A/75/PV.54 General Assembly

Seventy-five years ago, the United Nations was founded to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. We all pledged to strive for peace and security. We all pledged to adhere to the values and principles of international law, as stated in the Charter of the United Nations. As signatories to the Charter and as the States Members of the United Nations, we have a responsibility to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, as provided in the Charter. Member States are under the obligation to respect one another’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom and political independence. In that framework, on the issue we are going to discuss today, I welcomed the ceasefire that came into force in Ukraine in July last year and urge all parties to continue to respect and uphold the agreement. I also strongly urge all parties to pursue a peaceful resolution of the conflict on the basis of Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty through direct political dialogue and other peaceful mechanisms. As we all work to address the challenges arising from the coronavirus disease pandemic, I would also like to echo here the call by the Secretary-General for a global ceasefire.

Mr. President, your presence here reflects the importance of the issue and a recognition of the General Assembly’s support for the item that we are discussing today. Since 2014, the General Assembly has adopted nine resolutions reaffirming its commitment to Ukraine’s territorial integrity and condemning Russia’s temporary occupation of Ukraine’s territories. The General Assembly has not accepted and will not accept the Russian mantra that the case of Crimea is closed. It will be closed when the Russian troops are out, as they were out from Afghanistan one February day. Just recently, under your leadership, Mr. President, we marked the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations (see A/75/PV.3) and discussed how to overcome the challenges we face. One of the conclusions of that discussion, in our view, is that some of the fundamental problems and differences that have existed since the establishment of the United Nations remain the same. The unwillingness of certain Member States to fulfil their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and the lack of an adequate response to the growing level of violations and impunity have resulted in a precedent with global implications. Here I refer to the Russian Federation, the State that is continuing its armed aggression against Ukraine, Georgia and other nations, and quote the following: “At bottom of Kremlin’s neurotic view of world affairs is … instinctive Russian sense of insecurity. ... [T]hey have always feared foreign penetration ... And they have learned to seek security only in patient but deadly struggle for total destruction of rival power, never in compacts and compromises with it.” You might have thought, and rightly, that the quote referred to today’s situation. Yet it is 75 years old. It is part of United States diplomat George F. Kennan’s famous Long Telegram on a new strategy for diplomatic relations with Moscow. And although Moscow is not the capital of the State that ceased to exist 30 years ago, it is still the heart of the same ideology — the ideology that the Russian Federation brought with it when it joined the United Nations in 1991 and established its Mission on the same premises where the Soviet Mission was located. During the late 1940s, Kennan’s writings inspired the Truman Doctrine and United States foreign policy to support other nations and promote democracy worldwide. As a reply to Moscow’s vision of world affairs, the Truman Doctrine underpinned policy in Europe and around the world. It mobilized economic power to stabilize unstable nations and regions. It facilitated post-war recovery and brought modernization programmes to the forefront of foreign policy. Time has proved that Russia is continuing to seek “security only in … struggle for total destruction of rival power”. Two weeks ago, in a statement on the occasion of Russian Diplomats’ Day, Foreign Minister Lavrov claimed that the West wants “Russia to be a convenient territory for promoting their own interests in the security, economic, and sociopolitical spheres. Every day we see how these attempts become more and more fierce”. Seventy-five years have passed, but the Kremlin’s mindset has not changed. And why should it change if the mummified body of the Bolsheviks’ leader, Lenin, is still on display in front of the Kremlin; Stalin and dozens of communist and KGB leaders are buried by its walls; and the same spirit is behind them? Plotters, murderers, sadists and the masterminds of wars and genocides are still venerated by neo-Bolshevik and neo-Stalinist opportunists of all shades, who, unable to accept the democratic path of development, hammer away at the West for the loss of the Russian and Soviet empires and yammer on night and day about the evils of capitalism, all the while remaining addicted to profiteering off the Western market economy and their own population. The date when Russia began its temporary occupation of Crimea was 20 February; a few weeks later, it continued its armed aggression with a military invasion of parts of the Donbas region. According to the latest United Nations data, more than 13,000 people have died as a result, including more than 3,000 civilians; tens of thousands have been injured; and more than 1.5 million have become internally displaced. That date is recognized as the beginning of the Russian aggression. The Russian Ministry of Defence also recognized that date by commissioning a medal “For the Return of Crimea”. I will now show the Assembly a picture of the medal. As can be seen, it clearly indicates the date of the beginning of their special military operation  — 20 February 2014, long before the so- called referendum on the peninsula. I think that we should ask the Russian Defence Ministry to decorate Russian diplomats with this medal, so that every time they repeat their mantra of the sham March referendum in Crimea, they will remember the February date of the beginning of the Russian occupation, as certified by the Russian Ministry of Defence itself. On 11 February, we had a long discussion on the implementation of the Minsk agreements during a Security Council briefing (see S/2021/159). Council members noted the deterioration of the security situation as a result of the increased number of Russian armed provocations and regular ceasefire violations. It was underlined that Russia bears full responsibility for those killed and injured in the conflict that it unleashed and continues to support and fuel. By the way, I would like to thank the Russian Mission for doing the technical work of requesting that meeting, thus providing us with an opportunity to shed light on the current state of affairs. Mr. Leonid Kravchuk, the first President of Ukraine and head of the Ukrainian delegation to the Trilateral Contact Group, presented an impressive list of the steps that Ukraine had taken to find ways to resolve this international conflict peacefully. Despite all our efforts, the work of the Trilateral Contact Group is blocked under various pretexts, and the Russian side refuses to finalize even the decisions agreed at the expert level. Additional measures to strengthen the ceasefire regime of 22 July 2020 are under threat due to the ongoing provocations by Russian armed formations, including with the use of weapons prohibited by the Minsk agreements. What can we expect from a State that in January 2021 organized a meeting in the city of Donetsk that it called the Russian Donbas forum to propagate the integration of that occupied Ukrainian territory into Russia? We are fully convinced that security remains the crucial element of de-escalation. So long as a 400-kilometre section of the State border in the conflict zone remains open for the free flow of Russian weaponry and personnel, the situation will remain tense and fragile. Ukraine’s sovereign control over its State border should be restored, and, as one option, United Nations peacekeepers could play an important role in its monitoring. Donbas is becoming a potential source of a technogenic and environmental catastrophe. In 2018, the occupation authorities stopped pumping water out of the Yunkom mine, where the Soviet Government had carried out a nuclear explosion. As a result, radiation is already contaminating the surface and groundwater. We therefore call for active involvement on the part of the United Nations in conducting an assessment of the environmental damage in the temporarily occupied territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. It is crucial to constantly remind Moscow of its obligations as a party to the conflict. So long as Russia denies its role in the conflict, the prospects of a peaceful resolution will remain elusive. The repetitive statements by Russian officials about Russia’s alleged mediation role in the Donbas peace process are outrageous. Russia has not been and cannot, in principle, be a mediator in a conflict that it started and has continued to take part in since the first day of the aggression. As a party to the conflict and a non-elected member of the Security Council that is not even mentioned by name in Article 23 of the Charter, on the composition of the Council, Russia should not be allowed to use the veto power. The Assembly has clearly expressed itself on the situation in Crimea in its resolutions on militarization and human rights. Unfortunately, none of them have been implemented by the Kremlin. Even during this time of the coronavirus disease pandemic and contrary to Security Council resolution 2532 (2020), the occupying Power is seeking to destroy the identity of Ukrainians and the indigenous people of the peninsula, the Crimean Tatars. Russia has already transferred 500,000 of its citizens to Crimea to decrease the proportion of ethnic Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars. Since the beginning of its occupation, 25 per cent of the composition of the local population has already changed. There is no doubt that the Russian occupation authorities’ arbitrary arrest of more Ukrainian citizens on the eve of today’s debate was intentionally provocative. On the night of 17 February, searches were conducted in the houses of activists from the Crimean Solidarity and Crimean Childhood groups, clearly indicating the politically motivated character of the actions of the occupation authorities. Russia may continue to pretend that it does not violate any international norms and principles. Yet reports of the Secretary-General and those of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and their missions, which were invited by Ukraine, as well as the report of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, all say the contrary. They speak the truth in facts. If Russia does not agree with all the resolutions and reports, it should simply provide access to Crimea to the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine and the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission. Access for international organizations to the temporarily occupied territories is also critical to avoid a further humanitarian catastrophe. Ukraine guarantees such access throughout the territory controlled by its Government and continues to demand that the Russian side do the same in the temporarily occupied territories. Two weeks ago, OHCHR sent yet another request to Russia to ensure access to temporarily occupied Crimea. Let us ask the Russian representative to inform us whether Moscow is going to grant such access. We know the answer; we have heard it on a number of occasions already. To consolidate efforts at the international level, we have initiated a new format, the Crimean Platform. It will focus on five priority areas — a non-recognition policy; security; the effectiveness of sanctions; the protection of human rights; and ways to overcome the negative impact of Crimea’s temporary occupation. We invite all States Members of the United Nations to join. And by the way, we have also invited the Russian Federation to join. We will soon hear a worn-out story from the Russian representative pushing false narratives about its aggression against Ukraine. Yet it seems that Russia is having trouble silencing its own citizens. Otherwise, how can one explain the fact that last year the Russian Parliament had to amend its criminal code and other laws and make it punishable by fines and imprisonment to question that Crimea belongs to Russia? Interestingly, civil servants are fined twice as much as regular Russian citizens. Keep that in mind when speaking to a Russian official. As Kennan wrote, “All Soviet propaganda beyond Soviet security sphere is basically negative and destructive. It should therefore be relatively easy to combat it by any intelligent and really constructive program.” Ukraine has proposed that Russia resolve any existing disputes in the international courts or by ad hoc arbitration. At the International Court of Justice, Ukraine instituted a case against the Russian Federation on the interpretation and application of the International Conventions for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism and on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. In April 2017, the Court issued an order on provisional measures in that case, which continues to be ignored by Russia despite its binding nature. Its failure to comply with the order is reflected in General Assembly resolutions, including ones adopted during this session. For the fourth year in a row, we have to inform the Assembly about Russia’s non-compliance. Among the most recent developments, I should mention that on 14 January 2021, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights ruled on the admissibility of an inter-State claim in Ukraine’s case against the Russian Federation. The case concerns the human rights violations committed in Crimea since Russia’s establishment of effective control over that territory. Both courts rejected Russia’s jurisdictional objections. We will continue to take forward legal actions to hold Russia accountable for its violations of international law. That brings me back to President Truman, whom I mentioned at the beginning of my statement. It is hard to disagree with him when he says, “There is nothing new in the world except the history you do not know”. Indeed, most things in this world, if not all, are adaptations or copies. After all, Truman’s quote itself paraphrases the Bible. The infamous Brezhnev doctrine, launched in 1968, effectively classified the issue of sovereignty as less important than the preservation of international socialism. It actually clarified that intervention would be imminent if Moscow perceived any country to be at risk of jeopardizing the integrity of the then Soviet bloc. It is well known that the doctrine was proclaimed to justify the Soviet occupation of what was then Czechoslovakia and, later, its intervention in Afghanistan. That doctrine did not disappear when Brezhnev died or when his KGB successor, Andropov, was buried by the same Kremlin wall, next to Brezhnev. It required a change in political leadership and Gorbachev’s perestroika to repudiate it, which enabled the de-occupation of Afghanistan and the withdrawal of Soviet troops from it. Today’s Kremlin ideology is nothing new. At best, it is an upgrade of the totalitarian ideology of the Soviet Union. Earlier this month President Putin said, “We will not give up on Donbas, no matter what”, as if underlining that Russia will continue the occupation regardless of what the international community thinks and says. What a familiar echo of former Soviet and Russian interventions that is. Indeed, there is nothing new under the sun. Whether the current Kremlin’s doctrine will be repudiated and what is required to achieve that are yet to be seen. In the meantime, we must continue our daily efforts to bring the day of de-occupation of Ukrainian territories closer. We are convinced that through joint efforts we will not only restore Ukraine’s territorial integrity, but also strengthen the authority of international law and restore peace and stability to the European continent. It is often said that history is written in ink. Luckily, the Russian occupation laws are written in pencil and will be erased. But let me remind Member States that the history of wars is written in blood and all those responsible will be brought to justice. The Russian Federation will be held fully responsible for all the crimes committed against Ukraine, the other countries it has invaded and their citizens.

I now give the floor to the observer of the European Union.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union (EU) and its member States. The candidate countries Turkey, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania, as well as the Republic of Moldova and Georgia, align themselves with this statement. The European Union would like to recall its unwavering support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and independence of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, including its territorial waters. On 26 February, it will be seven years since the illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol by the Russian Federation. That illegal annexation remains a direct challenge to international security, with grave implications for the international legal order that protects the territorial integrity, unity and sovereignty of all States. In line with resolutions 68/262 and 75/29, the EU reaffirms its condemnation of that violation of international law and, together with its transatlantic partners, continues to implement its consistent policy of non-recognition of the illegal annexation, including through restrictive measures. The issue is not only a serious bilateral and European concern but a global one. By its acts of aggression against Ukraine, Russia has violated several international agreements and other instruments, notably the Charter of the United Nations and the Helsinki Final Act, as well as the Charter of Paris for a New Europe, the Agreement establishing the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances in Connection with Ukraine’s Accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the bilateral Treaty between the Russian Federation and Ukraine on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership and the Treaty between the Russian Federation and Ukraine on Cooperation in the Use of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait, to name just a few. The EU will continue to support Ukraine’s resilience, including improving its ability to counter hybrid threats. In line with the conclusions of the seventh meeting of the European Union-Ukraine Association Council, held on 11 February, the EU reaffirms its resolute support for Ukraine’s reform efforts, especially when it comes to the implementation of commitments linked to the Association Agreement. Since 2014, together with financial institutions, the EU has committed more than €15 billion in grants and loans to cooperation with Ukraine. EU member States are also significantly involved on a bilateral basis. The Ukraine Reform Conference in Vilnius will be an important moment for demonstrating the achievements that Ukraine has made and further strengthening the reforms and the fight against corruption. The EU continues to condemn the Russian armed forces’ clear violation of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity by acts of aggression since February 2014 and the illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol by the Russian Federation, which we do not recognize. As a strong supporter of international law and effective multilateralism, we work to ensure respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in all international organizations  — the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Council of Europe and, of course, the United Nations, in line with resolutions 68/262, 75/29 and 75/192. The EU will continue to fully support the diplomatic efforts aimed at restoring Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We welcome Ukraine’s efforts to continue to seek justice through international legal instruments and courts, including the European Court of Human Rights, arbitration courts and the International Court of Justice. In that regard, we underline the importance of respect for judicial decisions and their timely implementation, and recall the decision of the European Court of Human Rights recognizing that Russia has had effective control over the Crimean peninsula since 27 February 2014. The ongoing Russian militarization of the Crimean peninsula continues to have a negative impact on the security situation in the Black Sea region and beyond. We continue to call on Russia to refrain from impeding the lawful exercise of navigational rights and freedoms to and from the Sea of Azov, in accordance with international law. Russia’s unjustified use of force near the Kerch Strait on 25 November 2018, its construction of the Kerch Bridge without Ukraine’s consent and the opening of its railway section in December 2019 are violations of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity that we have repeatedly condemned. Since the illegal annexation by the Russian Federation, the human rights situation on the Crimean peninsula has severely deteriorated. Its residents face systematic restrictions on their human rights and fundamental freedoms, such as the right to freedom of expression, religion or belief and association and the right to peaceful assembly. In particular, the human rights of the Crimean Tatars have been targeted. In that regard, we emphasize our calls for the immediate release of all imprisoned human rights defenders, including Dzhemil Gafarov, Valentyn Vygivsky, Ivan Yatskin, Nariman Mezhmedinov, Emir-Usein Kuku and Teimur Abdullayev. Their health is very poor and they urgently need appropriate medical care. In accordance with resolution 75/29, adopted in December, it is crucial that regional and international human rights monitoring mechanisms as well as non-governmental human rights organizations have unimpeded access to the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. Journalists, other media workers, human rights defenders and defence lawyers should be able to work independently and without undue interference or intimidation. We welcome the work of Ukrainian human rights organizations and the Crimean prosecutor, who for the time being have been recording human rights violations and abuses from mainland Ukraine. Violations and abuses of human rights and of international humanitarian law must be investigated and the perpetrators brought to justice. We continue to call for the immediate release of all Ukrainian citizens who have been illegally detained by Russia and sentenced in breach of international law. In that regard, we call on the Russian Federation to stop changing the demographic structure of Crimea through the resettlement of its own civilian population on the peninsula. Last but not least, we also expect Russia to take measures to improve the environmental situation in Crimea, which has considerably worsened. Regarding the conflict in eastern Ukraine, the EU remains firm in its call to all sides to swiftly and fully implement the Minsk agreements and honour their commitments in full in order to achieve a sustainable political solution to the conflict in line with international law, underlining Russia’s responsibility in that regard. The EU fully supports the efforts of the OSCE, the Normandy format and the Trilateral Contact Group. It is now vital that the Minsk agreements be fully implemented, more than a year after the conclusions of the December 2019 Paris summit. We point to the release of 239 conflict-related detainees in December 2019 and April 2020 as a positive confidence-building measure deriving from the Paris summit, and we call on all sides to move forward with further exchanges of prisoners. In that regard, we urge the sides to fully respect their reiterated commitments. Although the recommitment to the ceasefire by the sides on 27 July 2020 contributed to a significant decrease in violence on the ground, we deplore the fact that recent spikes in violations and sniper activity have resulted in casualties among military personnel. We call on Russia to exert its considerable influence over the armed formations that it backs to ensure that the ceasefire is fully implemented. We call on Russia to immediately stop fuelling the conflict by providing financial and military support to the aforementioned armed formations, and we remain deeply concerned about the presence of Russian military equipment and personnel in areas not currently under the control of the Government of Ukraine. We also call on Russia to stop its policy of issuing Russian passports in large numbers to Ukrainian citizens, not only residents of the Luhansk and Donetsk regions, but also those residing in areas under the control of the Government in Kyiv. That practice directly contradicts the spirit and objectives of the Minsk agreements and is undermining Ukraine’s sovereignty. The EU condemns the continuing deterioration of respect for human rights and humanitarian law in the non-Government-controlled areas of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, too. The duration of the EU’s economic sanctions against Russia is linked to the complete implementation of the Minsk agreements. We remain concerned about the continued restrictions on the freedom of movement of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine, particularly in the non-Government-controlled areas of the southern Donetsk region and near the border with the Russian Federation. We continue to deplore the targeting of the Monitoring Mission’s assets, including its unmanned aerial vehicles, by means of signal interference and small-arms fire. The Monitoring Mission must have safe, secure, unconditional and unimpeded access to the entire territory of Ukraine, in line with its mandate. That includes the illegally annexed Autonomous Republic of Crimea and city of Sevastopol and along the Ukraine-Russia State border, to which the Mission is systematically denied access by the Russian-backed armed formations. It is civilians who pay the heaviest price when the sides do not adhere to the ceasefire, withdraw heavy weapons or remove mines but instead lay new ones. The ongoing coronavirus disease pandemic puts an additional strain on the humanitarian and human rights situation, and it should not be used as an excuse by the so-called representatives of the areas currently not under the control of the Ukrainian Government to unduly limit freedom of movement through the line of contact. We welcome Ukraine’s inclusive approach to the population of the conflict-affected areas of eastern and south-eastern Ukraine. We welcome the fact that the civilian crossing over the Stanytsia Luhanska bridge has been made easier since the opening on 20 November 2019 of the new section of the bridge. However, we are concerned about the fact that almost all crossing points along the line of contact remain closed, while the Ukraine-Russia State border is still being crossed by thousands every day. While Ukraine fulfilled its obligation under the Paris summit conclusions to open new checkpoints in Zolote and Shchastya in November, from the other side they remain closed to this day. We call on Russia to use its influence on the armed formations that it backs to reopen all existing crossing points on the line of contact without delay. Moreover, the exceedingly long queues at the entry and exit checkpoints expose civilians to the risk of small-arms fire, shelling and hazards posed by mines and unexploded ordnance. We reiterate our call on Russia to use its considerable influence over the armed formations that it backs in order to open the Zolote and Shchastya entry and exit checkpoints, as well as all existing crossing points on the line of contact without delay, based primarily on humanitarian criteria. The International Committee of the Red Cross should be granted full and unconditional access to all detained persons. After almost seven years of conflict, the volatile security situation in eastern Ukraine has an increasing impact on the civilian population, in particular people in the most vulnerable situations living in the non-Government-controlled areas and along both sides of the contact line, where people are under a continuous threat of shelling. We share a profound concern for their suffering. Adequate social benefits and pensions for all the conflict-affected population, regardless of their place of residence and in accordance with the Ukrainian Constitution, should be provided. The protection of the supply of water, energy and other utilities across the line of contact and mitigation of environmental risks are key to avoiding any worsening of the situation. The prompt implementation of the mine action law and setting up a national mine action centre to effectively address the contamination by mines and unexploded ordnance in conflict-affected areas are also key. As a result of the conflict, 3.4 million Ukrainians are still in need of humanitarian assistance. We call on all sides to respect international humanitarian law and guarantee unhindered and sustained access to all people in need for humanitarian actors, including the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other United Nations agencies, as well as national and international non-governmental organizations. The decreasing level of humanitarian funding is reducing the ability to deliver humanitarian assistance. Together with its 27 member States, the European Union is the largest donor of humanitarian aid to Ukraine, with hundreds of millions of euros pledged since the beginning of the conflict. We will continue to support humanitarian organizations in their important work in order to alleviate the suffering and promote the resilience of affected populations, particularly along the contact line.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the eight Nordic and Baltic countries: Denmark, Estonia, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden and my own country, Finland. The Russian Federation has been violating international law and territorial integrity and sovereignty in Ukraine since 2014. Russia’s actions have not only endangered security in Europe; they have also weakened the basis for the maintenance of international peace and security and the development of friendly relations and cooperation among States. They run counter to international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris for a New Europe, and are therefore not only a bilateral and a European concern but a global one. For that reason, we welcome this timely debate. The position of the Nordic and Baltic countries is firm. We stand by Ukraine and reaffirm our steadfast support for Ukraine’s territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence within its internationally recognized borders, including its territorial waters. We strongly condemn Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, including in eastern Ukraine, and the illegal annexation of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol and are fully committed to the EU’s non-recognition policy, including restrictive measures. We urge Russia to respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine in accordance with resolution 68/262. We are deeply worried by the constantly deteriorating human rights and humanitarian situation in Crimea. The arbitrary detentions and politically motivated sentences targeting Crimean Tatars and Ukrainians in particular, the increasing pressure on journalists, human rights defenders and civil-society actors, violations of the right to freedom of expression, information, peaceful assembly and association and freedom of religion or belief, as well as freedom of the media and linguistic and cultural rights, and the deprivation of civil and property rights through forced passportization and conscription are violations of international law and of principles that Russia is committed to. Despite the 2017 order of the International Court of Justice, the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatars remains banned. We call for Russia to abide by its international obligations. As stated in a number of General Assembly resolutions on the human rights situation in Crimea, we urge Russia to release all illegally detained and imprisoned Ukrainian nationals held in Crimea and Russia. We call on it to respect its human rights and humanitarian law commitments and ensure that international human rights and humanitarian actors have full and unhindered access to the areas not currently under Ukraine’s control, including the Crimean peninsula. The recent decision by the European Court of Human Rights in the Ukraine v. Russia (re Crimea) case clearly sets out Russia’s responsibility for its actions in Crimea. We are gravely concerned about the continuing militarization of Crimea, undermining security in the Black Sea region. We also call for Russia to refrain from impeding the lawful exercise of navigational rights and freedoms to and from the Sea of Azov and from conducting discriminatory inspections of vessels passing through the Kerch Strait. The humanitarian conditions in eastern Ukraine are severe. Almost 14,000 people have died and more than 30,000 have been wounded. The conflict affects the lives of more than 5 million people living on both sides of the contact line; 1.5 million are internally displaced and more than 3 million require humanitarian assistance and protection. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, eastern Ukraine is one of the areas most contaminated by landmines in the world. Older people and children are the most vulnerable of all. International organizations are unable to function freely in the non-Government controlled areas due to restrictions imposed by the Russia-backed armed formations. The coronavirus disease pandemic has been used as a pretext for excessively restricting crossings of the contact line. There can be no military solution to the conflict. The only way to find a sustainable political solution is through political dialogue and the implementation of the Minsk agreements. We stress Russia’s key responsibility and commitments in that respect. We remind the Assembly that the duration of the European Union’s economic sanctions on Russia remains clearly linked to the full implementation of the Minsk agreements. We welcome the strengthened ceasefire agreed by the Trilateral Contact Group in July 2020, which improved the security situation. However, it is unfortunate that it has not led to further progress in the political dialogue. We are also concerned about the increase in the number of ceasefire violations since November. We support the efforts in the Normandy format and by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Trilateral Contact Group to facilitate the implementation of the Minsk agreements. We commend Ukraine’s political will and constructive approach to finding ways to resolve the conflict and we urge Russia to act likewise. We reiterate our support for the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission and its valuable work in reporting on and monitoring the ceasefire. We deplore the frequent restrictions imposed on the Monitoring Mission, mostly in the non-Government controlled areas, and we urge Russia to use its considerable influence over the armed formations it backs to remove all undue restrictions that hamper the Mission’s ability to implement its mandate, which covers all of Ukraine’s territory, including the Crimean peninsula. The Nordic-Baltic countries reiterate their firm support for Ukraine. We believe firmly that respect for international law and a rules-based world order is fundamental to our common security and multilateral cooperation. We call on the members of the international community to adopt non-recognition policies in line with resolution 68/262. We urge Russia to abide by international law and uphold its international commitments. We call for the Secretary-General and the United Nations to continue their efforts to restore respect for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Ukraine.

I am very pleased to deliver this statement on behalf of Canada, Australia and New Zealand. This year will mark the thirtieth anniversary of Ukraine’s independence from the former Soviet Union. That is a milestone that in most circumstances we would be celebrating. We commend Ukraine for the progress it has made in rebuilding a more prosperous and democratic country. And Canada has been very proud to have participated fully in partnership with Ukraine in that progress, as have Australia and New Zealand. Sadly, this year also marks seven years since Russia’s illegal occupation and annexation of Crimea and seven years of ongoing conflict in eastern Ukraine fuelled by Russia. It also marks seven years since the tragic downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight MH- 17. The toll of the past seven years has been simply enormous. More than 13,000 people have been killed, 1.5 million people — 1.5 million — have been internally displaced, and 3.4 million people are currently in need of humanitarian assistance. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has compounded the difficult conditions of the Ukrainian civilians who are living in conflict-affected areas, particularly those in vulnerable situations, including women, children, older people, ethnic minorities, persons with disabilities and LGBTI individuals, among others. As we mark this grim milestone of seven years of conflict, Australia, Canada and New Zealand reiterate their full and unequivocal commitment to upholding Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and our steadfast support to the Government and people of Ukraine. The right of the people of eastern Ukraine to live in peace and free from violence must be upheld. The increase in ceasefire violations in recent weeks is deeply worrying and serves as a stark reminder that even greater violence can erupt at any moment. It is the absence of political will that allows this violence to continue. And I would say it is not just the absence of political will but an excess of the abuse of untrammelled power. Australia, Canada and New Zealand are deeply concerned about the ongoing attacks and violence against Ukrainian civilians, including as the result of the use of heavy weapons, as well as the impact of mines and unexploded ordnance. Violence against civilians has to stop. We fully support the ongoing diplomatic efforts, including through the Normandy format and the Trilateral Contact Group, to find a peaceful solution to the conflict in the Donbas region. The stalemate in negotiations is deeply troubling and the parties simply must find a way to reach consensus before the situation deteriorates any further. We call on all sides to disengage fully and stand by their commitments to implement a comprehensive ceasefire, but it must be a ceasefire that shows complete respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, as set out in the Minsk agreements. That is a critical precondition for a peaceful solution to the conflict. We commend Ukraine for its recent actions to extend the special status law in occupied Donbas and open the civilian crossing points on its side in the Luhansk region. We call on Russia to immediately withdraw all armed formations, military equipment and mercenaries from Ukraine and to return full control over its international borders to the Ukrainian Government. Australia, Canada and New Zealand support and commend the efforts of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and its Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine. The Monitoring Mission must have full and unhindered access throughout Ukraine’s territory to fulfil its mandate, and that is something it does not yet have. Humanitarian and medical workers must also have safe and unimpeded access. We note Ukraine’s case in the European Court of Human Rights joined with that of the Netherlands regarding the conflict in eastern Ukraine and the downing of Flight MH-17. We welcome the ongoing multiple efforts under way in pursuit of truth, justice and accountability for Flight MH-17. I would now like to turn to the situation in Crimea. We believe that the international community must continue to shine a light on events on the peninsula. Australia, Canada and New Zealand are deeply concerned about the Russian Federation’s efforts to militarize Crimea, as well as its suppression of human rights on the peninsula, including through arbitrary detentions, arrests, torture and forced disappearances. The human rights of Crimean Tatars in particular have been violently targeted. We strongly condemn limitations on the freedom of religion and belief and of expression and association. We call for the protection of human-rights defenders and journalists, who are bringing much-needed attention to the ongoing abuses in the region at great personal risk. We further call on the Russian Federation to immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners who are unlawfully detained. We also welcome the decision of the European Court of Human Rights to proceed with Ukraine’s case regarding human rights violations committed by Russia in Crimea, as well as the independent recommendation by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to open an investigation into possible war crimes and crimes against humanity committed on Ukrainian territory since Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea in February 2014. Those efforts to seek justice through international legal mechanisms are welcome and should be supported by all Member States. In conclusion, the ongoing occupation of Ukraine, with all of the abuses of human rights and crimes against humanity, is a violation of international law and represents a clear threat to international peace and security. Together with our partners, we will continue to maintain pressure on Russia as long as Russia’s violations of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity continue. For Australia and Canada, that will include economic sanctions. Australia, Canada and New Zealand reiterate their unwavering commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, as well as their steadfast support to the people and the Government of Ukraine.

Thank you very much, Mr. President, and especially for convening this important debate on the situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. My delegation aligns itself with the statement made earlier by the observer of the European Union, and I would like to add a few additional remarks in my national capacity. As was clearly confirmed again during the working visit of our Minister for Foreign and European Affairs, Mr. Ivan Korčok, to Kyiv just a few days ago, on 16 February, Slovakia reiterates its support for the independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders and reaffirms Ukraine’s sovereignty over the Crimean peninsula and its part of the Sea of Azov and Ukraine’s absolute right to have full access to the Sea of Azov, as enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. In line with resolution 68/262, Slovakia does not recognize and continues to condemn the Russian Federation’s illegal annexation of the Crimean peninsula. We recall resolution 75/29, of December 2020, on the “Problem of the militarization of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine, as well as parts of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov”. Unfortunately, we have to reiterate our ongoing concerns about the fact that the security situation in occupied Crimea remains dire and the military activities on and around the peninsula are jeopardizing security in the whole region. The human rights and fundamental freedoms of residents of the peninsula, such as freedom of expression, religion and belief and association, and the right to peaceful assembly, are being systematically restricted. It is therefore critically important that the regional and international human rights-monitoring mechanisms have unimpeded access to the peninsula. Here we should recall the decision by the European Court of Human Rights recognizing that Russia has had de facto control over the Crimean peninsula since 27 February 2014. I would like to once again reaffirm our unwavering support for the Normandy format, the Trilateral Contact Group and the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in doing their best to find a peaceful political solution to the conflict in Donbas, especially now, amid the difficult situation due to the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. We regret that almost seven years after the start of the conflict in eastern Ukraine, the Special Monitoring Mission observers still do not have free and unhindered access to all areas in eastern Ukraine, including the uncontrolled border sections. It has to be reiterated that an overwhelming majority of cases where the Special Monitoring Mission’s access is limited occur on territory that is not under the control of the Government of Ukraine. We acknowledge that the ceasefire begun on 27 July 2020 is largely holding, but we have recently had some worrying information about spikes in ceasefire violations and, unfortunately, new casualties. Given the situation with the pandemic, we appeal to the sides to do their utmost to move forward in the negotiations with the aim of easing the situation of the local population affected by the conflict. We welcome the efforts of the Ukrainian authorities in that regard. We note with disappointment that despite those efforts, we do not see reciprocal steps that would, for example, lead to the opening of new crossing points at Zolote and Shchastya. That would significantly help the local population on both sides of the administrative boundary line. Slovakia fully supports the outcome of the Normandy Four summit of December 2019, but several of the agreed components have still not been fulfilled. We call on all sides to fully implement their commitments. Almost seven years after the beginning of this crisis, we continue to emphasize that in order to achieve lasting peace and a resolution of the conflict, all sides need to engage constructively and in good faith for the full implementation of the Minsk agreements. We urge the Russian Federation to implement the provisions it committed to as a signatory to the agreements. In conclusion, I would once again like to reaffirm Slovakia’s total commitment to preventing further escalation in the region and to facilitating improvement in the dire humanitarian situation of the population, who for almost a year have also been fighting the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Ukraine is Slovakia’s close friend and largest neighbour, and it is very much in our strategic interests to have a stable, secure and prosperous Ukraine. There is a saying that when your neighbour does well, then you do well; when your neighbour is safe, secure and prosperous, the value of your own house goes up. Well, we are not speaking of material values, of course, but we are very much interested in the values that are so essential throughout the region and in the entire territory of our good neighbour Ukraine, and we will continue doing our best to uphold those values. We firmly believe that this is also in the best interests of the international community as a whole.

The year 2021 marks the seventh anniversary of the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol by the Russian Federation. That annexation remains an act that runs counter to international law and in particular to the principle of the territorial integrity of States, and Switzerland condemns it. Since 2014, when we supported the adoption of resolution 68/262, on the territorial integrity of Ukraine, our commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders has remained unchanged. Switzerland continues to call for respect for international law in Crimea, including international humanitarian law and human rights law, without any discrimination. In that regard, we note with concern the violations of human rights listed in the report of the Secretary-General (A/75/334). By way of example, I would point to the fact that Ukrainian nationals residing in Crimea continue to be conscripted into the Russian Federation’s armed forces. That is a clear violation of international humanitarian law by the occupying Power. Switzerland supports the efforts of the Secretary- General to guarantee safe and unimpeded access to human rights monitoring mechanisms. It was for that reason, among other things, that we supported resolution 75/192, on the human rights situation in the autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. Moreover, Switzerland is closely monitoring the discussions on the Crimean Platform, launched by Ukraine. We believe that such a platform can be useful, and we encourage broad and inclusive international participation in it. My country continues to support a peaceful resolution of the conflict in the eastern part of Ukraine. We welcomed the release of detainees linked to the conflict in April 2020 as well as the decision taken within the Trilateral Contact Group in July 2020 to strengthen the ceasefire. Ukraine was thus one of the first countries to heed the appeal for a global ceasefire launched by the Secretary-General at the beginning of the coronavirus disease pandemic. We commend the resulting decrease in the numbers of ceasefire violations and civilian victims. Nevertheless, we call on all the actors involved to put a definitive end to ceasefire violations. We deplore the fact that the two new crossing points across the contact line have not yet been able to be operationalized. More broadly, we note with regret that crossing the contact line remains a genuine ordeal for the civilian population, with only two of the crossing points on the armed groups’ side operational. Switzerland is deeply concerned about the fact that the Trilateral Contact Group discussions have reached an impasse. We note with concern that political considerations appear to be hindering the progress of the working groups. We call on all stakeholders to strengthen their commitments within the Group. The decisions taken during the December 2019 Paris summit must be implemented as soon as possible. Lasting solutions can be found only if everyone works together in a constructive fashion. Finally, we underline the crucial role played by the Special Monitoring Mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). Switzerland deplores the restrictions placed on the movement of the Mission, whose access to territories that are not controlled by the Government is particularly limited, as well as the deliberate damage inflicted on the Mission’s equipment. The Mission must be able to discharge its mandate, which was accepted by consensus by all States members of the OSCE. We therefore hope that tangible outcomes will soon be possible so that there can be an improvement in the living conditions of the peoples affected by the conflict.

Spain aligns itself with the statement made previously by the observer of the European Union on behalf of its member States. There is no better guarantee of effective multilateralism than ensuring that a robust rule of law reigns in the international arena. That requires respect for one of the fundamental principles of international law, that is, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States. For seven years, that principle has been systematically violated in Ukraine. Spain therefore reiterates its staunch support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, in a year in which we are also marking the thirtieth anniversary of its independence. No geopolitical interest can justify the violations of international law that Ukraine has been suffering in both the Donbas region and Crimea. The situation in Donbas is not encouraging. Despite the ceasefire achieved on 27 July 2020, we note with concern the fact that it has been frequently violated in recent weeks from the temporarily occupied territories. The humanitarian situation is also very worrying and has been particularly exacerbated since last year as a result of the coronavirus disease pandemic. More than 3.4 million people require humanitarian assistance today, more than half of them women. Against that backdrop, access for the principal United Nations agencies remains limited. For that reason, Spain calls for full, unimpeded access by the various United Nations agencies. We also urge stakeholders to ensure that the International Committee of the Red Cross has full access to detainees in those territories, and we call for an end to all obstacles being placed in the way of the Special Monitoring Mission’s fulfilment of its mandate. With respect to civilians crossing the contact line, Spain asks that an end be put to the restrictions currently in place in the temporarily occupied territories. More specifically, we call for the re-establishment of normalcy regarding the Stanytsia Luhanska and Novotroitske crossing points; for the opening of the currently closed crossing points of Hnutove, Maiorske and Marinka; and for the effective opening of the new Shchastya and Zolote crossing points. Spain deplores the Russian Federation’s continued practice of issuing passports to the residents of occupied Donbas, which has been stepped up in recent months. Spain will under no circumstances recognize such passports, in line with the stance of the European Union. As regards the downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight MH-17, which claimed the lives of 298 people, no progress has been made in bringing the main perpetrators to justice. Spain call on the States concerned, particularly Russia, to cooperate to make all the accused available to the competent court. The situation I have described has seen no substantial steps forward in terms of political solutions. Indeed, 12 February marked the sixth anniversary of the signing of the Minsk agreements. Those agreements must be fulfilled so as to ensure progress on the path to the full restoration of the temporarily occupied territories in the eastern part of Ukraine. This week we will mark the seventh anniversary of the beginning of the events that resulted in the illegal annexation of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, events that Spain does not recognize, in line with resolution 68/262. In the current context, we reject the restrictions imposed on the freedom of navigation in the Sea of Azov, and in particular we deplore the harmful impact that the construction of a bridge and railway in the Kerch Strait has had on navigation. Many of the purposes and principles set out in the Charter of the United Nations have been called into question in Ukraine, in both Donbas and Crimea. Spain has made multilateralism one of the guiding lights of its foreign policy. Consequently, we welcome debates on this issue in the General Assembly. So long as the situation in Ukraine has not been satisfactorily resolved in line with those purposes and principles, we will continue to do so.

Today’s debate is a very important one, and I want to thank you, Mr. President, for your introductory remarks, in which you reminded us of the values and principles of the Charter of the United Nations; I would like to add to that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is important to keep this issue on the agenda of the General Assembly, as my Spanish colleague just said, as it is one of the most important and most blatant violations of international law since the end of the Second World War. I am speaking of the Russian invasion, occupation and annexation of parts of Ukraine. It is important to remember the history of the conflict. In 1994, Russia and Ukraine signed the so- called Budapest Memorandum, as my European Union (EU) colleague recalled. Here I want to align myself with the statement made by the observer of the EU. In the Budapest Memorandum, Russia guaranteed the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. In return, Ukraine gave up the nuclear arsenal that was on its territory. So Ukraine trusted Russia and relied on its neighbour to adhere to the commitments made. Exactly 20 years later, in 2014, Ukraine paid a high price for that idealism. Russian militias, later decorated by President Putin, invaded Crimea. Russian militias later invaded the eastern part of Ukraine, the region around Luhansk and Donetsk. The local Russian military commander, Igor Girkin, was jubilant when a Russian Buk missile downed Malaysia Airlines Flight MH-17, killing the nearly 300 people on board. As the Canadian and Spanish ambassadors reminded us, nothing has happened since; no one has been sentenced for downing that plane. After those heinous acts committed by a permanent member of the Security Council, we cannot simply go back to normal. The suffering of the people of Ukraine continues, and the human rights situation is continually deteriorating. In Crimea, we are seeing a systematic restriction of fundamental freedoms  — freedom of expression, freedom of religion and belief and freedom of association, as well as violations of the right to peaceful assembly. We are particularly concerned about the fate of the Tatars. Once a majority in Crimea, they have become a minority. They are facing continued attacks, imprisonment, expulsion, marginalization, assimilation and the loss of their identity. We are also concerned about the Russian militarization of Crimea. Crimea is turning into a launching pad for the projection of force by Russia across the free part of Ukraine to the Black Sea and beyond. We are concerned about the forced conscription of Ukrainian citizens of Crimea and about the military indoctrination of children. We are concerned about Russian violations of international law in the form of the construction of the Kerch Strait bridge or by impeding freedom of navigation in the Sea of Azov. Russia claims that the world is beautiful in Crimea, but I would ask the Russian representative why Russia does not allow access to independent missions and independent observers so that they can verify the human rights situation there. The situation in eastern Ukraine is no better. Six years ago the Minsk package of measures was signed, but from the very beginning Russia has not implemented the agreement. Russian militias and separatist forces violated the ceasefire from day one. Russian militias and their separatist friends are restricting the access of the Special Monitoring Mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to the occupied territory. According to OSCE reports, 94 per cent of the incidents encountered by the Monitoring Mission are caused by Russian-backed separatists. Also against the Minsk agreements, Russia does not allow the Monitoring Mission to freely access the part of the Russia-Ukraine border that is under occupation, and that enables Russian militias and weapons to flow freely into the Luhansk and Donetsk region. However, here I should like to pay tribute to all the wonderful and men of the OSCE Mission, who are doing a marvellous job under very difficult circumstances. Coming back to the Minsk agreements, Russia has not withdrawn its heavy weapons from the line of control. Russia is issuing Russian passports to Ukrainian citizens in violation of international law and the spirit of the Minsk agreements. A Russian official recently said proudly that Russia had given more than 600,000 Russian passports to citizens in Luhansk, which is part and remains part of Ukraine. Germany and France  — my French colleague will speak a bit later — have worked tirelessly in the Normandy format for a solution to the conflict. We have tried to prevent even worse developments from happening and to improve the fate of the people who are suffering on the ground. Following the latest summit, at the end of 2019, we have seen a drop in the number of ceasefire violations and some tangible improvements for civilians. The humanitarian situation has improved; we had a prisoner exchange and released detainees. That was a positive development, but unfortunately Russia once again is not abiding by an agreement into which it entered. The Russian militias and their separatist friends have not opened additional crossing points, despite the agreement that was reached in the Trilateral Contact Group. On the ground, the coronavirus disease is taking a toll, and so is the winter. The 1.5 million internally displaced persons continue to suffer, and again, as in so many conflicts around the globe, it is women and children who suffer the most. It is high time that the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the International Committee of the Red Cross and other humanitarian organizations were granted full, unconditional and unhindered access to all conflict areas, in particular those that are not under Government control. On the Ukrainian side, not everything that glitters is gold, but later in this meeting we will hear our Russian colleague heavily criticize Ukraine. When we listen to the Russian statement, we should remember that it was Russia that invaded Ukraine, not Ukraine that invaded Russia.

Italy aligns itself with the statement delivered earlier by the observer of the European Union (EU). I reiterate our unwavering support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and independence of Ukraine. Nevertheless, Italy remains deeply concerned about the crisis in eastern Ukraine, considering its profound impact on the local civilian population and on stability and cooperation in Europe more generally. In line with resolution 68/262, we reaffirm that we do not recognize the illegal annexation of the Crimean peninsula. We ask for full respect for international humanitarian and human rights law on the peninsula, in line with the pertinent resolutions of the General Assembly, which Italy supported and sponsored. Human rights observers and humanitarian actors should be granted full and unhindered access. Italy remains strongly committed to a sustainable political solution based on the Minsk agreements and will continue to uphold diplomatic efforts in the Normandy format, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Trilateral Contact Group. We look forward to the full implementation of the commitments made at the 9 December 2019 Paris summit and of the positive steps subsequently outlined, starting with the urgent and comprehensive implementation of the ceasefire. We commend and support Ukraine’s efforts in that framework. We urge all sides to be open to dialogue and show the political will needed to advance the ongoing negotiations in the Normandy format and the Trilateral Contact Group. We firmly believe that there is no alternative to the Minsk agreements. We call on all sides to swiftly and fully implement them, and we condemn all initiatives that run counter to their letter and spirit. We also call on the Russian Federation to assume its responsibility in that regard. The role of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission remains essential. Our support for the Mission and its observers is unchanging, as our increased contribution to it testifies. It must be granted safe, secure, unhindered and unconditional access throughout Ukraine, in accordance with its mandate. In 2018, when Italy held the Chairmanship-in-Office of the OSCE, we spared no effort to restore mutual trust and facilitate dialogue towards a lasting and sustainable solution. We focused on strengthening the Special Monitoring Mission and made alleviating the humanitarian conditions for civilians an absolute priority. We supported similar efforts conducted by the subsequent chairmanships. After almost seven years of conflict, the civilian population of Ukraine continues to bear the heaviest burden. We express our solidarity with them and remain seriously concerned about their suffering. Italy’s Agency for Development Cooperation is actively engaged in humanitarian response, with a special focus on health and mine action. It is imperative that we stop the violence, proceed immediately to fulfil all mine-action commitments and ensure full and unimpeded access for all humanitarian actors. Despite some encouraging steps forward, much more needs to be done to ease civilians’ living conditions and facilitate their safe crossing of the contact line. We call on all sides to ensure the security and accessibility of the existing crossing points and to take measures for the opening of new ones. Rebuilding trust and confidence at the negotiating table is the right way to move forward with the implementation of the Minsk agreements. The status quo is not sustainable for the security of the region and is certainly not sustainable for the population concerned. From within the EU, in the relevant multilateral forums and at the bilateral level, Italy will continue to support dialogue between the parties and encourage strengthened diplomatic and humanitarian efforts for a peaceful solution to the crisis.

The Czech Republic aligns itself with the statement delivered earlier today on behalf of the European Union, and I would like to add some remarks in my national capacity. The violations of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity through the Russian Federation’s acts of aggression and illegal annexation of Crimea constitute grave violations of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. They pose a serious threat to the rules-based international order and international peace and security. The Czech Republic believes that the conflict should stay high on the agenda of the United Nations, including in the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Human Rights Council and other relevant forums. The Russian Federation bears a special responsibility for the resolution of the conflict and the restoration of peace and security. However, Russian financial and military support to the armed formations in the areas of Donetsk and Luhansk not under Government control has continued and is fuelling the conflict. In addition, the Russian Federation is moving forward with plans to integrate those areas and Crimea into Russia. Steps such as a simplified and selective procedure for obtaining Russian citizenship; forced passportization; and the imposition of Russian educational standards, language, currency and taxation are attempts to de facto cut off those territories from Ukraine. In line with resolution 68/262, we are committed to a policy of non-recognition with regard to illegally annexed Crimea. Furthermore, the militarization of Crimea by the Russian Federation is having a negative impact on the security situation in the Black Sea region and runs counter to resolutions 73/194, 74/17 and 75/29. The reports of the Secretary-General  — most recently document A/75/334, of September 2020 — and those issued by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) conclude that the impact of the conflict on the human rights situation is dire. In Crimea, systematic human rights abuses and the arbitrary targeting of members of civil society, including human rights defenders, national minorities, especially Crimean Tatars, and anyone expressing discontent with the illegal annexation, continue. We are particularly alarmed about credible reports of the use of torture and call for an independent, impartial and effective investigation. In that regard, I would like to mention the names of five Crimean political prisoners: Dzhemil Gafarov, Valentyn Vygivsky, Ivan Yatskin, Nariman Mezhmedinov and Teimur Abdullayev. Their health is very poor and they urgently need appropriate medical care. We urge the de facto authorities in Crimea to ensure that OHCHR and international human rights observers have access to the peninsula. Let me stress that the Czech Republic fully supports the efforts of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and its Special Monitoring Mission, the Normandy format and the Trilateral Contact Group to achieve a sustainable political solution to the conflict, based on the full implementation of the Minsk agreements and in line with the Charter and OSCE principles.

The conflict in and around Ukraine is a continuing crisis that calls for the urgent attention of the United Nations. In the spirit of Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations, sustained efforts have been undertaken within the framework of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to monitor the conflict and pursue possible avenues for political progress. Two weeks ago, we heard the Special Representative of the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office and the Chief Monitor of the OSCE’s Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine brief the Security Council (see S/2021/159) on the situation. We regret that the Council has not been able to support OSCE efforts to bring peace to Ukraine politically and through concrete actions. With today’s debate, the General Assembly underlines the complementarity of its mandate with that of the Security Council with respect to the maintenance of international peace and security, a principle that Liechtenstein supports and is committed to. Liechtenstein reaffirms its position in support of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. The armed conflict fuelled by Russian intervention in Ukraine has caused a humanitarian catastrophe that has been exacerbated by the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. More than 10,000 people have been killed in the course of the conflict and many more wounded. The number of people requiring humanitarian assistance and protection is high, around 3.4 million. Although that number is similar to last year’s figure, the severity of their needs is significantly higher. COVID-19 has exacerbated pre-existing vulnerabilities in society, with the elderly, persons with disabilities, female-headed households and children among the most vulnerable. Thirty per cent of those in need are elderly, the highest proportion in any crisis in the world. Liechtenstein has consistently contributed to humanitarian relief efforts in Ukraine since the beginning of the conflict, with a particular focus on vulnerable groups, and will continue to honour its commitment to alleviating the suffering of civilians in this appalling humanitarian crisis on our continent. In that connection, Liechtenstein calls for full and unconditional access for the International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as other international organizations, to all areas and all people in need of assistance. Liechtenstein welcomed the indefinite ceasefire agreed to in the framework of the Trilateral Contact Group, which came into force on 27 July 2020, as well as a number of positive developments on the release and exchange of detainees, but the trend in recent weeks towards an increase in ceasefire violations and the construction of new trenches is worrying. The severe impact that the conflict continues to have on the civilian population and on the humanitarian situation must remain a primary concern. Too little progress has been made on many important humanitarian issues. The delays in the full operationalization of the entry and exit checkpoints in Zolote and Shchastya are regrettable, and Liechtenstein hopes that the outstanding issues can be resolved soon. More progress should be made on disengagement and demining, a particularly important issue given that eastern Ukraine is very heavily mined, which has resulted in a significant number of civilian casualties. Liechtenstein also regrets that the Special Monitoring Mission’s ability to monitor certain areas, such as the Petrivske disengagement area and areas near the uncontrolled segment of the Ukraine-Russia State border, is seriously hampered, including by damage to cameras and signal interference targeting the Mission’s unmanned aircraft. The Mission must be able to carry out its work unhindered, and those responsible for impeding its work must be held accountable. In the interim, it is concerning that the political working group of the Trilateral Contact Group has been unable to find common ground. In the absence of political will and productive discussions the ceasefire will fray, and we may already be seeing that. Liechtenstein appreciates the ambition shown in seeking to draw up a concrete, time-bound action plan for the implementation of the Minsk agreements, and encourages the working group members to redouble their efforts to that end. Liechtenstein continues to call for the immediate and full implementation of the commitments in the Minsk agreements and hopes to see a full revitalization of the political process. We would like to remind the Assembly of the responsibilities of the signatories in that regard. Liechtenstein welcomes Ukraine’s express commitment to domestic reform and particularly the steps taken to strengthen the fight against corruption and ensure accountable institutions in support of the rule of law. The provisions on self-governance and decentralization within the Minsk agreements are particularly relevant to efforts to create the best conditions for sustainable peace in Ukraine. Finally, many serious crimes committed in the course of the Ukraine conflict warrant a thorough criminal investigation. Liechtenstein welcomed Ukraine’s declaration under article 12 (3) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and reiterates its call on Ukraine to ratify the Rome Statute, including the provisions giving the Court jurisdiction over the crime of aggression. That would send a strong and unequivocal message that the Government of Ukraine is willing to address impunity for international crimes in a comprehensive manner, regardless of who the perpetrators are.

Seven years have passed since Russia’s illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. Despite the guarantees given when the Budapest Memorandum was signed, since 2014 Russia has blatantly violated the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. We once again call on Russia to respect its international obligations and commitments, as well as the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. We reaffirm our support for the policy of non-recognition supported by the European Union. The continued militarization of the Crimean peninsula is a worrying source of tension and has implications for the security of the Black Sea region and its littoral countries. We call on Russia to guarantee freedom of navigation for all vessels in the Kerch Strait, in accordance with international law. The illegal restrictions on that passage are exacerbating tensions, with negative consequences for Ukrainian ports in the Sea of Azov and for the whole region. We also call on Russia to take steps to improve the environmental situation in Crimea, which has deteriorated considerably. The illegal annexation of Crimea has led to serious and repeated human rights violations — extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, abductions, enforced disappearances and discrimination, including on the basis of religion or belief. We call on Russia to put an end to such policies, which are clearly aimed at silencing all who dare to denounce the annexation of Crimea. Those responsible for such violations must be brought to justice. Russia must also end its policies aimed at creating demographic change in the peninsula. Alongside Germany, France is continuing its efforts in the framework of the Normandy format to build a just and lasting peace in eastern Ukraine and the restoration of full Ukrainian sovereignty over the Donbas region. We reiterate our call to the Russian and Ukrainian sides to work to achieve the full implementation of the Minsk agreements, in line with the conclusions of the December 2019 Paris summit. We do not accept Russia’s rhetoric, which lays all the blame for the blockages on Ukraine. We call on Russia to assume its responsibilities and to make greater use of the influence it has over the de facto representatives of the areas not controlled by the Ukrainian Government. Lastly, France associates itself with the statement made earlier by the observer of the European Union delegation.

Poland aligns itself with the statement delivered by the observer of the European Union, and I would like to make some additional remarks in my national capacity. For seven years now, Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has brought suffering and hardship for millions of people and is still the most significant threat to European security. We believe that full respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders is a critical precondition for a peaceful solution to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Poland continues to condemn Russia’s violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty with its illegal occupation and attempted annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol and its ongoing direct involvement in the conflict in and around eastern Ukraine. Both constitute a clear violation of international law, including the principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations. Under international law, States have a duty not to recognize as lawful a situation created by serious breaches of obligations arising under such peremptory norms as the prohibition of aggression. Non-recognition is not a matter of political decision or approach; it is a legal requirement. That is why the recognition of Crimea as part of the Russian Federation is itself a violation of international law. It is clear that the additional measures agreed by the Trilateral Contact Group in July 2020 to strengthen the ceasefire represented an undeniable breakthrough and tangible improvement in the security situation in the Donbas region. Nevertheless, we stress that other provisions of the Minsk agreements remain largely unimplemented and that a lasting solution to the conflict is still a long way off. We are disturbed about the increase in the number of ceasefire violations since November. We call on Russia to engage constructively in the quest for a positive solution that can end the conflict in eastern Ukraine. At the same time, we appreciate Ukraine’s efforts to reinvigorate the negotiation process. We call on Russia to release all illegally detained Ukrainians without delay and to ensure respect for human rights and commitments made in accordance with humanitarian law. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees must be allowed full, free and unrestricted access to the occupied parts of Donbas. The same applies to the process of international human rights and to the issue of humanitarian actors’ access to the Crimean peninsula. The mistreatment and torture of prisoners in the Izolyatsia secret prison in Donetsk must be stopped and the ICRC granted access immediately. We condemn Russia’s actions in the occupied territory of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, of which just a few are political persecution, the oppression of ethnic minorities, the suppression of religious freedom, detentions based on fabricated or unconfirmed allegations and forced disappearances. They are blatant violations of international law and universal values. Ukraine’s leaders have repeatedly demonstrated the political will to resolve the conflict peacefully. In contrast, Moscow treats participation in negotiations both in the Normandy format and in the Trilateral Contact Group as an opportunity to repeat and update the list of its demands on Kyiv, and to promote the false narrative that it is merely an observer to the conflict. Meanwhile, a creeping annexation of Ukraine’s territory is under way. Russia trains and strengthens the military capabilities of illegal armed formations, distributes Russian passports and systematically undermines Ukraine’s language, culture and history. We are deeply concerned about the human rights situation in Crimea and the repressive policies of the Russian occupation’s administration — the persecution of indigenous Crimean Tatars and Ukrainians, the militarization of the region and the practice of religious discrimination. The rise in the numbers of detentions and arrests or of legal actions against people who refuse to serve in the Russian armed forces or are alleged to have made anti-Russian statements not only intimidates local residents but undoubtedly amounts to a worrisome pattern of human rights violations. The illegal transfer of Crimean political prisoners outside Crimea represents another violation. Regrettably, neither the coronavirus disease pandemic nor international mediation efforts have persuaded Russia to stop fuelling the conflict. We call on the Russian Federation to take all necessary steps to protect the population of the illegally occupied territories and to avoid making the humanitarian and socioeconomic situation deteriorate further. We are also concerned about the violation of fundamental freedoms, including of peaceful assembly, opinion, expression and the media. We urge the so-called authorities of the self- proclaimed republics to respect the absolute prohibition of torture and treat all detainees humanely. We note that in December the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights issued a decision on the admissibility of Ukraine’s complaint against Russia concerning a pattern of behaviour by the Russian authorities resulting in multiple violations of the European Convention on Human Rights in Crimea. We highly appreciate the activity of the Special Monitoring Mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine. We continue to reiterate the need for this kind of international presence and underline that the missions’ freedom of movement across the entire territory of Ukraine must be assured. Poland will continue to condemn violations of international law and support Ukrainian initiatives on the human rights situation in the territories that are outside the effective control of the Ukrainian Government. We support the General Assembly and Human Rights Council resolutions concerning assistance to Ukraine in relation to the human rights situation in Crimea. Human rights in the occupied and separatist territories of Ukraine must be fully respected. Poland does not and will never recognize Russia’s annexation of Crimea and reaffirms its enduring support for the territorial integrity of Ukraine and its sovereignty and independence.

Croatia fully aligns itself with the statement delivered by the observer of the European Union, and I would like to add a few remarks in my national capacity. This year Ukraine will mark the thirtieth anniversary of its independence. Croatia reaffirms its full support for Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. This year also marks the seventh anniversary of the Russian Federation’s illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. We reaffirm our consistent position of non-recognition of the annexation as an act contrary to international law. We remain deeply concerned about the crisis in and around Ukraine and its impact on regional and global security and stability. The crisis undermines the principles of international law, the rules-based international order and the peaceful coexistence of independent States. Croatia welcomed the mutual release of conflict- related detainees. During the conflict in the former Yugoslavia, that proved to be an important humanitarian-centred confidence-building measure. We also welcomed the reduced level of violence that has been observed since the additional measures to strengthen the ceasefire came into force in July. We are particularly encouraged by the reports of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission on the significant decrease in civilian casualties from the exchange of fire. Croatia remains deeply concerned about the human rights and humanitarian situations in eastern Ukraine and Crimea. After seven years of conflict, the unstable security situation in eastern Ukraine has had dire consequences for millions of civilians living in and near the conflict zone. The effects fall disproportionately on vulnerable groups, particularly children and the elderly, and all who need access to education and health services. The coronavirus disease pandemic has further exacerbated the humanitarian situation, including through further tightening of already severe restrictions on freedom of movement across the contact line. We continue to support the critical protection, monitoring, reporting and advocacy work of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and its Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine. Furthermore, we are deeply concerned about the restrictions imposed on the freedom of movement of the Special Monitoring Mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). We would like to stress the importance of ensuring that the Special Monitoring Mission, as well as international human rights observers, has safe, secure, unconditional and unimpeded access throughout the entire territory of Ukraine. The high levels of contamination by landmines and unexploded ordinance care are very worrisome. We stress the need for greater efforts in humanitarian demining, especially as we have first-hand knowledge of the devastating effects that anti-personnel landmines have on civilians. More than a quarter of a century after the end of the conflict, Croatia is still not completely mine-free. Croatia has consistently supported a peaceful resolution to the conflict in eastern Ukraine. We reiterate our full support for the efforts in the Normandy format, the Trilateral Contact Group and the OSCE in that regard. We call on all sides to engage constructively in striving for a sustainable and peaceful solution, with a view to the full implementation of the Minsk agreements. Finally, we would urge all sides to the conflict to fully implement the relevant General Assembly resolutions on Ukraine, as well as the recommendations in the reports of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission.

On 20 February we marked the seventh anniversary of the Russian Federation’s military occupation of Crimea. Since then, the occupation has expanded to the Donbas region, the Sea of Azov, the Black Sea and the Kerch Strait, in clear violation of international law and the norms and principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations. Currently, 44,000 square kilometres of Ukraine, including Crimea and eastern Donetsk and Luhansk — equivalent to 7 per cent of its territory — are under foreign occupation. Costa Rica has repeatedly voiced its opinion on this issue, the first time in 2014, with the adoption of resolution 68/262, on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine within internationally recognized borders. Together with 100 other States, Costa Rica voted in favour of this resolution of universal significance, which reiterates that upholding international law is crucial to protecting sovereignty, defending territorial integrity, strengthening security and consolidating peace. The resolution also highlights the important role that the General Assembly can play in matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security. In that regard, I would like to highlight three important points. First, Costa Rica remains committed to the restoration of Ukraine’s independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty within its internationally recognized borders. We encourage Ukraine and the Russian Federation to resolve the conflict by honouring the Minsk agreements and recognizing their importance as the only legitimate framework for a negotiated solution. In accordance with the agreements, we urge both sides to comply with and implement the ceasefire, withdraw heavy weapons, re-establish Ukraine’s control over its border with Russia, hold local elections and adopt a special political status for certain areas of the region. Similarly, we urge the Normandy format to meet at the ministerial level as soon as possible, as the last meeting in this format took place in 2019 and subsequent discussions have been held only at the level of senior political officials. Secondly, we reiterate our concerns about the unprecedented militarization of the Crimean peninsula, the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov and the enormous human cost of the occupation, which is now being worsened by the coronavirus disease pandemic. The scope of the humanitarian challenge facing the local population has increased owing to the armed conflict, with an estimated 3.4 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in 2021. Much of the civilian infrastructure, including electricity, gas and water systems and even schools and health facilities, has been damaged by shelling and requires urgent repair. Those services are more vital than ever due to the deteriorating conditions resulting from the pandemic. In addition, many vulnerable people, including children, the elderly and people with disabilities, face serious security risks from mines, as the United Nations reports that Ukraine has become one of the most landmine-contaminated areas in the world. Given these circumstances, we call on both sides to allow uninterrupted and unimpeded access for humanitarian and demining personnel, in accordance with international humanitarian law. We urge both sides to work closely with the Special Monitoring Mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe to ensure comprehensive and real-time monitoring of the situation both along the line of contact and on the Russian-Ukrainian border. The Special Monitoring Mission must have secure, unconditional and unhindered access to all occupied areas and in particular along the line of contact, so that it can carry out its invaluable work with regard to monitoring and reporting on the current status of the ceasefire arrangements. In that regard, Costa Rica welcomes the ceasefire adopted by the Trilateral Contact Group in Minsk and in force since 27 July 2020. Despite occasional violations, the ceasefire has contributed significantly to alleviating the effects of the conflict on the civilian population on both sides of the contact line. Thirdly, Costa Rica is concerned about the continuing deterioration of the human rights situation inside and outside the Crimean peninsula, as the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights put it so well. In particular, we remain deeply concerned about restrictions on fundamental freedoms in the occupied areas, including freedom of movement, expression, religion or belief and association, as well as the right to peaceful assembly. Unfortunately, only two checkpoints remain partially operational, which prevents already vulnerable populations from maintaining essential contacts with their families and impedes access to such services as education and pensions, thereby jeopardizing not only freedom of movement but also rights in relation to health, employment, language and nationality. We call on all parties to ensure the re-establishment of safe crossings that respect human dignity and allow civilians in the occupied areas access to basic services and the enjoyment of their rights, in conditions of equality and without discrimination. Costa Rica is also concerned about the arbitrary arrests and detentions, enforced disappearances and torture in Crimea, and the persecution of political actors, journalists, activists and human rights defenders, noting with particular alarm the abuses committed against the Crimean Tatar population. All cases of human rights violations and abuses should be thoroughly investigated and their perpetrators subsequently held accountable if we are to prevent impunity. On a more positive note, we would like to highlight the release and exchange of prisoners in eastern Ukraine that took place in April 2020. We hope that this step will further encourage other measures that can build confidence and enable progress to be made towards a sustainable and peaceful solution to the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Finally, we call on both sides to comply swiftly and fully with the Minsk agreements so that a sustainable political solution can be achieved and stability and prosperity can return to the region.

I would like to start by reiterating the United Kingdom’s unwavering support for Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, including within its internationally recognized borders and territorial waters. It is seven years since Russia seized the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol from Ukraine. The passage of time will never make the illegal annexation acceptable. By forcibly seizing 10,000 square miles of Ukraine, Russia broke the first principle of international law, which is that countries may not acquire territory or change borders by force. Russia’s actions flagrantly violated its own international commitments, including in Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act and the Budapest Memorandum. Through resolution 68/262, the General Assembly affirmed Ukraine’s territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders and the illegality of Crimea’s change of status. The United Kingdom’s position is clear. We do not and will not recognize Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea. Crimea is part of Ukraine. Russia continues to commit serious human rights violations beyond its borders, in Crimea. The de facto authorities persecute and restrict the fundamental freedoms of Crimean Tatars and ethnic and religious groups, with arbitrary arrests, torture and intimidation. At least 109 Ukrainian political prisoners remain in detention in Russia and Crimea. Crimean Tatar human rights defender Emir-Usein Kuku is one such prisoner. He has spent five years imprisoned in Russia, a foreign country, 2,300 kilometres from his family and home. Kuku is ill, yet he continues to be denied proper medical treatment. The United Kingdom calls on Russia to release all Ukrainian political prisoners immediately. Russia claims that there are no human rights abuses. Then why not allow the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit Crimea to provide a full independent assessment? We call on Russia to grant that access, in line with resolution 75/192. There must be no more excuses. We also remain deeply concerned about Russia’s ongoing militarization of Crimea, the Sea of Azov and the Black Sea. Russia has stationed at least 32,500 military personnel in Crimea and has also deployed advanced weaponry and missile warning systems there. In July, President Putin laid the keel to build warships in Crimea. That is a global security concern. The United Kingdom calls on Russia to withdraw its military forces and equipment from the peninsula. In the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov, Russia’s ships are intentionally obstructing traffic and violating others’ right of passage. Every day commercial vessels are harassed. Those restrictions are part of a wider strategy to disrupt Ukraine’s economy and destabilize the country. Since 2015, Russia has forcibly conscripted 28,000 Crimeans and has forced at least 44,000 Crimeans to leave, while more than 172,000 Russians have moved into Crimea. Russians now comprise 7 to 12 per cent of the population and more than 18 per cent in Sevastopol. We call on Russia to cease those unacceptable practices. The Russian-led conflict in eastern Ukraine is entering its eighth year. Russia continues to incite and support military activity by armed formations, including through the deployment of Russian troops and military equipment on Ukrainian territory. The United Kingdom condemns the continuing restrictions on the freedom of movement of the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The systematic denial of access in areas that are not controlled by the Ukrainian Government goes far beyond reasonable coronavirus disease precautions. We call on Russia to ensure safe, unconditional and unimpeded access. We reiterate our strong support for the Minsk agreements, which provide for a peaceful resolution to the conflict with full respect for Ukraine’s territorial integrity, and for the work of the Normandy four in that regard as well. We welcome the significant reduction in violence and casualties since the strengthened ceasefire of 27 July last year. It demonstrates what political will on all sides can achieve. However, Russia and its proxies continue to block the opening of new entry-and-exit points, frustrate plans on disengagement and demining and delay further prisoner exchanges. If Russia genuinely wants peace, its actions should support it. Instead, it continues to fuel the conflict, and the Ukrainian people continue to pay the price. There have been nearly 3,500 civilian deaths and thousands more injured; 3.4 million people require humanitarian assistance; and 1.4 million are internally displaced. The United Kingdom once again calls on the international community to stand united behind Ukraine and to oppose Russia’s continued attempts to destabilize Ukraine, undermine its sovereignty and steal its territory.

Slovenia welcomes today’s discussion on the situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. We align ourselves with the statement delivered earlier by the European Union and would like to make some additional remarks in our national capacity. I would like to begin by reaffirming Slovenia’s continued support for the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. In the seventh year of the illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, we continue to condemn that violation of international law and remain committed to a policy of non-recognition, in line with resolution 68/262. We are also concerned about the ongoing militarization of the peninsula, which poses serious challenges to the security and stability in the Black Sea region and beyond. We reiterate our full support for the Normandy format, the Trilateral Contact Group and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and we commend their tireless efforts to facilitate a peaceful resolution of the conflict in eastern Ukraine. We call on all sides to engage constructively to implement the obligations and commitments under the Minsk agreements fully and swiftly. Slovenia welcomes the additional measures agreed to on 22 July 2020 to strengthen the ceasefire, which significantly improved the security situation in the non-Government-controlled areas. However, the overall humanitarian situation in the region remains dire, and we call on all parties to enable the safe, timely and unimpeded delivery of humanitarian assistance to all the people in need. We are also very concerned about the persistent and numerous civilian casualties caused by mines, unexploded ordnance and other explosive devices on both sides of the contact line. It is crucial to ensure the continuation of the humanitarian demining and disengagement activities and the withdrawal of heavy weapons along the contact line. Slovenia deplores the continued restrictions on the freedom of movement of the OSCE’s Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine and of civilians across the contact line. The Special Monitoring Mission’s free and safe access to the entire territory of Ukraine, including Crimea, must be ensured. We call on all sides to undertake all the necessary measures to operationalize the Zolote and Shchastya entry-and-exit crossing points and allow civilians to exercise their fundamental rights, including visiting their families, collecting pensions and accessing health-care services and education. We would like to point out that obstacles to freedom of movement particularly affect women. Slovenia remains deeply concerned about the human rights violations and abuses in the Crimean peninsula, which primarily target Crimean Tatars, ethnic Ukrainians and other ethnic minorities. The situation is extremely worrisome and is actually deteriorating. Slovenia is highly disturbed by reports of enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions, sexual violence, torture and other forms of human rights abuses. We would like to remind States of their responsibility to comply with international human rights standards and call on Russia to uphold its international commitments and provide international human rights observers with full, free and unrestricted access to the entire territory of Ukraine, including Crimea. In conclusion, I want to emphasize that Slovenia continues to contribute to efforts aimed at alleviating the dire humanitarian consequences in this region, particularly through projects for the medical and psychosocial rehabilitation of children from the conflict areas. As of December, we have also been supporting the ongoing reform process in Ukraine by providing assistance in the area of local self-government.

Bulgaria aligns itself with the statement made earlier on behalf of the European Union (EU) and its member States, and I would like to add a few remarks of importance to my country. Bulgaria reiterates its unwavering support for Ukraine’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, including its maritime waters. Over the past seven years, Bulgaria has consistently supported a sustainable and peaceful settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine. The full and comprehensive implementation of the Minsk agreements remains the only viable and internationally recognized means to that end. In order to achieve substantial progress in the peace process, the sides must fully respect their commitments. In that regard, we uphold the EU’s call to Russia to exert its considerable influence over the armed formations that it backs to ensure that the ceasefire is fully implemented. The past year brought a sizable reduction of ceasefire violations, but more recent developments have nevertheless shown that it will be difficult to maintain the relative calm on the front line if any of the issues related to the conflict remain unresolved. We therefore note with regret that the overall situation in eastern Ukraine remains fragile. The humanitarian situation, including humanitarian access, continues to worsen owing to the effects of the coronavirus disease pandemic and to persistent restrictions on freedom of movement. However, the pandemic should not be used as an excuse for closing the contact line by the so-called representatives of the areas not currently under the control of Ukraine. In view of that, we reaffirm our support for the efforts of the international community to ensure full, free and unhindered access to the entire territory of Ukraine, including the illegally annexed Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, for the Special Monitoring Mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and other international human rights observers and monitoring mechanisms. In addition, we share the concerns about the ongoing human rights violations and abuses in Crimea and the areas of eastern Ukraine that are not currently under the control of the Ukrainian Government. We support the international community’s call for the immediate release of all illegally detained Ukrainian citizens, including Crimean Tatar activists imprisoned in Russia and in illegally annexed Crimea and Sevastopol. Bulgaria views the role and impact of the Normandy four format, as well as the OSCE Trilateral Contact Group and the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, as key factors in keeping the peace process on track. We continue to be strongly committed to supporting the OSCE efforts and toolbox on the ground, including through the personnel of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission, to which Bulgaria is one of the largest contributors in terms of monitoring officers. We have also contributed humanitarian assistance to various partners on the ground, including UNICEF and others, as well as assisting with the rehabilitation of people affected. As a Black Sea littoral State, Bulgaria shares the concerns about the ongoing Russian militarization of the Crimean peninsula, which is having a severely negative impact on the security situation in the wider Black Sea region. Furthermore, we remain deeply concerned about the tense situation near the Kerch Strait. The full restoration of freedom of passage through the Strait, in accordance with international law, is key to preventing further escalation in the areas of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov. In conclusion, we urge all sides to the conflict to fully implement the relevant General Assembly resolutions on Ukraine, including resolution 68/262, of 27 March 2014, as well as the recommendations in the reports of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine.

I thank you, Mr. President, for organizing this important briefing. We are here today because in 2014, Russia occupied Crimea and instigated a conflict in the Donbas region. We are here today because Russia’s actions in eastern Ukraine have led to the deaths of more than 13,000 people, displaced millions of Ukrainians and left an additional 3.4 million in need of humanitarian assistance. And we are here today because Russia has attempted to block any meaningful progress in diplomatic negotiations while it simultaneously arms, trains, funds and leads its proxy forces and supports the self-proclaimed authorities on the ground. But we are also here today because as we have heard, Ukraine has widespread support among Member States that honour and respect the implicit, bedrock prohibition in the Charter of the United Nations that no country can change the borders of another by force. The United States will continue to stand with partners in upholding Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders and territorial waters. We urge Member States to vote in support of General Assembly resolutions calling attention to the human rights situation and militarization of Crimea. Seven years after Russia’s invasion, we reaffirm our unwavering commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The United States will never recognize Russia’s attempted annexation of Crimea. United States sanctions on Russia in response to Russia’s aggression in eastern Ukraine and its occupation of Crimea will remain in place unless and until Russia reverses course. It is very troubling to report that over the past year, Russia has increased its efforts to destabilize Ukraine and undermine the country’s sovereignty. Even while Russia maintains troops, tanks and heavy weapons in Ukraine’s territory, it falsely presents itself as a mediator in the conflict when it is in fact the instigator. Russia’s increasing militarization of Crimea poses a serious and a growing threat to our common security. The United States is greatly concerned about Russia’s conscription of residents of Crimea, its continued disruption of commerce in the Sea of Azov, and its attempt to use its occupation of Crimea to project power into the Black Sea region. There is no question that Russia continues to fuel this deadly conflict. Despite the 27 July 2020 agreement on strengthening measures towards a real ceasefire, Russian-led and -supported forces continue to launch attacks along the line of contact, killing Ukrainian service members and putting civilians at risk. Russia has acted disingenuously regarding conflict-resolution negotiations, stalled the opening of new civilian crossing points along the line of contact and blocked additional exchanges of detainees, despite the commitments it made at the Normandy format summit in December 2019. The United States joins with others today in expressing its concern about the restrictions on access that Russia and the Russian-supported self-proclaimed authorities continue to impose on humanitarian workers and the personnel of the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), especially the restrictions on almost all United Nations agencies operating in the Russian-controlled parts of Luhansk. Those restrictions come at a time when the world has been ravaged by the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic and when vulnerable conflict-affected populations face even greater threats. Russia and its proxies have used the guise of COVID-19 mitigation measures to further limit the life-saving operations of humanitarian actors, contrary to humanitarian principles and the mandate of the OSCE in Ukraine. We call on Russia to grant and facilitate safe, timely and unhindered access to all humanitarian personnel and to OSCE and United Nations monitors throughout the Ukrainian territory that Russia controls, including parts of Donetsk, Luhansk and occupied Crimea. Russia’s invasion in 2014 was followed by a series of killings and disappearances of at least a dozen opponents of the occupation. Those acts remain uninvestigated and unsolved. We urge Russia to release the more than 100 Ukrainian political prisoners whom it is holding and to end its campaign of raids, detentions and other forms of intimidation against Crimean Tatars, Jehovah’s Witnesses and other opponents of the occupation. We condemn Russia’s expulsion of Crimean Tatar leaders from their homeland, the criminalization and seizure of the Crimean Tatar Mejlis and the driving out of all independent civil-society and media outlets from the peninsula. Like others, we demand that Russia immediately cease its aggressive behaviour in eastern Ukraine and end its occupation of Crimea. We call on Russia to withdraw its forces from Ukraine, cease its support for its proxies and other armed groups and implement all of the commitments that it made under the Minsk agreements. Russia must end its tactics of intimidation and instead work with the Government of Ukraine and the international partners who are committed to a diplomatic resolution to the conflict. Ukraine’s commitment to peace has been clear. The United States welcomes Ukraine’s Crimean Platform initiative, and we hope that many more Member States will consider joining that diplomatic effort to push back on Russia’s ongoing aggression and make it clear that its brutal occupation must end.

I thank you, Mr. President, for organizing this important meeting. The Kingdom of the Netherlands aligns itself with the statement delivered earlier by the observer of the European Union, and I would like to add some remarks in my national capacity. I thank the Ukrainian delegation for putting the spotlight on the situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. Seven years have passed since the start of the Russian Federation’s violation of international law in Ukraine, and it has taken a heavy toll on many parties. I would like to make three points  — first, with regard to the suffering of the people of Ukraine; secondly, on our concern for the international legal order; and, thirdly, on the need to establish truth, justice and accountability for the downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight MH-17. First, the human suffering as a result of this conflict must end. Almost seven years of active fighting have had a profound impact on the lives of more than 5 million people in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of eastern Ukraine. Innocent civilians have lost their lives, been wounded, lost their homes or become displaced. Of the civilian casualties, 92 per cent are the result of landmines and explosive remnants of war. We thank the Secretary-General and all United Nations agencies for their continuing efforts to monitor the human right situation and provide assistance whenever possible. We also thank the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe for its important work. As the reports of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights clearly show, the human rights situation on the illegally occupied Crimean peninsula and in the areas in eastern Ukraine not under Government control remains deeply concerning. The residents of the peninsula face systematic restrictions on fundamental freedoms, such as freedom of expression, religion or belief and association and the right to peaceful assembly. The Netherlands calls urgently on the Russian Federation to respect human rights on the Crimean peninsula for all and to allow human rights monitors full access to the area. We underline the importance of continuing dialogue and the work done in the Normandy four format, and we call on all sides to fully implement their responsibilities under the Minsk agreements and to show their full commitment to reaching a political resolution to the conflict. Secondly, I wish to underline my concerns about the effects of the conflict on the international legal order. Our international rulebook is in jeopardy in Ukraine. The illegal annexation of Crimea and the ongoing destabilizing role of Russia in the Donbas region go directly against paragraph 4 of Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations, on the prohibition of the use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of any State. Like other speakers before me, I therefore reiterate our strong commitment to the sovereignty, political independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine. It is high time that the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly confirming the territorial integrity and unity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders were implemented. Thirdly and finally, I would like to once again draw the Assembly’s attention to Flight MH-17, which was shot down over eastern Ukraine on 17 July 2014. That terrible tragedy caused the death of 298 innocent civilians from 17 countries, including 196 of my compatriots. Since that day, together with many international partners, the Netherlands has called for truth, justice and accountability, because that is what the victims and their next of kin deserve. In March of last year, the criminal trial started against four suspects for their role in the downing of Flight MH-17. That followed years of investigation by the competent authorities of Australia, Belgium, Malaysia, Ukraine and the Netherlands, represented in the Joint Investigation Team. The start of the criminal trial is a very important step towards finding the truth, establishing justice and holding those responsible to account. At the same time, the criminal investigation will continue, and we call on all countries, including the Russian Federation, to fully cooperate with it, in line with Security Council resolution 2166 (2014). In conclusion, let me reiterate that sustainable peace and stability in the region will be possible only if and when the Russian Federation returns to respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders.

Japan has consistently supported the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. The stability of the situation in Ukraine is important to the international security environment as a whole, and not only in Europe. Japan notes the continuation of the renewed ceasefire agreement of July 2020 and expects all the parties concerned to continue to engage in a dialogue based on the conclusions of the Normandy format summit in December 2019. We further expect all the parties concerned to implement the Minsk agreements. At the same time, we are concerned about the reports of how the coronavirus disease pandemic has been exacerbating the humanitarian and human rights situation on the ground, including in eastern Ukraine. It is our expectation that all the parties concerned will further implement the ceasefire agreement, advance confidence-building measures and take steps to resolve the situation. Japan will continue its support, in cooperation with international organizations, and contribute to resolving the situation together with the relevant countries.

Hungary aligns itself with the statement delivered by the observer of the European Union (EU) and wishes to add the following remarks in its national capacity. Hungary firmly supports the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and the non-recognition policy of the EU and NATO regarding the illegal annexation of Crimea. We regret the fact that the pandemic has further exacerbated the hardship and deprivation faced by the people affected by conflict in eastern Ukraine, the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, particularly as they result from restrictions on freedom of movement and their devastating impact on people’s enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Hungary shares the concerns of the international community with regard to the continued enforced disappearances, arbitrary detention, torture and ill-treatment of conflict-related detainees in both Government-controlled territory and territory controlled by the self-proclaimed republics. As a neighbouring country, our interest lies in a conflict-free Ukraine that can provide legal certainty for all its citizens, regardless of nationality, ethnicity or mother tongue. Hungary has therefore been actively contributing in many ways to the civilian and military crisis management in Ukraine since 2014. In recent years, Hungary has provided medical treatment and social support to Ukrainians who have been affected by the conflict in eastern Ukraine. We have also provided humanitarian aid for internally displaced persons, families with young children and war orphans in Ukraine and delivered medical equipment for Ukrainian hospitals and medical centres that face challenges in sustaining services. Last but not least, we have provided coronavirus disease tests to help the countrywide pandemic. Hungary has always paid particular attention to its neighbour, especially since approximately 150,000 members of the Hungarian community live in Ukraine. Hungary acknowledges the multifaceted challenges that Ukraine is currently facing, but it is regrettable to see that the protection and promotion of human rights, particularly the rights of national, ethnic and linguistic minorities, are in decline. We wish to underline that no crisis situation can justify any politically motivated discrimination against a minority to be incited at any level, including that of the central Government. It is unacceptable for a country to constantly intimidate and put pressure on a minority group. The recently changed terminology used by the Ukrainian authorities also raises grave concerns. The term “Hungarian national minority” has been replaced with the expression “Ukrainians with Hungarian roots” and has become prevalent in official Ukrainian communications. That trend is particularly worrisome, as it demonstrates an undeniable attempt to devalue and eventually exclude the category of national minorities from Ukrainian society. We once again underline the need for the full implementation of the Venice Commission’s recommendation on the law of State language and to encourage Ukraine to ensure respect for the rights already exercised by persons belonging to national minorities, as enshrined in the relevant international instruments to which Ukraine has acceded and as stipulated in the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, including the Human Rights Council, on the basis of a substantive and inclusive dialogue with representatives of persons belonging to national minorities.

Romania aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the European Union (EU) and its member States. I would now like to make a few additional remarks in my national capacity. Seven years have passed since the illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol by the Russian Federation. Romania reiterates its strong condemnation of that act, which violates the principles and norms of international law and continues to affect stability and security in the Black Sea region and the Euro-Atlantic area. Romania reaffirms its consistent support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. We have always supported Ukraine’s initiatives within the United Nations system related to the illegal annexation of Crimea. In particular, every year Romania has supported the Ukrainian proposal to include the item ”The situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine” on the agenda of the General Assembly session. Romania denounces the continued militarization of the Crimean peninsula, which poses a threat to the entire Black Sea region and beyond, as well as the efforts to forcibly integrate illegally annexed Crimea and Sevastopol into Russia. Romania also draws attention to the deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in eastern Ukraine, which has been further exacerbated in the past year by the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, with a negative impact on the civilian population. To alleviate that dire situation, last year Romania provided a voluntary contribution of €150,000 to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the framework of its Global Humanitarian Response Plan for COVID-19. Romania also supports setting up a mechanism at the level of the European Union in order to facilitate access to vaccines against COVID-19 for the countries participating in the EU’s Eastern Partnership. Romania calls for a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Donbas and the restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity. At the same time, we expect Russia to fully implement its commitments under the Minsk agreements.

The achievement of peace and harmony in our neighbour and brother country of Ukraine is a major priority in the work of maintaining regional stability and security. It is in Belarus’s interests to see the situation normalized as soon as possible. We support the strict observance of the ceasefire in the territories of south-eastern Ukraine. The ongoing shelling, use of small arms and destruction of civilian infrastructure have an extremely negative impact on the situation in the conflict zone and are not conducive to the peace process. Belarus has always adhered to the principle of a peaceful, non-confrontational policy based on the understanding that there is no alternative to peaceful dialogue and diplomacy in resolving crises in the region. An immediate cessation of violence, the prevention of armed clashes and the parties’ compliance, without preconditions, with the Minsk agreements remain the only starting point for restoring stability and security in south-eastern Ukraine. Belarus continues to consistently support a peaceful settlement to the conflict in the region. We are contributing significantly to that by organizing and holding meetings of the Trilateral Contact Group on Ukraine and its working subgroups in Minsk. We are assisting the activities of the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. We are ready to continue to ensure the conditions for negotiations within the Minsk platform in all formats, including at the highest level, as we did in February 2015. We reaffirm the readiness of Belarus to make a practical contribution to a possible United Nations peacekeeping mission in the region, if that is the will of all the parties. Against the backdrop of the current global turmoil, Belarus’s proposals for discussing ways of re-establishing a new, broad-based international dialogue aimed at overcoming existing differences in relations among States are of even greater relevance. We firmly believe that launching a new, wide-ranging discussion of the principles of the future coexistence of States in the global context will serve as an important impetus for collective action to safeguard global security and peace.

I thank you, Mr. President, for organizing today’s meeting and for your introductory remarks on this important issue. Turkey aligns itself with the statement delivered by the observer of the European Union. I will add the following remarks in my national capacity. Turkey has been fully committed to supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders since the crisis first unfolded in 2014. We do not recognize the illegal and illegitimate annexation of Crimea. That non-recognition is a matter of principle for us, and our principled policy is based on both legal and moral considerations. For Turkey, which has millions of citizens of Crimean Tatar descent, Crimea and the welfare of Crimean Tatars naturally represent an important issue. We are also deeply concerned about the ongoing political trials, detentions and interrogations of Crimean Tatars and their dependents, and we will continue to fully support Crimea Tatars in their just desire to live freely and safely in their ancestral homeland. Unfortunately, seven years after the beginning of the crisis, the situation in the Donbas region remains tense. We believe that the conflict in Donbas should be resolved in accordance with international law and through dialogue. The full implementation of the Minsk agreements remains important. The Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, led by Ambassador Halit Çevik, plays a vital role in keeping the international community informed, facilitating dialogue to reduce tensions and promoting stabilization and normalization throughout Ukraine. Turkey continues to fully support the Mission’s work. In conclusion, I would like to express our commitment to contributing to all efforts aimed at de-escalating tensions on the ground and finding a peaceful solution to the conflict based on ensuring Ukraine’s territorial integrity.

The debate that we have all been obliged to take part in today is probably one of the most embarrassing episodes in the proceedings of the General Assembly since item 65 was forced onto its agenda. With each iteration of this discussion the authority of our collective body is mortally wounded. If those who claim that the United Nations is often detached from reality are ever right, today is indeed a glaring example of that detachment. We have our Ukrainian colleagues to thank for this, as for almost seven years now they have relentlessly maintained and exploited their role as the victims of the so-called Russian aggression. The promotion of such baseless allegations has ever more clearly become a question of their very survival for the Ukrainian authorities. As we have all been able to see for ourselves today, in those efforts they are ruthlessly assisted by our Western colleagues, the sponsors of that same Maidan coup. They have an obvious mutual interest in ensuring that people continue to believe in the fairy tale of Russian aggression, since if the truth should come out, they would be obliged to explain to the international community some extremely inconvenient things, such as, for example, who orchestrated the provocation on the Maidan in February 2014 — which claimed the lives of more than 100 people — when more and more evidence and testimony is coming to light that the protesters were fired on from positions under opposition control. And who was behind the arson in May 2014 of the Trade Union House in Odessa, which took the lives of more than 40 people? The Ukrainian justice system has been in no hurry to investigate those two episodes, aware of the price that the inevitable exposure of the provocative and criminal nature of the events in the Maidan and the actions of its ringleaders and sponsors will bring. Of course, there are other inconvenient episodes as well. Who sanctioned the direct threats and acts of violence targeting residents of Crimea and the decision against the status of the Russian language  — something that was useful for all Ukrainians — actions that provoked the referendum on the status of Crimea and the peninsula’s subsequent reunification with the Russian Federation in full compliance with the right of a people to self-determination, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations? Who unleashed civil war against the Russian-speaking population of eastern Ukraine, dropping bombs and shells on the residents of Donetsk and Luhansk instead of engaging in a dialogue with them on the future of the country, a future that the Maidan leaders had made plans to fundamentally rewrite without consulting the population of those regions? They will have to answer those and other questions sooner or later, and above all they will have to answer to the citizens of Ukraine. We realize that this is difficult and unpleasant. It is far easier to continue to mislead everyone, as Ukraine’s Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Reznikov recently did with such fervour when he once again asserted, contrary to the facts and the data of the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), that 7,000 Russian troops were allegedly present in Donbas. It is far easier to spread falsehoods about the horrors of the so-called occupation of Crimea, even if acknowledging the truth and proving the lies wrong is childishly simple. After all, about a million Ukrainians do it every year when they continue to take their vacations on the peninsula and leave positive reviews on social networks. My German colleague once again lamented dramatically that we apparently do not allow anyone access to the peninsula. I suggest he ask his fellow countrymen, including colleagues from the Bundestag, who frequently travel to Crimea, about that. By the way, both we and the Crimeans have invited him personally to visit Crimea. Perhaps he has been a little overextended lately and would like us to buy him a ticket. If so, he should say it straight out and not beat around the bush. Incidentally, if today we can fairly speak of any kind of occupation, it would be Maidan Ukraine’s occupation of the normal Ukraine, a country that was open and friendly towards us, with shared values and ideals. The Maidan madness and the geopolitical considerations of our Western colleagues have transformed it into a private estate for nationalists, an anti-Russia. And now the people of Donbas are resisting that occupation as they think of their children’s future. So when speaking of occupiers in Donbas, everyone should bear in mind that there are no occupiers there besides the people of Donetsk and Luhansk themselves. Because they have simply always lived there and will continue to live there, and that is the truth, however uncomfortable it may seem. What is also true is the fact that today’s discussion is indeed doing actual harm to many of the people in Donbas. On the eve of today’s meeting, as on the eve of all the other similar meetings, the Ukrainian armed forces intensified their shelling of the suburbs of Donetsk. Some of that was done using weaponry that is explicitly prohibited under the Minsk agreements. A young resident of the village of Aleksandrovka was seriously injured and a number of homes damaged. Despite the sharp increase in the intensity of the shelling, there have been no deaths so far because the residents of Donbas have become accustomed to sudden bursts of shelling by the Ukrainian army. The Kyiv authorities and their Western sponsors have no need whatever for the truth. That is why they are doing everything possible to obstruct the participation of Crimeans and Donbas residents in United Nations- sponsored events. However, silencing the inconvenient truth is becoming increasingly difficult for them. In May 2020, an Arria-formula meeting of the Security Council was held on the situation in Crimea, enabling residents of the peninsula to comment on the claims of politicians who long ago lost any connection to Crimea speaking at a similar meeting to which Crimeans were not invited. In December, residents of Donetsk and Luhansk were able to state their position to the Security Council, though it is true that the Arria- formula meeting they participated in was ignored not only by the Ukrainian delegation but also by countries that claim to be mediators in the settlement of this intra-Ukraine conflict. In this way, Paris and Berlin essentially dropped their masks and clearly showed whose side they are really on. Despite our Western colleagues’ virulent opposition, we will continue to tell the truth about the situation in eastern Ukraine and to debunk insinuations about the situation in Russian Crimea. We have circulated the main proceedings of the meetings I mentioned as official documents of the Security Council. Yesterday we also circulated comments from Donetsk and Luhansk on the statements the participants made at the Security Council meeting convened on 11 February (see S/2021/159) at Russia’s initiative on the situation vis-à-vis the implementation of the Minsk package of measures. That document makes it clear that Kyiv’s commitment to the Minsk agreements is a mere myth that is attractive and convenient to the West but has no relation to reality. Moreover, Ukrainian officials’ own pronouncements testify to that, as President Zelenskyy has so eloquently stated: “The Minsk agreements are necessary not for a settlement but for maintaining sanctions against Russia”. And other senior officials echo him. The aforementioned Mr. Reznikov believes that the agreements expired on 31 December 2015 and has called for persuading Russia to consent to their amendment. Leonid Kravchuk, the head of the Ukrainian delegation to the Minsk Trilateral Contact Group himself, has called the Minsk agreements “a noose around Ukraine’s neck”. That is all for domestic consumption in Ukraine. At the international level, all of them, without blinking an eye and with the support of our Western colleagues, declare that Ukraine is complying with the Minsk agreements and it is Russia that is not, despite the fact that there is not a word about Russia in the agreements. But that bothers no one. Today the representative of Ukraine twice quoted former President Truman of the United States and not once did he mention his country’s obligations under the Minsk agreements. That is very revealing when we consider who is currently calling the shots in Ukraine. The reckless game that Kyiv and its Western colleagues are playing could have the worst possible consequences for Ukraine, and we have given frequent warnings about this. As we all know, the ultimate goal of the Minsk agreements is to bring Donbas back into Ukraine. However, a prerequisite for that is a direct dialogue between Kyiv, Donetsk and Luhansk through the mediation of the OSCE and Russia, and the establishment with them of special status for those regions. Ukraine has rejected any such dialogue right from the start, while the shelling of residential areas, acts of subversion and a blockade of the economy and other infrastructure have continued. Does the Assembly think that in a situation like this the people of Donetsk and Luhansk will want to return to the Ukrainian fold as soon as possible? That is especially so considering that the Maidan’s original sin — an unwillingness to listen to the hopes of the Russian-language population — has not only not been expiated in the past few years but has considerably worsened. A Ukrainian language law punishing Russian speech in public forums was enacted. Nazi henchmen, who among other things helped the fascists in their mass extermination of Jews, are being whitewashed and glorified on an unprecedented scale. They are trampling on freedom of speech and of the media, not to mention Russian television channels, which have long been outlawed in Ukraine. Just a few weeks ago Mr. Zelenskyy shut down three Ukrainian opposition television channels, even though he had recently sworn that he would never do that. All this is largely a consequence of the fact that from the start Kyiv’s Western sponsors, in their geopolitical ambitions, gave it carte blanche to engage in any acts or ventures. To that must be added the country’s horrific economic situation, which gets worse every day thanks to the severing of its normal good-neighbourly and mutually beneficial economic ties to Russia. This leads to the legitimate question as to what incentive or reason Donetsk and Luhansk would have to return to this kind of Ukraine  — a Ukraine that misleads the international community every day, spreads disinformation about them and calls them occupiers of their own land. By holding events such as today’s, Ukraine merely makes the prospect of resolving the problems that concern them ever more distant. It is up to Ukraine alone to solve the problems in eastern Ukraine, and the sooner this is understood in Kyiv the better. Through its past cruel and criminal acts, Kyiv alienated Crimea and Donbas. The Crimeans made their choice and will not return. For the time being, the people of Donetsk and Luhansk have left the door open. If it is to remain open, it is essential for Ukraine to cease its geopolitical games as soon as possible and finally undertake to implement the Minsk agreements, paragraph by paragraph, as they were drafted and signed. There is no other path to a positive outcome for Ukraine. That is why it is so important to support the Minsk agreements and to ensure that they are not revised. In conclusion, I would like to point out that despite all of this, the representatives of Donbas are making every effort to advance a peaceful settlement to the conflict in eastern Ukraine. In particular, in April and May they plan to organize in Minsk — assuming, of course, that it is convenient for their hospitable Belorussian hosts — an academic conference to discuss the course of the implementation of the Minsk agreements. If the Kyiv authorities and their sponsors ignore it, as analysis of their recent conduct might suggest, it would be another missed opportunity to ensure the long-awaited arrival of peace in eastern Ukraine.

Belgium endorses the statement delivered at the outset of this debate by the representative of the European Union and would like to take this opportunity to emphasize the following elements. I would like to begin with the situation in Donbas. We welcome the progress made since the last summit of Heads of State and Government held in the Normandy format on 9 December 2019. We also welcome the ceasefire agreement reached on 27 July 2020. However, we are concerned about the recent spike in ceasefire violations. It is vital that all the parties seek to preserve the progress that has been made and refrain from taking unilateral measures that could provoke renewed tensions. The implementation of the Minsk agreements remains the only way to achieve a lasting political solution, and Russia has a particular responsibility in that regard. We reiterate our full support for the efforts undertaken in the Normandy format and by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The seven years of conflict, exacerbated by the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, have had a disastrous impact on the human rights, humanitarian and socioeconomic situation. We urge all parties to authorize comprehensive, lasting and unimpeded access for international observers and monitoring mechanisms to the various conflict areas. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, it is even more vital to ensure that humanitarian aid continues in accordance with humanitarian principles. We are thinking in particular about the future of the children involved, and we are gravely concerned about the physical and psychological consequences that the conflict is having on them. We call for rigorous respect for their rights, including the right to an education, which is being eroded as a result of the destruction of schools or their use for military purposes. In that context, we are also concerned about the effects of unexploded ordnance and landmines. We call for a redoubling of efforts to delimit and track contaminated areas and conduct mine clearance, especially near schools. With regard to the situation in Crimea, we are still seriously concerned about the continued militarization of the peninsula, which risks further destabilizing the region and exacerbating existing tensions. We call on Russia to guarantee free and unimpeded passage to and from the Sea of Azov, in accordance with international law. We remain fully determined to implement the European policy of non-recognition, including through restrictive measures. We demand the immediate release of all Ukrainian citizens illegally detained and imprisoned in the Crimean peninsula and in Russia, including representatives of the Crimean Tatars. In conclusion, I reaffirm Belgium’s unwavering commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, including its territorial waters. Together with our European partners, we do not recognize the illegal annexation of Crimea by Russia. It constitutes a flagrant violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and undermines the international legal order. That is precisely why it is important that this issue remain at the centre of the attention of the international community.

We have heard the last speaker for this meeting. We shall continue the debate this afternoon at 3 p.m. in this Hall.