strongly condemn Russia’s ongoing occupation of Crimea and the militarization of the peninsula. The occupation of Crimea and Russia’s military engagement in eastern Ukraine are a breach of international law. Moreover, Russia’s actions in Ukraine represent a direct threat to the global order and the principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Russia therefore bears special responsibility for the resolution of the conflict and the restoration of peace and security on the European continent. In line with resolution 68/262, we are committed to the non-recognition policy towards Crimea, including the implementation of the EU restrictive measures. The measures targeting Russia for the aggression in eastern Ukraine are tied to the full implementation of the Minsk agreements. Measures concerning Crimea shall remain in place until the territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders is fully restored. We are deeply troubled by the human rights situation in Crimea, including systematic human rights abuses by the de facto authorities targeting Crimean Tatars. We urge the de facto authorities to grant international human rights observers access to the occupied peninsula and reiterate our call to release all political prisoners, including Emir-Usein Kuku, Dzhemil Gafarov and Server Mustafayev. We call on all sides to resolve the situation in eastern Ukraine by peaceful means. In this regard, we expect all parties to uphold their commitments under the Minsk agreements and strongly condemn the escalation of the conflict by Russian-backed separatists that occurred on 18 February. Unimpeded access for the Special Monitoring Mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe throughout Ukraine, including the Crimean peninsula and along the Ukraine-Russia State border, is essential. The Czech Republic welcomes the positive steps that were undertaken as a result of the latest Normandy format summit in Paris on 9 December, and we hope that all the parties will do their utmost to continue the resolution process.

Croatia fully aligns itself with the statement delivered by the observer of the European Union. I will make a few additional remarks in my national capacity. Croatia remains a steadfast supporter of the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. We have been continuously pursuing a non-recognition policy of the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and shall continue to do so, as the annexation is illegal under international law and represents a breach of numerous international agreements. Croatia also considers the conflict in eastern Ukraine to be a serious threat to international peace and security. We were alarmed by the news of a serious breach of the ceasefire near Zolote in the Luhansk region earlier this week, which proves that the conflict is anything but frozen. People continue to lose their lives despite the ceasefire agreement in place. Ukrainian people on both sides, especially along the contact line, have been suffering the humanitarian consequences of the conflict for six years. The human rights situation in non-Government-controlled areas of eastern Ukraine, as well as in Crimea, has been deteriorating. In this regard, we would like to emphasize the need to allow the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission and the Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), as well as other human rights and humanitarian actors, full, free and unhindered access to the entire territory of Ukraine. We are encouraged by the recent release of some conflict-related detainees and expect the release of remaining prisoners on the basis of the all-for- all agreement to soon be completed. We are also encouraged by the more inclusive approach taken by Ukrainian authorities towards the entire population, including in the east. Both of these steps are welcome confidence-building measures. However, much remains to be done to bring about sustainable peace. In Ukraine, we all lose, but the Ukrainian people are the worst affected. We see the Minsk agreements as the only solution to the ongoing crisis, and we support all diplomatic efforts for their full implementation, including through the Normandy format, the Trilateral Contact Group and the OSCE. We also reiterate our calls on the Russian Federation to use its considerable influence over the forces it backs in eastern Ukraine in order to push them towards compliance with the ceasefire and the full implementation of the Minsk agreements.

This year marks the sixth anniversary since the Russian aggression against Ukraine began, and this week marks five years since the signature of the package of measures for the implementation of the Minsk agreements. Still, we are witnessing violations of the ceasefire, shelling and loss of life on a daily basis. The Russian aggression against Ukraine has left over 13,000 people dead and more than 29,000 injured. Some 3.5 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, and more than 1.4 million residents of Crimea and the Donbas are displaced after being forced to leave their homes. The Russian Federation continues to supply its occupation forces with heavy weaponry, regular troops and mercenaries. Heavy militarization is ongoing. The seized areas have become lands of fear and terror and constitute some of the most mine-contaminated territory in the world. As if conventional war were not enough, the hybrid war against Ukraine is also in full swing, using propaganda based on lies and falsifications, economic pressure, energy blockades and cyberattacks. Even though new momentum was garnered within the Normandy format and the exchange of prisoners in December, Russian occupation forces have shelled Ukrainian positions more than 400 times during the past two months, killing or wounding tens of Ukrainian servicemen. Just two days ago, on the fifth anniversary of the Debaltseve tragedy, we witnessed yet another attack against Ukraine by the Russian occupation forces. With its destructive stance, Russia continues to pursue its policy of escalation in flagrant violation of the Minsk agreements. Through its occupation and annexation of Ukraine’s sovereign territories, not only is Russia gravely violating the Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act and other multilateral and bilateral agreements, but it is also posing a serious challenge to the rules-based international order by attempting to redraw borders in Europe. Georgia reiterates its firm support for Ukrainian independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders and territorial waters. We do not and will not recognize the illegal annexation of Crimea. We call on other parties to refrain from any action that might be interpreted as recognition of Crimea. We remain alarmed by systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine, including restrictions on the freedoms of movement, opinion, expression and association; extrajudicial killings; arbitrary detentions; and violations of the right to maintain one’s identity, culture and tradition as well as property rights. We remain concerned by reports of human rights violations against members of minorities in Crimea, including Crimean Tatars. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has once again been denied access to the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. Moreover, the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM) of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe has been systematically denied access to the illegally annexed Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, as well as the area along the Ukraine-Russia State border, in clear violation of the SMM’s mandate, which covers the entire territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. This should not be tolerated by the international community. Russia is also pursuing a policy of illegal passportization in the temporarily occupied territories of the Donbas, where more than 200,000 persons were issued Russian passports. Unfortunately, all of the foregoing is very familiar to us. My country was recently the victim of cyberattacks perpetrated by Russia; the results of the investigation thereof were made public today. I will not go into detail on the matter so as not to hijack the agenda, but Russia’s destructive actions against its sovereign neighbours continue to undermine security and stability in Europe. The General Assembly is well aware that Russia’s aggression against Ukraine is not an isolated case. We have been witnessing such aggressions since 1991, with the first case of hybrid war waged by Russia against a neighbouring country. Its strategy resulted in the occupation first of Georgia’s Abkhazia and South Ossetia regions in 2008 and later of Crimea. We urge the Russian Federation to comply with its obligations as an occupying Power under international humanitarian law and to fulfil its Minsk commitments. I also wish to take this opportunity to once again call on Russia to meet its obligations under the European Union-mediated ceasefire agreement of 12 August 2008. We reiterate our call for full, unimpeded and immediate access to be granted to international and regional human rights monitoring mechanisms in the occupied territories of both Ukraine and Georgia. In conclusion, I would like to once again reiterate our full support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders and territorial waters.

Italy aligns itself with the statement delivered by the observer of the European Union. My country recalls its unwavering support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and independence of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. We remain deeply concerned by the crisis in and around Ukraine and by its impact on stability and cooperation in Europe. In line with resolution 68/262, we condemn and do not recognize the illegal annexation of the Crimean peninsula, and we reiterate our utmost concern for the militarization of the peninsula and its impact on the security situation in the Black Sea region and beyond. We call for the full respect of international humanitarian and human rights law in the Crimean peninsula, in line with resolutions 71/205, 72/190, 73/263 and 74/168, which Italy supported and co-sponsored. Human rights observers and humanitarian actors should be granted full and unhindered access. Italy remains strongly committed to a sustainable political solution based on the Minsk agreements and reaffirms its strong support for efforts in the Normandy format, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Trilateral Contact Group. We welcome the summit held in the Normandy format held in Paris on 9 December and the positive steps subsequently undertaken. The effective implementation of what was agreed in Paris, starting from the full and comprehensive implementation of the ceasefire, is now of utmost importance. We commend and support Ukraine’s efforts within this framework. We urge all sides to show openness to dialogue and political will so as to push forward the ongoing negotiations in the Normandy format and in the Trilateral Contact Group. There is no alternative to the Minsk agreements. The role of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM) remains essential. Our support for the SMM is unwavering, as shown by our increased contribution. The Mission must be granted safe, secure, unhindered and unconditional access throughout Ukraine in accordance with its mandate. In 2018, as the holder of the Chairpersonship-in-Office of the OSCE, Italy spared no effort to facilitate dialogue, strengthen the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission and prioritize the humanitarian response. We commend the similar efforts conducted by the subsequent OSCE Chairpersonships-in-Office of Slovakia and Albania. We remain seriously concerned at the suffering of the civilian population. We are actively engaged in the humanitarian response, with a special focus on health and mine action. It is imperative to stop the violence, immediately fulfil all mine action commitments and ensure full and unimpeded access to all humanitarian actors. We welcome the positive developments in Stanytsia Luhanska; still, much remains to be done to ease living conditions for civilians and facilitate their safe crossing over the contact line. We call on all sides to ensure the security and accessibility of existing crossing points and to take measures for the opening of new ones. The status quo is not sustainable. Recent developments in negotiations confirm that dialogue may not be the easiest choice and that the implementation of the Minsk agreements is not simple for any side, but it is the only option. Rebuilding trust at the negotiating table is the right way to go. Moreover, the Italian Prime Minister, Mr. Giuseppe Conte, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Di Maio, recently had high-level contact with both sides, where it was stressed how crucial dialogue continues to be. Italy will continue — at the bilateral level, within the European Union and in the relevant multilateral forums — to support strengthened diplomatic and humanitarian efforts towards a peaceful resolution of the crisis.

This week marks the sixth anniversary of the Maidan protests in Ukraine. It is also almost six years since Crimea’s annexation — an act that the General Assembly recognized as illegal in resolution 68/262. It is critical that the Assembly keeps the situation in Ukraine, as well as ongoing violations of international law occurring there, on its agenda. Australia is deeply concerned by the 18 February attacks against Ukrainian positions in the Donbas. We stand with our international partners in calling on the Russian Federation to use its influence to urge restraint and constructively engage in the peace process. Australia is firmly committed to supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and we reinforce this commitment with robust sanctions. Earlier this month, we sanctioned individuals complicit in facilitating the so-called elections in Crimea and Sevastopol in September 2019. We were also concerned by the Russian Federation’s efforts to militarize Crimea and undermine regional security. Like many of my colleagues who have spoken before me today, we note with deep concern the discriminatory administration of justice and attacks on the freedoms of expression, association and religion or belief in Crimea by Russian- backed authorities. It has been close to six years since 298 innocent people on Malaysia Airlines Flight MH-17 were killed. Among them were 38 people who called Australia home. Australia remains committed to the full implementation of Security Council resolution 2166 (2014), which resolved to hold those responsible to account. Australia’s determination to establish the truth will not wane. We are pleased that the prosecution of four suspects for their alleged role in the downing of that civilian airliner will commence on 9 March in the Netherlands; it represents a significant step towards accountability. The annexation of Crimea and the conflict in eastern Ukraine is having a severe impact on civilians. The impacts fall disproportionately on vulnerable groups, particularly children, the elderly and disabled persons. We welcome the agreement at the Normandy format summit in December 2019 to improve humanitarian and security conditions and create a safe environment for elections in eastern Ukraine. Australia agrees that elections in Donetsk and Luhansk can take place only under Ukrainian law and when all illegal armed forces are withdrawn. We also welcome the return of 76 Ukrainian citizens in December last year, following the Normandy format summit, which was a further sign of positive cooperation since the return of 35 Ukrainians last September. However, we regret that the agreement to a full and comprehensive ceasefire by the end of 2019 did not materialize. Australia urges all parties to guarantee unimpeded access to Crimea, Donetsk and Luhansk for the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and other international organizations. We call on all parties to redouble their efforts to resolve the conflict.

The United Nations is a critical pillar of multilateralism and plays a central role in ensuring that all involved in addressing peace and security concerns uphold the purposes and principles of the Organization. There is no alternative to commonly agreed rules and their universal application. Support for that role of the United Nations and for safeguarding its collective-security, political and humanitarian mechanisms is crucial to maintaining peace, stability and sustainable development. Coherent global responses and common efforts, with the United Nations at the core, are the most effective ways to address conflicts, fight climate change and global terrorism, manage forced displacement and migratory flows, and achieve the goals of peace, inclusive sustainable development and human rights for all. The powers and responsibilities of the main organs of the United Nations and the decisions adopted by them cannot be substituted, conditioned or limited by regional and subregional organizations or their conflict- settlement or mediation formats and mechanisms. The General Assembly is the chief deliberative, policymaking and representative organ of the United Nations. Member States have the right to submit any question for discussion in the General Assembly, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. Azerbaijan voted in favour of General Assembly resolution 68/262 of 27 March 2014, entitled “Territorial integrity of Ukraine”, and our position on the support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders remains unchanged. In situations involving international disputes, armed conflict or political crisis in inter-State relations, no solution can be reached that is inconsistent with international law, particularly where fundamental norms are concerned, such as those relating to the obligation to respect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of States. Strict compliance with these norms and the fulfilment in good faith of the obligations assumed by States are of the greatest importance for the maintenance of international peace and security.

Bulgaria aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the European Union and would like to make some additional remarks in its national capacity. Bulgaria reiterates its categorical support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and independence of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. The ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine threatens the regional and global security architecture and stability and undermines the principles of international law, the rules-based order and the peaceful coexistence of independent States. Over the past six years, Bulgaria has consistently supported a sustainable and peaceful settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine. The full and comprehensive implementation of the Minsk agreements remains the only viable and internationally recognized means to this end. In the light of that, the role of the Normandy Four format, as well as the Trilateral Contact Group and the Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) remain key factors for keeping the peace process on track. We welcome the renewed momentum within the Trilateral Contact Group and the reasserted engagement of the members of the Normandy Format, and we call for the implementation of the measures agreed on 9 December 2019 at the Paris summit. Regrettably, the security situation in eastern Ukraine remains volatile and unstable. We call on the Russian side to reciprocate the good faith displayed by the Ukrainian authorities and refrain from any activities that would undermine the Minsk process. In this context, we deplore the military escalation in the Luhansk region on 18 February and reiterate the need for a sustainable ceasefire and the implementation of the Minsk agreements. Of no less importance is the work of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM), which we fully support. We condemn the acts of aggression towards the SMM monitors, including attempts to destroy their equipment. We underline the importance of ensuring extensive, secure and unhindered access for the SMM, as well as for human rights observers and humanitarian actors, throughout the entire territory of Ukraine. Bulgaria reaffirms its consistent position of non-recognition of the illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol by Russia. As a Black Sea littoral State, Bulgaria shares concerns about the growing militarization of the Crimean peninsula, which has a severe negative impact on the security situation in the Black Sea region and beyond. We consider the opening of the railway section of the Kerch Bridge as yet another deplorable step towards the forced integration of Crimea with Russia. We expect Russia to ensure unhindered and free passage to and from the Sea of Azov, in accordance with international law. We are gravely concerned about the civilian casualties and the deteriorating human rights situation in the non-Government-controlled territories of Ukraine in Crimea and in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. We support the call of the European Union for the release of all Ukrainian citizens held in Russia and on the Crimean peninsula in violation of international law, including international humanitarian law. Bulgaria has been actively committed to the diplomatic endeavours aimed at resolving the crisis in and around Ukraine and mitigating its consequences. We have contributed personnel to the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission. In fact, Bulgaria is one of the largest contributors in terms of monitoring officers. We have also contributed humanitarian assistance to various partners on the ground, including UNICEF, as well as to the rehabilitation of affected persons. We share the understanding that continued efforts by the international community and support to Ukraine are needed in order to alleviate the humanitarian situation of the affected civilian population. In conclusion, we urge all sides to the conflict to fully implement the relevant General Assembly resolutions on Ukraine, including resolution 68/262 of 27 March 2014, as well as the recommendations contained in the reports of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine.

We have heard the last speaker in the debate for this meeting. We shall hear the remaining speakers this afternoon at 3 p.m.