A/78/PV.56 General Assembly

Tomorrow, 24 February, will mark the second solemn anniversary of the launch of the Russian Federation’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine, plunging its sovereign neighbour and innocent civilians into terror and suffering. The world bore witness as that fateful day marked the onset of a series of protracted, illegal and flagrant violations of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law. As the representatives of United Nations Member States, gather here today, they can neither be blind to the ongoing destruction and devastation nor ignore the plight of the people of Ukraine. This is especially so because this year also coincides with the tenth anniversary of the 2014 attempted illegal annexation of Crimea and other Ukrainian territories by the Russian Federation. Over the past two years, millions of innocent civilians have been uprooted from their homes and forced to flee in search of safety and shelter. Schools and hospitals, constituting key elements of civilian infrastructure protected from attack under international law, as symbols of hope and healing, today lie in utter and calculated ruin. The United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine has verified disturbing increases in non-combatant casualties; the number of civilian deaths and injuries in January of this year significantly increased and was 37 per cent higher than in November 2023. In the midst of all of this, we must not overlook the specific situation of Ukrainian children, thousands of whom were torn from their families and forcibly deported to Russia, stripped of the warmth and safety of their homes and loved ones. Those innocent children, unlawfully abducted, must be repatriated to Ukraine and reunited with their families at once. We must also be mindful that the impact of this war extends far beyond the borders of Ukraine. The environment, the silent victim of conflict, is threatened by the chemical effluent released from damaged facilities and due to the increased pollution and greenhouse-gas emissions associated with the ongoing fighting. Furthermore, the militarization of the nuclear sites runs the real risk of a nuclear accident, an outcome that would undoubtedly spell a disaster of epic proportions. And ultimately, the war has affected every Member State gathered in the Hall, whether in the form of the soaring food prices or in the context of energy insecurity. Without doubt, this needless war has been a significant catalyst in reshaping world geopolitics and geoeconomics, not only inflicting direct harm on the countries involved, but also impeding the development progress of numerous others, especially developing countries. It is actively undermining the very foundations of our Charter, threatening the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, which we all promised to hold dear and to defend. It has bred and accentuated distrust, instability and unpredictability on a global scale. It has disrupted the delicate balance of international relations at a time when unity, solidarity and cooperation are absolutely crucial to multilateral problem-solving. We are simultaneously grappling with the existential threat of climate change and striving to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals; we cannot afford to let aggression and conflict derail our progress. We must never forget: war stands in direct opposition to the goals we have committed to pursuing. Consequently, the responsibility falls upon each and every one of us to uphold and to defend the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations — our Charter — and, in doing so, to ensure the primacy of, and respect for, the rule of law. That includes heeding the orders of international courts, particularly those rendered by the International Court of Justice in March of last year, in which the Court called on the Russian Federation to immediately suspend its military operations in Ukraine. While the Security Council may be paralysed by division, let us draw strength from the collective voice of the General Assembly, which has condemned the aggression and demanded the immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of Russian military forces from the territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Beyond condemnations, we, the United Nations, must actively work towards a comprehensive, just and sustainable peace in line with the Charter of this Organization. The resolution adopted by the General Assembly a year ago (ES-11/6) provides a road map to achieve that goal. I note with appreciation the international consultations that have taken place in Denmark, Saudi Arabia, Malta and, most recently, in Davos, Switzerland. Those consultations build on the General Assembly’s resolutions and represent crucial steps towards finding a permanent solution to this crisis. We must support all efforts that could open the possibility of a process aimed at resolving this conflict through diplomacy and dialogue, always ensuring that such processes align with the foundational principles of the Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions. As we reflect on the two years of anguish and hardship, let us emerge from this place with a resounding message of solidarity and unwavering support to the resilient people of Ukraine. They have endured unimaginable suffering with dignity, courage and resilience, and they continue to marshal the strong determination to defend their homeland. As the United Nations and the General Assembly, we must stand with them in their quest for justice and peace and, as President, I join members in this clarion call. Let us redouble our efforts to end wars and usher in a future of hope, promise and prosperity for the people of Ukraine and Russia alike, and indeed elsewhere, without exception. Let us use this meeting to reaffirm our commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to the rule of law. Together, we can build a world where not only does peace prevail, but moreover, justice reigns supreme. As announced yesterday through the e-deleGATE portal, I would like to remind all delegations that they are encouraged to limit their statements to no more than five minutes to allow as many delegations as possible to deliver statements at the meeting this morning before continuing on Monday, 26 February. I now call on His Excellency Mr. Dmytro Kuleba, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine.

I am grateful to all Member States that have consistently supported important calls by the General Assembly condemning Russian aggression against Ukraine and urging Moscow to cease hostilities. The Assembly has demonstrated on numerous occasions that the global majority stands on the side of Ukraine, which is effectively the side of the Charter of the United Nations, international law and peace. Over 140 Member States have chosen exactly such a fair stance. That represents roughly three quarters of the membership of the United Nations. If the Assembly could end the war and restore Ukraine’s territorial integrity by adopting a resolution, Ukraine would already be at peace. If Russia had implemented the order of the International Court of Justice of 16 March 2022, we would also already be living in peace. Let me remind members that, among its provisional measures, the Court indicated that the Russian Federation “shall immediately suspend the military operations that it commenced on 24 February 2022 in the territory of Ukraine”. That legally binding decision remains in force today. We can also see that, in these two years, global security has only deteriorated. More and more wars and conflicts are flaring up across the globe. One of the reasons for that is the bleeding wound in the heart of Europe. Unfortunately, Russia ignores the will of the global majority. It continues its aggression and throws more and more men into the flames of war. It persists in killing and maiming Ukrainian soldiers and civilians, as well as brutally violating basic human rights in the occupied territories. Russia cannot ignore the voice of the world majority if we all take a principled stance and act together. The peace formula proposed by President Zelenskyy represents exactly such an opportunity. Members are all aware of the formula’s 10 points. They envisage not only the end of hostilities, but also proposals to strengthen food security, nuclear safety, environmental protection, energy security, international justice, human rights and respect for the Charter of the United Nations. Ukraine has been working tirelessly to mobilize international support for our peace plan. In less than a year, the number of countries and international organizations taking part in peace formula meetings grew from 15 to 82, and I thank every nation and every institution, including the United Nations, for participating. That demonstrates a growing global understanding that the peace formula is the only way forward to a just and lasting peace. Most importantly, countries involved in the process represent all continents and regions of the world. This is not a Western undertaking. This is a truly global initiative based on the Charter of the United Nations and relevant General Assembly resolutions. Ukraine is now actively working with partners to prepare the first global peace summit, which is set to take place in Switzerland. I strongly encourage every Member State present in the Assembly to take an active part in the process and attend the future global peace summit. It will be a real opportunity to agree on a fair and comprehensive vision of peace. Once we have that global and common position, Russia will have no other choice than to engage in the process in good faith. The scale of this war and its global implications are enormous, as is the suffering of Ukrainians. I particularly draw members’ attention to the fate of the thousands of prisoners of war who are still in Russian captivity. They are often mistreated, and Russia obstructs access to them by international monitors. They must be released and exchanged. Human rights violations in the occupied territories include political persecution, arbitrary detentions, torture and sexual abuse, and forced conscription and intentional altering of demographics. Stealing Ukrainian children and taking civilian hostages are some of the most horrible Russian crimes. In our view, the United Nations can  — and should  — be more active and act swiftly to deploy existing instruments and develop new ones when necessary to help bring back Ukrainian children deported to Russia, return civilian captives — the most internationally overlooked vulnerable group  — and prosecute systemic cases of sexual violence committed by Russian soldiers against Ukrainian civilians and servicemen and crimes against the environment. There is literally not a single atrocity listed in the Rome Statute that Russia has not committed in the course of this war. It is not surprising that the Russian President himself is on the International Criminal Court wanted list for stealing Ukrainian children. And with all of that in the background, Russia has the insolence to try to shift the blame and evade responsibility. It spread numerous lies to manipulate public opinion abroad and blame others  — for what? For the war that Moscow started and refuses to end. I therefore call on everyone present in the Assembly and beyond to dismiss Russian lies. They are nothing more than attempts to shift the blame and avoid responsibility. The only reason for this war has been, and remains, Russia’s denial of Ukraine’s right to exist and its continued colonial conquest. Moscow’s aim is to destroy Ukraine, and its officials are quite outspoken about it. No nation in the world wants peace more than Ukraine. Our country suffers the most, but we also know that peace must be just and durable. Simply putting the war on hold and hoping that the aggressor will be merciful enough to eventually choose peace is not a realistic plan. Those who say that Ukraine just needs to negotiate with Russia and end the war are either ill-informed or did not follow what happened between 2014 and 2022. During those eight years, Ukraine and Russia held approximately 200 rounds of peace negotiations, in various formats, and made 20 ceasefire agreements. All of those peace efforts ended two years ago when Russia tore apart the Minsk process and launched its full-scale invasion of my country. Why would anyone suggest today that following the same logic will bring us to a different result? Ukraine’s peace formula remains the only serious peace proposal on the table, and every peace-loving nation in the Assembly  — and I am certain that the absolute majority of members represent peace-loving nations  — can add its diplomatic weight to putting the peace formula into action. If we are serious about restoring peace, not only in Ukraine but also globally, it is time to abandon wishful thinking and to engage in realistic and hard work. The global peace summit offers exactly such a concrete and realistic path to peace. I urge all members to assist us in that undertaking. And I would also like to conclude by saying thank you to every nation that has stood by the people of Ukraine throughout these terrible years. We shall jointly prevail.

I think that for anyone who is capable of an independent, unbiased analysis of the situation, it is obvious that the topic under discussion today at the General Assembly has nothing to do with reality and serves solely to promote a political agenda. The reality is that there are no temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. However, there are Russian regions, such as Crimea, the tenth anniversary of whose reunification we will celebrate in March, and the regions that joined as a result of the legitimate expression of the people’s will: the Donetsk and Luhansk republics, as well as the Kherson and Zaporizhzhya regions. We have heard, and will continue to hear, many lies on the subject today from the representatives of Kyiv and its Western sponsors. Behind that lies a desire not just to distort the facts but to rewrite history in general. The fact is that the truthful, undistorted version of history is extremely inconvenient for our Western colleagues, because then they would have to admit their responsibility for provoking and unleashing the Ukrainian crisis, for years of preparing Ukraine for war with Russia under the pretext of the Minsk agreements, and for nurturing budding nationalism and neo-Nazism in Ukraine, which have come into full bloom there since 2013. Of course our Western colleagues do not want to do any of that. Their interests are served by propagating a black and white narrative in which Russia is the aggressor and Ukraine is the innocent victim. However, the collective West will still have to answer for what has been done to Kyiv as well as for the selective blindness and deafness that it has shown throughout all these years. How can countries that claim to be civilized and democratic not hear, for example, the statements made in 2015 by Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, calling the inhabitants of Donbas subhuman, or the words of incumbent President Zelenskyy in 2021, who called them creatures and beings? Those who are in possession of the facts regarding Kyiv’s actions and are not trying to replace reality with propaganda do not have any doubts regarding the reasons behind the incorporation of new subjects into the Russian Federation. It was a natural consequence of the policy of exterminating its own population that was carried out by the neo-Nazi regime, which came to power in 2014 as a result of the bloody coup, organized, sponsored and openly supported by the West. Having always felt an unbreakable historical and cultural bond to Russia, the citizens living in the south-east of Ukraine did not want to submit to those new, illegitimate authorities, which demanded that they renounce their own cultural and historical identity and glorify Hitler’s accomplices, who were responsible for the mass murder of Jews, Russians, Poles and Ukrainians during the Second World War. Then the post-Maidan radical nationalists began to ignore the fundamental rights and freedoms of their own fellow citizens and began persecuting undesirable populations on ethnic, linguistic and religious grounds. They imposed a financial and social blockade on the inhabitants of Donbas, stopped paying social benefits and pensions and deprived them of health-care services. Almost every year, new laws were adopted that made the situation of Donbas’s population worse and worse. Throughout eight years, they were methodically shelled, maimed and killed with impunity. It would take a long time to list all the inhuman crimes of the Ukrainian punitive battalions against innocent people, but I would like just to recall the tragedy in the Odessa Trade Union House when 48 people were killed. Forty-two were burned alive, and those who managed to jump out of the windows of the burning building were shot to death. I will also recall the death of the “Madonna of Gorlovka” during shelling in 2014. Images of the mutilated body of a young woman clutching her 10-month-old daughter to her chest flew around the world and became a symbol of the inhuman policies of the new authorities in Kyiv. However, they went unnoticed by Western patrons of the Banderite neo-Nazis, and there are hundreds of such examples. Crimea was luckier: almost immediately after the coup, having rightly assessed the true nature and the true face of the new authorities, Crimeans made a choice in favour of returning to their historical homeland in accordance with the right to self-determination, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Further events confirmed that that was the right choice. After the special military operation had begun in order to stop the eight-year war of the Kyiv regime against the civilians of Donbas, four other former Ukrainian regions made the same decision as Crimea. That turn of events is extremely inconvenient for Ukraine. After all, the stories about Ukrainian citizens being afraid of Russian armed forces, stories that they will face a real guerrilla war, are completely debunked by irrefutable facts testifying to the contrary. The people of the liberated towns are greeting Russian soldiers as liberators. They are thankful that Russia has not abandoned them. We have just seen how civilians rejoiced at the arrival of our soldiers in liberated Avdiivka, where over nine years Ukrainian Nazis created a super-fortified line from which they methodically shelled Donetsk a few kilometres away. Before the start of the special military operation a real thorn in the side of the Kyiv regime were the messages posted by its own citizens, 1 million of whom vacationed each year in Russian Crimea and published glowing reviews online. The representative of Kyiv of course failed to say in his statement that the Crimean peninsula was a completely abandoned region when it was part of Ukraine. Its infrastructure was neglected and its socioeconomic problems were addressed as an afterthought and in piecemeal fashion. Over the past 10 years, however, Crimea has been transformed. Socioeconomic projects are being implemented in the areas of health care, culture and education. Real salaries in the public sector are growing, along with pensions and benefits. Thermal power plants have been put into operation. Gas pipelines and transportation infrastructure are being actively built. The rather acute issue of water supply, which was caused by the neo- Nazis who organized the water blockade of Crimea, was also resolved. Two years ago. the dam built by Ukraine to block water was finally removed. Vast amounts of work has been done to increase the region’s investment prospects and its attractiveness to tourism. I would like to particularly address the issue of the rights and freedoms of all national minorities living in Crimea. In recent years, Kyiv has been telling horror stories about Russia’s alleged infringement on the rights of Crimean Tatars and the erasure of their identity. However, the recent decision of the International Court of Justice on Ukraine’s claim under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination fully demonstrated the invalidity of those claims. What is more, the Court found no signs of racial discrimination in Russian legislation and its application in practice. It also rejected the false accusations of discrimination against Crimean Tatars and Ukrainians with regard to their access to media, education and cultural opportunities in their own languages. The following fact, which came to light during the trial, is very telling: Kyiv tried to accuse Russia of destroying Crimea’s cultural heritage. However, it was established that our State was actually engaged in a large-scale and expensive restoration project meant to rebuild historical monuments that had fallen into disrepair and begun to deteriorate while Crimea was part of Ukraine. Projects are also being implemented in Novorossiya and Donbas to revitalize those regions and incorporate them into the unified legal and socioeconomic framework of the country. Industry, agriculture and infrastructure are being restored. The goal is to ensure that those regions match the Russian national average in key areas that determine the quality of life by 2030. Most important, our new citizens are themselves enthusiastically participating in those processes, and they see their future as part of Russia. If we look at everything that has taken place over the past 10 years, the question that of course arises is, could this all have been avoided? Russia did not start this war. It came to finally put an end to it. All the Kyiv authorities had to do was to respect people’s rights, let them live in peace in their own territory, study in their own language, enjoy the freedom of religion and the freedom to have a point of view that is different from the imposed one, to not shy away from direct dialogue with dissenters, but rather to make the necessary efforts to ensure a decent future for them as part of Ukraine. And, by the way, that is exactly what was promised before the presidential elections in 2019 by the candidate Zelenskyy. Two thirds of voters eventually ended up voting for him. However, once in power, he forgot about all his promises and let himself be drawn into the Western geopolitical game against Russia, and the chance for peace was lost. Many people ask us what can we do now? What can bring peace back to Ukraine? We have said many times that, to do that, the goals of our special military operation formulated following eight years of Ukraine’s post-Maidan development must be met. We are ready to achieve those via negotiations and have never refused to engage in them. Unlike the Kyiv regime, which at the instigation of its Western puppetmasters, led by Boris Johnson, refused to engage in dialogue with us and to sign the agreement already initialled in Istanbul, Türkiye, in April 2022, instead passing a law prohibiting any negotiations with Russia, and condemned tens of thousands of poor young, and not so young, Ukrainians to die in the fire and meat grinder of this war — they were offered as a bloody sacrifice to the god of war. One should not waste time on Kyiv’s futile plans to negotiate on the basis of Zelenskyy’s so-called peace formula. It is nothing other than an ultimatum to Russia and an attempt to lure as many countries as possible into endless meetings on this utopian project at any price possible. That fabrication is already clear to many of those who at first unwittingly found themselves drawn into Kyiv’s deceitful scheme. Even if there are no real negotiations based on a genuine assessment of the situation on the ground, the goals of the special military operation will still be achieved. Eighty years ago, on 22 February 1944, an order was issued to award a mortar platoon commander, Junior Lieutenant Semyon Ivanovich Zelenskyy, the order of the Red Star for the valour and courage he displayed during the liberation of Ukraine from the German Nazis. He had yet to turn 20 years old. If he were alive today and wanted to honour the memory of his fellow soldiers he would be arrested, possibly beaten and thrown into the prisons of the Ukrainian Security Service, where he would be tortured to death, as happened to the American journalist Gonzalo Lira. That is the regime that was established in Ukraine by his grandson Volodymyr, who today honours as heroes the Nazi criminals and collaborators who killed hundreds of thousands of Jews, Poles, Russians and Ukrainians during that war. And today, those who fought alongside us against the Nazis 80 years ago are today trying to save the Kyiv regime. It is no coincidence that the entire Western camp, and not only Germany, Italy and Japan, which lost in the Second World War, are today opposing the condemnation of Nazis in the General Assembly, while those who fought as part of Schutzstaffel are being extolled in the Parliament of Canada. By the way, today is a holiday in Russia where we honour the defenders of our fatherland: all the veterans, our fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers who sacrificed their lives defending our homeland. Thanks to their heroic feats and bravery, our nation defeated Nazism 80 years ago, and will defeat it now too. Happy holiday, dear defenders, our cause is just. And we will prevail.

I now call on the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg.

I must tell say that to speak after the representative of the Russian Federation is not an easy task. I have come here as I always do, and when I speak they leave. They take the floor but then there is an empty chair, so it is difficult to have a dialogue. I am one of the rare Heads of State and Government that had contact with both President Putin and President Zelenskyy at the beginning of the conflict. I did that because, in order to have a dialogue you need to listen to people. And even though it might surprise some people that I had President Putin’s ear, I also had President Zelenskyy’s ear, of course. But after listening and making commitments there have to be results. On the Russian side I saw that the will to end the war was the last of their priorities. Soon after talks, at which I was told there was a desire for peace, the events in Bucha and Irpin proved that that was not what they wanted. Today, therefore, members are here not to celebrate, because celebrations are for happy things, but simply to show that we are on Ukraine’s side. Why is the matter such a sensitive one for me? I had a Russian grandmother and a Polish and Jewish grandfather. When the representative of Russia says from this rostrum that there are Nazis in Kyiv, believe me that there are no more Nazis in Kyiv than there are in Moscow or in Saint Petersburg. It is shameful to maintain that the Ukrainian regime, that Kyiv, supports Nazis and that Ukraine is allegedly full of Nazis, and actually to try, today, to rewrite history by saying that they are protecting Russia from Nazis as they did during the Second World War. It does those Russian fighters who died during the Second World War a disservice and, worse than that, dishonours them. Comparing that which is comparable is not a unilateral attack. Russia is a great country, and the matter is very sensitive for me and something close to my heart. There are those that would divide us in Europe. There are those that would divide us the world over. Russia has its supporters. I must say, I asked President Putin, when we were talking, are his best friends in Pyongyang, in Syria and in Iran? That shows Russia’s isolation compared to before. The Russia that after years of communism came out and sought partnerships and enjoyed cultural, economic and friendly relations with other countries today is isolated. As I said at the recent meeting held in Skopje, with our colleague whom I welcome here today, I told the representative of the Russian Federation: in politics, starting a war is not a great achievement, ending one is, as is knowing when it is time for a politician to acknowledge a mistake. Today we face violations of the very foundations of the Assembly. Here, members have just heard a statement that shows that everything we know is rejected in the version of the Russian side, which does not correspond to reality. History cannot be rewritten. Instead of simply acknowledging a mistake, the Russian representative said that they are defending the Russian people, that today they want to defend Europe against the Nazis in Ukraine. But the result is that today Ukraine’s neighbours tremble. Those neighbours, whether the Baltic countries or Poland, Romania, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia, are countries that are afraid of the Russian aggressor and that no longer can sleep at night knowing that Russia has become an unpredictable country, a dangerous country, a country that does not respect any kind of law that one would want to see respected; something that is very important for us. The Russian Ambassador said that it was important to regain those Russian territories. But borders are not made in a nightmare or a dream of redefined frontiers. International law ensures that borders are predetermined, and one does not decide to redefine the size of one’s country because one is bigger or stronger, able to take something from someone. I have known this in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. I come from a country that had a larger, stronger neighbour — Germany. Today Germany is my partner. Germany is my friend. Germany is my neighbour. With Germany we build together. They should understand what they are doing right now. I spoke with Mr. Putin several times. Speaking frankly I said, when he understands that he made a mistake and is ready to come to the table, he can tell me and I will let others know. But he must acknowledge the mistakes he has made and stop killing generations, depriving children of education, because today children can no longer have a normal education. And what will he say to those Russian women, those Russian children, those Russian mothers whose children he has sent to the slaughterhouse, just because of a mistake he made. How will he explain that in the history books? Once more, will that be something kept out of the news in Russia, because it makes someone uncomfortable? The matter of impunity is something else that must not be forgotten. One cannot attack someone and say nothing will happen afterwards. They know that their support today is weakening, diminished. Ukraine is a country that is under attack. Who is the attacker? It is Russia. We will continue to support Ukraine. We will continue to support the colleagues who today are the victims of their aggression. But understand one thing about the Ukrainians  — as I saw when I was there, and as members can see for themselves in Ukraine — Ukrainians are strong. Many of us thought that Ukraine would last three or four days and it would be over, that Russia would overpower it. Ukrainians are fighting, but they are not only fighting for themselves. They are also fighting for us.

I now call on the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign and European Affairs of the Republic of Slovenia.

We are currently marking the second anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and almost 10 years since the destabilization of the region began with the annexation of the Crimean peninsula. Those anniversaries are an opportunity to recap what the United Nations and its Member States can do in order to stabilize the region and bring just and lasting peace to Ukraine. There have been many discussions about what can be done and what should be done in that respect. Allow me to present Slovenia’s position in a few points. First, peace. Peace should come to Ukraine. It may seem impossible at times but it will happen. What we can do to expedite it is support the peace process that is taking shape under Ukraine’s peace formula. Russia needs to do its part. Russia must stop the aggression and immediately and unconditionally withdraw from the territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Its war, rhetoric and threats need to cease. Another important step towards peace and how we can aid Ukraine is to support global and regional initiatives aimed at providing a stable foothold for its reconstruction and environmental recovery. Slovenia is gravely concerned by the existing environmental impact of the war and dreads other potential impacts. All members can continue to support the International Atomic Energy Agency and its efforts to prevent a nuclear accident in Ukraine. Secondly, international humanitarian law should — and must — be respected. With all the ruined homes, hospitals and schools, and with month-on-month increases in civilian casualties, such respect is obviously not currently the case. If lasting peace is to come to Ukraine, accountability needs to be assured. What we can do in that respect is to lay the groundwork for justice to be served in the future. We can support the strengthening of the international legal framework and assist in the establishment of the special tribunal on the crime of aggression against Ukraine. The recently signed Ljubljana-The Hague Convention is an important complementary mechanism that responds to violations by fighting impunity and promoting accountability for the most serious international crimes. Thirdly, the humanitarian situation should be addressed. We are witnessing the largest humanitarian crisis in Europe since the Second World War. An estimated 14.6 million Ukrainians will need humanitarian assistance in 2024, and we should ensure that it reaches as many as possible, especially in the light of increasing needs in other crisis areas around the world, such as Gaza. Slovenia will do its part. At the same time, 30 per cent of Ukraine is contaminated with land mines, the highest proportion of any country in the world. We see humanitarian demining as a vital step towards the normalization and economic recovery of the country. Let me conclude with the following: there is no room for double standards. No one should ignore violations of international law, neither in Ukraine nor in Gaza. We will not allow undermining of international organizations. We will not allow undermining of our institutions. We demand respect for international humanitarian law and human rights law across the board by everyone, everywhere and at all times.

I now call on the Minister of National Defence of Portugal.

I welcome the opportunity to address the General Assembly on the situation of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. It has now been 10 years since Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and two years since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. More than 700 days of death and destruction have passed. More than 700 days of a war that has taken its toll on innocent civilians, with a disproportionate burden inflicted on women, children and the elderly. More than 700 days of human suffering, death, injury, displacement, loss of critical infrastructure, reduced access to health care and education, and curtailment of human rights and fundamental freedoms. On this sombre day, we cannot and will not fail to reiterate our resolute and unwavering condemnation of Russia’s unprovoked, illegal and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine, which constitutes a blatant violation of international law for which it must be held fully accountable. From the outset, Portugal has been unequivocal about where we stand: side by side with Ukraine in the defence of rules, principles and values that should guide us all. Rules, principles and values that are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. We are part of the overwhelming majority of the membership of the General Assembly, which has adopted six resolutions condemning the invasion and calling for the end of Russia’s war of aggression. Our support is comprehensive, whether on the political, financial, humanitarian or military level. We will continue to assist the brave Ukrainian armed forces in exercising their legitimate right to self-defence against an illegal aggression. We have welcomed nearly 6,000 refugees in Portugal, while focusing on reconstruction efforts such as in the case of the public school system of the Ukrainian city of Zhytomyr. This discussion is not just about Ukraine. It is about upholding respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States. We cannot remain on the sidelines while the most fundamental principles of the international legal and security order are blatantly disregarded. No member can feel safe until this war ends. That can happen only with a comprehensive and just solution that is in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and in line with Ukraine’s peace formula. Let us recall that any such solution cannot fail to consider the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas since 2014. Allow me to be very clear: we do not recognize those attempts at illegal annexation. Crimea, Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhya and Kherson are part of Ukraine. The report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine dated last October provides us with an appalling picture of the situation in terms of human rights and highlights the many cases of torture and violence, including sexual violence, perpetrated against civilians, with a disproportionate impact on women, children and older persons. That is why we support every action being taken by the International Criminal Court to hold accountable those responsible for atrocities and to ensure justice for all the victims. Portugal also participates in the core group for accountability on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and supports the Council of Europe’s Register of Damage. The humanitarian crisis caused by this war has to end. When I visited Kyiv in February 2023, on the first anniversary of the Russian invasion, it was impossible to remain indifferent to the bravery of a people besieged by an unscrupulous aggressor. That bravery was only matched in the unshakable confidence of a nation determined to defeat a brutal and unjustified invasion. The remarkable resilience of Ukrainian men and women and their will to prevail are an inspiration to the world and a lesson to the aggressor. Yet the impacts of the war are not confined to Europe. Russia’s aggression has a direct effect on the global food, energy and financial crisis, with severe impacts for the most vulnerable countries. The role of the Secretary-General in mitigating those effects has proven invaluable. The situation cannot be tolerated, and we will continue to support all collective efforts in that regard. We know that other pressing crises around the world require our attention and our action, and we need to be coherent and therefore we cannot fail the people of Ukraine. So together, united, we must remain unwavering in our support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of North Macedonia.

I welcome the opportunity to address the General Assembly on this important occasion, as we mark two years of Russia’s full-scale invasion of its neighbour; two years of a war of aggression in Europe in the twenty-first century; two years of Russia’s continued attempt to influence, interfere and disrupt democracies and democratic processes across Europe; and two full years of death, destruction and human suffering. I urge Russia once again to end this senseless war and withdraw its troops from the sovereign territory of Ukraine. Russia violated the basic principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations and launched a fully-fledged war of aggression against Ukraine, a United Nations Member State and a peaceful neighbour. We condemn and reject the attempted illegal annexation by Russia of Ukraine’s territories, as we have witnessed since 2014, with the occupation of Crimea and Sevastopol. Furthermore, Russia has committed a wide range of violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law, which have been documented by international monitoring mechanisms that have alleged war crimes. North Macedonia is also strongly concerned about and condemns Russia’s unlawful deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia and Belarus, and calls for their safe return. The war of aggression against Ukraine stands in stark contrast to our shared commitment to peace, human rights and fundamental freedoms, shaking the foundations of Europe’s security. The war has changed our way of life and challenged the very essence of the word freedom. Along with our strong condemnations of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, we simultaneously condemn Russia’s continued attempts to interfere, influence and disrupt democracies and democratic processes across Europe. While we are witnessing a full-scale war against Ukraine, in parallel we are observing ongoing hybrid threats across Europe’s regions, including in the Balkans also. The hybrid nature of Russia’s hostile campaigns beyond Ukraine differs from region to region, but the pattern and the expected end results are identical: instability and chaos. Russia, through its well-known hybrid methods, is present in every pore of society. In North Macedonia and across our region, in the heart of Europe, we feel the adversity and the negative effects of that strategic influence. The security risks for Europe are imminent. There is a clear, lingering threat to the whole of Europe. And we must say no to Russia’s hostile campaign. Our response is defining our own future trajectory. Our response is clear: no to Russia; yes to Europe, strong, united and integrated. Our shared no to Russia has to be loud, resolute and consistent. It is our duty to expose Russia in multilateral forums and to keep insisting on moral, legal and political accountability; to disarm and dismantle the system of disinformation and false narratives; and to separate good from bad, truth from lies, right from wrong. Our country belongs and stands side-by- side with the rest of the free world that believes in the ideals of peace, liberty and democracy, fully aware and cognizant of the ultimate value and importance of our differences. North Macedonia is a functional multiethnic democracy, resting on solid foundations. Our past and present speak of a resilient society, capable of withstanding different trials and challenges. We must say no to Russia for the sake of the new generations, so they can live in peace, free from the fear of war and the distressing sense of insecurity, that the destiny of the Ukrainian people could one day be their own. We reiterate the importance of investigating war crimes in the territory of Ukraine. And North Macedonia will continue to engage in the work of the core group investigating options for the establishment of a tribunal on the crime of aggression against Ukraine. The discussion in the Assembly is not only about Ukraine, but about each and every country present in the General Assembly. It is about respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States that rely on the norms and principles of international law and observe the Charter of the United Nations. It is about our shared democratic values and interests. It is about the sovereign right of each State to choose its future. It is about the sovereign right of each State to defend itself against aggression. The Russian Federation, a permanent member of the Security Council, violated those fundamental principles, cherished by all and agreed upon by all. I call on members to stand united and support Ukraine.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Croatia.

After two long and painful years, Russia is still conducting its brutal military aggression against Ukraine. Such a flagrant breach of international law and the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations is an affront to the fundamental values of peace, security and respect for the sovereignty of all nations. That aggression brings us to the brink of breaking the global system as a whole, endangering the ideas of freedom, sovereignty and independence. We call on Russia to cease all combat operations and withdraw its troops from Ukraine. We regret the tremendous loss of all lives resulting from Russia’s senseless war, and reaffirm our steadfast support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. The much-desired peace can be lasting only if it is just. For peace to be just, it has to be anchored in accountability. For that reason, accountability for crimes committed in Ukraine must be upheld, not only because it provides justice to the victims, but also because it helps to prevent future atrocities. With that in mind, Croatia supports efforts to promote accountability for international crimes committed in and against Ukraine in all relevant multilateral forums, including the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice. We have stood by Ukraine and its people from day one. We have provided aid, and over 25,000 Ukrainians have found temporary protection in Croatia. Croatia itself was a victim of aggression and has experienced war on its soil. Following our own painful experience, today we not only understand, but strongly support and participate in all initiatives aimed at relieving the suffering of the Ukrainian population, especially the weakest and the most vulnerable. Besides the energy crisis, one of the most dramatic effects of Russian aggression is the threat of a food shortage looming over large parts of the world. Ukraine needs our collective support in its demining efforts. Croatia, itself with vast experience in demining its own territory, will remain committed to national and international actions in addressing the security and humanitarian concerns posed by those weapons and their indiscriminate use. Landmines in Ukraine are not just a Ukrainian or a European problem; just like the current war, they have a global impact. Much of the world’s most fertile land will remain contaminated by them for decades to come. In that regard, the global food supply, and with it our global security, will remain hindered and disrupted. In that vein, Croatia hosted the first-ever High-level International Donors’ Conference on Humanitarian Demining in Ukraine in October 2023 in Zagreb. Co-organized by the Governments of Croatia and Ukraine, the Conference confirmed the support for Ukraine’s demining efforts of 34 participating countries, which pledged half a billion euros overall. Croatia will continue to support Ukraine. The aggression against Ukraine concerns us all, in all corners of the world. Our collective efforts to achieve just and lasting peace in Ukraine must be redoubled. I assure you, Mr. President, of Croatia’s unwavering commitment to that common task.

I now call on the Head of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs of Switzerland.

On 24 February 2022, two years ago, we woke up, in Switzerland and across Europe, to a nightmare. The distant spectre of war had suddenly materialized before our very eyes. All the precautions taken over 75 years to prevent a repetition of the tragedies of the twentieth century suddenly seemed futile. Neither multilateralism nor public international law seemed capable of withstanding military force. After the initial shock and after the disbelief at such horrific images, we began to wonder: how was it possible? In the meantime, thousands of lives have been lost, millions of people have been displaced, and countless families have been torn apart by those tragic events. Today I would like to reiterate our full solidarity with the Ukrainian people who are going through that catastrophe. It is certainly counterproductive to simply feel sorry for them or to feel powerless. I am firmly convinced that we must find the determination to act, to revitalize the tools at our disposal, with the aim of putting an end to the flagrant violations of international law and human rights. Here at Headquarters, we have a duty to respect the mandate given by the Assembly: to ensure that the peoples of nations have the right to live in peace. That means restoring peace and justice to Ukraine. The road to peace fits in one hand, in our Charter. One can hold it in one hand. Sovereign equality between States; respect for territorial integrity; prohibition of the use of force — that is all. It is as simple as that. It is all there in that fundamental text, the guarantor of our universal values and the multilateral order. The Assembly has always stayed the course. That was the case of the resolution (ES-11/6) for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, adopted in this Hall on 23 February 2023 by a large majority of Member States. And yet we have to admit it, the Ukrainian horizon remains blocked despite our unity in this Hall. On the road to peace, we have not yet found unity. Switzerland is determined to make its contribution; determined not only to contribute to peace, but also to protect civilians who are vulnerable to the devastating effects of war. We will relentlessly persevere in our commitment to ensuring respect for the Geneva Conventions, which have been the pillars of international humanitarian law since 1864, and for which, as members are aware, Switzerland is the guarantor. Exactly 160 years ago, the First Convention, on international humanitarian law, was signed in Geneva, and exactly 75 years ago, the Fourth Convention was signed. The anniversary today should give us pause for thought. After 160 years, we still have not really learned. Finding a realistic path to peace in Ukraine remains a key objective for my country. At Ukraine’s request, we intend to organize by the summer a high-level conference on peace in Ukraine. I would therefore like to take the opportunity available to me today to invite all nations, all here, from North to South, from East to West, to work together towards our common goal, namely, to find common ground for peace in Ukraine and to return to the path mapped out by the Charter. Let us remain “United Nations” and not allow ourselves to be drawn into the spiral of military force or the temptation of power that transforms us into “disunited Powers”.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Poland.

On 21 February 2022, three days before the Russian invasion on Ukraine, Kenya’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Martin Kimani, spoke in the Security Council. In his short but remarkable speech, the Ambassador talked about African countries’ borders, inherited from the colonial empires, drawn with no regard for the existing nations and cultures. It certainly did not make life any easier for the inhabitants of those States. They could look backwards and pursue racial, ethnic or religious homogeneity and plunge into long- lasting conflicts, but they took a different path. Let me quote Ambassador Kimani: “we agreed that we would settle for the borders that we inherited, but we would still pursue continental, political, economic and legal integration; “[w]e chose to follow the rules of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations Charter, not because our borders satisfied us but because we wanted something greater forged in peace.” (S/PV.8970, pp. 8-9) I remain grateful for those inspiring remarks. The courageous vision of the Kenyan Ambassador contrasts starkly with the path chosen by the Russian Federation. Despite being a permanent member of the Security Council, Russia has repeatedly violated the Charter of the United Nations. It is trying to crush a sovereign State and exterminate its cultural identity. It shocked the world with brutality unseen for decades. We will never forget the atrocities committed in Bucha, Mariupol or Kramatorsk. It decided to block the transport of grain and to use food as a weapon, even though the number of people suffering from hunger is growing at an alarming rate. Today, on the eve of the second anniversary of the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the Kremlin shows no intention of changing its course, quite the reverse. The aggression resonates globally, causing economic turbulence that affects us all. Two years ago, the General Assembly adopted a resolution (ES- 11/1) in which it condemned Russia’s violation of Ukraine’s territorial integrity. It demanded that Russia immediately, completely and unconditionally withdraw all of its military forces from Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. One hundred and forty-one Members of the United Nations stood up for Ukraine and against the breach of the international order. As we expressed our position clearly and reiterated it on several other occasions in the General Assembly, we committed ourselves to support the victim. We must fulfil that commitment. We must restore the world based on the principles of the sovereignty of nations, the inviolability of borders and respect for personal freedoms. We must hold the perpetrators and their accomplices accountable for their crimes. Only our resolve can deter the neo-imperial delusions that may arise in any part of the world. We need to stay the course until Mr. Putin understands that the days of European imperialism are gone, for good.

I now call on the Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Lord David Cameron (United Kingdom): Today I want to cover three points. First, the history. Two years ago, Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. But let us go back a little further. In 2008, I visited Tbilisi in Georgia shortly after Russian forces invaded South Ossetia. I said then that, if we did not stand up to Putin, he would be back for more. In 2014, I was Prime Minister as his “little green men” seized control of Crimea. I said again that, if we did not stand up to Putin, he would be back for more. Now, having tried and failed to conquer all of Ukraine, the lesson of that history is clear: if we do not stand up to Putin, he will be back for more. As compared to 2008 and 2014, I believe the world has started properly to wake up to Putin’s menace. Yet here is the tragedy of it all. Prior to 2014, did Ukraine pose a threat to Russia? No. Did Russia object to the formation of the Ukrainian State in 1991? No. Did it in 1994, when signing the Budapest Memorandum? No. In fact, Russia pledged never to use force against Ukraine. If the Ukrainian State was such a threat to Russian- speaking residents, why did every region of Ukraine vote for independence, Crimea and Donbas included? Cut through ludicrous accusations of Nazism, against a State with a Jewish President, and what are you left with? Nothing but the ahistorical claim that Ukraine’s very existence is anti-Russian, a claim which runs contrary to the principle of self-determination, one of the foundations of the United Nations. Putin tries to claim that Russia is fighting not against Ukraine but against the whole of the West. He claims we are somehow out to dismember Russia. That is the central lie of this war. The truth is we, myself included, spent years trying to build a new relationship with Moscow after the end of the Cold War. We did that because we profoundly believe that a secure, stable Russia, at peace with its neighbours, is in our interests and the world’s. It is a tragedy that Putin prefers to hark back to the ninth century to justify aggression, rather than taking up this offer of a different path. Turning to the consequences of all this, the scenes in territories liberated from Russia defy belief. Take Bucha. As has just been said: mutilated bodies of civilians with hands bound, shot at close range; a children’s centre turned into a torture chamber; the rape of teenage girls; disturbing radio intercepts of Russian soldiers referring to that as cleansing. Or consider places still held by Russia: business gone; independent media quashed; the rights of minorities, such as the Crimean Tartars, denied; sinister re-education centres; forcible deportations, with children torn from their parents to be raised as Russians; Ukrainians forced to accept Russian passports, or drafted to fight for Putin; citizens forced to vote in sham referendums and now, outrageously, Russian Presidential elections held on Ukrainian territory; Crimea in particular, now far more dependent on Moscow for budgetary support than it ever was on Kyiv — invasion has brought those regions neither peace nor prosperity. And neither has Putin’s gambit benefited Russians. No Russian soldier had died fighting Ukraine before 2014. Now they have suffered over 300,000 casualties. Moreover, since the invasion, Russia has suffered its first attempted coup in over three decades, and its first debt default for over a century. Neither has the rest of the world been spared the consequences of the war. Rising energy and food costs have fuelled inflation. That has had consequences, especially for the world’s poorest. That leads to my final point: why we must stay strong. Two years on, I recognize some want to rethink. There is a sense of fatigue. There are other problems. A compromise might seem attractive. But that is wrong. We must recognize the cost of giving up. Putin has said there will be no peace until Russia’s goals are achieved. In his recent interview, he studiously avoided confirming he was satisfied with the land seized from Ukraine at present. That is not a man seeking compromise. Rather, that is a neo-imperialist bully who believes that might is right. And an unjust peace now merely invites a return to fighting in Ukraine when it suits him. But ultimately we must stay strong not only for the sake of Ukraine. Yes, Ukraine has been wronged. Yes, we admire their decision to pursue a democratic path and fight for their right to do so. But crucially, we also know that that matters to all of us. If Putin were to eke out some kind of win, the rest of the world would suffer too. What starts in Ukraine would not end there. Putin could easily apply his distortions of history elsewhere, such as the Republic of Moldova or the Baltic States, and others will be emboldened to turn to fighting when it suits them. No country with a large, aggressive neighbour would be safe. That leads to the other great lie. Russia poses as a friend to those who feel cut out by the international system, but it has shown no interest in changes to make it fairer, such as Security Council reform. It does virtually nothing to support the key funds to back the poorest in our world, such as the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization or the Global Fund or the International Development Association under the World Bank. Its actions in Ukraine are so brazen that they threaten the system itself. Therefore, yes, we should stand by Ukraine. But not just for Ukraine. Not just for Europe. But for the world and a simple principle: the security of borders, the sanctity of nations, the principle of self-determination. Ukraine’s fight is our fight, the world’s fight, and the world must stay strong.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Lithuania.

Tomorrow we will mark two years since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In fact, Russia’s aggression against Ukraine began a decade ago with Russia’s occupation and illegal annexation of Crimea, the city of Sevastopol and the destabilization of Ukraine’s Donbas region. We failed to stop Russia back then, and we can see where it brought us. Russia will not stop, unless it is stopped. This genocidal war has many objectives: to erase Ukraine as a sovereign country and proud nation from the European map, to threaten European security and to undermine the rules-based international order. The impact of Russia’s aggression reaches countries far beyond Ukrainian borders. We have seen how energy prices, food security and migration are instrumentalized by Russia and its accomplice, Belarus. We have seen how Russia’s disruption of Ukraine’s exports through Black Sea ports impacted vulnerable populations globally. It is a global issue, not only a European war. If Russia is allowed to continue unabated in Ukraine today, its war will very soon creep into everyone else’s backyard. Rogue players across the world will feel emboldened to settle their own issues their own way. Ukraine must receive all possible military, diplomatic and economic support. Russia and Belarus must face isolation for their contempt for the very core principles on which the United Nations bases its existence. This is the most serious threat to global peace and to the integrity of the entire United Nations system. If Russia is allowed to continue violating international law with no accountability, including for its crime of aggression, I do not see how we can still sit here in this Hall and discuss other issues of today or the future. I do not know what the future would hold if we closed our eyes to the genocidal assault by the Russian Federation on Ukrainian children, their illegal deportation to Russia and Belarus and their forced separation from families, aimed at erasing their Ukrainian identity. As Russian troops continue attacking Ukraine in several directions, as we receive more new evidence of Ukrainian war prisoners being executed by Russian occupying forces, as Russia organizes its presidential elections in the territories of Ukraine that it occupies, Russian representatives continue exploiting and testing the limits of the international system and continue being elected to governing bodies and positions at international organizations. That is not the way it should be. Today’s Russia is driven by revanchism and the neocolonial expansionist instincts of the last unreconstructed empire. The Kremlin is not interested in peace unless it can dictate its terms. If anyone still had doubts regarding what Russia is capable of, the tragic fate of Alexei Navalny in a Russian prison serves as yet another sobering illustration of the ruthless suppression of dissent and of the alarming pace at which Russia continues its descent into totalitarianism. The body of Alexei must be released to his family without any further delay and any additional conditions. Russia must immediately halt its persecution of political figures, release political prisoners and cease the exploitation of the judicial system for political purposes. The Kremlin, renowned for its persistent dissemination of a distorted historical narrative, recently stepped up its actions by including a number of Baltic and Polish officials in a so-called list of wanted criminals. Those officials have become targets owing to their outspoken opposition to Russia’s historic revisionism. Russia must stop such activities. Ukraine has proposed a clear path to peace: the 10-point peace formula. We urge all nations to support that initiative and not to fall into the trap of so-called peace plans whose only aim is to make Ukraine succumb to the aggressor’s agenda. Lastly, let me express an honest hope, that the majority of nations gathered in the Hall share the imperative to collectively uphold the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, reaffirming our unwavering commitment to the victory of the just, not the aggressor. An end to this war is possible, but genuine peace cannot be attained through Russian deceit. The only real path to an enduring peace is through Ukraine’s victory and Russia’s defeat.

I now call on the Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany.

“I am afraid the world will forget about us, because everyone is so focused on Russia’s war and the violence in the Middle East.” That is what a woman my age in Gorom, South Sudan, told me. That woman had fled the violence in the Sudan with only a small bag of belongings, carrying her child on her hip. Her words have not left me since. And I know that they ring true for countless women, children and men around the world who go to bed hungry, who suffer violence. As I stand here, I say to them directly: we have not forgotten about you. The fact that Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine has been raging for two years does not mean we do not see the suffering of others. A schoolgirl deported from the eastern territory of Ukraine, torn away from her mother, is a child who suffers. A toddler in Gaza who has lost his parents is a child who suffers. A boy in the Sudan who is hungry is a child who suffers. Every life matters in equal measure. Humanity is indivisible. Therefore, the worst thing we could do now is to play off one person’s pain against another’s. We would only play into the hands of those who seek to divide us in order to further their ruthless agenda in the world. That is why it was nothing short of cynical when, at the Group of 20 meeting in Rio de Janeiro, just two days ago, the Russian Foreign Minister openly asked why the world was so preoccupied with Russia’s war against Ukraine. Well, I say to Mr. Lavrov, that we are preoccupied with their war because their war is causing death, pain and destruction  — not just in Ukraine, not just in Bucha and Irpin in the eastern territories of Ukraine, but around the whole world. Russia has bombed ports in Ukraine, on purpose, to prevent Ukrainian grain from being exported to the world using, on purpose, food as a weapon. And that could stop tomorrow, if the Russian President were to end this war now. If we care about a world in which every life matters in equal measure, it is up to us, and every one of us, to stand up against Russia’s war. The United Nations was founded for that exact purpose: to ensure that a life is a life and that humanity is indivisible. President Putin has proved again and again that, for him, human lives count for nothing, neither abroad nor at home, where now he does not even shy away from arresting Russia’s own children for placing flowers to mourn the death of Alexei Navalny. As I explained to the woman in South Sudan, we did not choose to be so preoccupied with Russia’s war of aggression. It is the Russian President’s ruthless actions that are forcing us. But that does not mean that we do not see the suffering in the Sudan, that we do not see the suffering in the Middle East. Like many here, the devastating humanitarian situation in Gaza is keeping us awake at night. Seventeen thousand children have been left without a mother or a father. Hundreds of thousands are desperate for food and water. That suffering needs to end now. We need Hamas to release all the men, women and children it took hostage in its ruthless attack on Israel on 7 October 2023. We need a humanitarian pause to work towards a sustainable ceasefire, to find a path towards a life in dignity, peace and security for both Israelis and Palestinians, in two States. I know that this conflict has stirred up intense emotions in many of our countries. That is why it is so important to not give in to those who try to play off one person’s pain against another’s. Political leadership means standing up to polarization and protecting our society from the poison of dehumanization. That is the message to send today, here at the General Assembly. We stand with Ukraine, as long as it takes, because we stand against a world of ruthlessness. We stand for a world in which a life is a life, whether Palestinian, Israeli, Sudanese or Ukrainian.

I now call on the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France.

For two years Russia has been attacking its neighbour, and for two years inflicting the worst suffering on its population. This war of aggression does only concern Ukraine; it has serious consequences for all our populations. It is also for two years that Russia has also been aggravating the food crisis, consciously choosing to fuel its war effort rather than to help peoples in need, choosing to target and bombard, on a daily basis, Ukraine’s agricultural system, to try to block the transport of grain on the Black Sea. Russia has therefore chosen to impede and impoverish humanitarian aid, chosen to starve. No one is fooled. A few intermittent shipments last summer will not compensate for the immense harm and truly fight hunger in Africa and other continents. Letting Russia win means permitting the destruction of Ukraine’s agricultural sector and stealing Ukrainian land; it means victory for hunger. Russia is not aiding the countries of the South, much less its own people. Just the opposite. And we must say so clearly, in this Hall. Food insecurity has also been joined by energy insecurity: Russia has been threatening energy supplies for two years and, there is no question about it, has never had the slightest regard for climate change. The Russian war of aggression against Ukraine is therefore everyone’s business. It is also everyone’s business because it is illegal and unjustified. The overwhelming majority of us in this Hall want international peace and security. That majority comprises almost three quarters of the membership of the General Assembly. And that majority is not silent. Six times in two years, the Assembly has called for respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, and for respect for the Charter of the United Nations. In October 2022, the Assembly quite rightly condemned Russia’s illegal occupation of entire regions of Ukraine. By attacking its neighbour, Russia is undermining the principles and rules on which the international order is based, the international order of which all of us here are guarantors. No one wants a world in which those principles and rules are no more than ink on paper, in which it is possible to invade one’s neighbour with impunity. Two years on, it is time to come to our senses. It is time for that Russian aggression to stop. We demand it. The Assembly has called for it several times, as I just said. The International Court of Justice ordered it in March 2022. This afternoon, on behalf of France, I will also be repeating it to the Security Council. Standing by Ukraine means being on the side of the law, on the side of peace and on the side of security. It means being fair and humane. As the President of France had the opportunity to reiterate, by President Zelensky‎y’s side, during his recent visit to Paris, France stands, and will continue to stand, by Ukraine and its people.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs, European Union and Cooperation of Spain.

There are dates that mark history. There are dates that mark the soul of a people. Tomorrow, 24 February, it will be two years since the independence of the Ukrainian people was attacked, an attack that will fail in the face of the determination of a free people. Two years of a cruel war that has taken a terrible toll of pain and destruction, of broken families and lost lives. Two years of a senseless war, because no ambition can be above peace and the lives of millions of human beings. In the face of a war of aggression, silence takes sides. To remain silent is against the victims. The Assembly could not remain silent, and our rejection of aggression against Ukraine has been expressed in four resolutions adopted by large majorities of more than 140 votes in favour and fewer than 10 against. To accept that the will of one can override the international order would send a very negative signal to the rest of the world’s nations. It would be the very negation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We would resign ourselves to the law of the jungle, and we would be leading the world into a scenario of ever more violent conflicts. That is why today we reiterate our condemnation of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. We condemn the continued attacks against civilians, residential areas, hospitals and schools, in addition to criminal acts against civilians. We will take those who have committed such crimes to the International Criminal Court. There can be no impunity. Faced with the attack on Ukraine, we are all outraged. Nevertheless, there are some who go beyond that and, despite the danger, rush to help. Attacks on Ukraine have also hit aid workers and humanitarian workers. Last year, an indiscriminate attack took the life of Spaniard Emma Igual, who was protecting the lives of others. For that and other atrocities, the perpetrators will have to answer to international justice. Thinking of them, thinking of the victims, Spain has multiplied the financial support it provides to the International Criminal Court. We have increased our mandatory contribution to the Court to €7.5 million per year, and we have also made increasing voluntary contributions. Last year, as part of a package of contributions to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court of €6 million, we earmarked €2 million to set up a victims’ assistance programme. Many of us share the conviction that action is needed to defend justice, but conviction has to be translated into commitment to be effective. That is what the Spanish Government and our European partners believe. The European Union has taken in almost 10 million Ukrainian refugees. Two hundred thousand of them have found a temporary home in Spain. We have also approved humanitarian and material aid packages to enable Ukraine to exercise its right to self-defence. The instability generated by the attack on Ukraine has a global impact that threatens billions of people. The food crisis is a case in point. Russia has mined large areas of Ukraine, preventing their use for farming. It has withdrawn from the Black Sea Grain Initiative. It has bombed ports and infrastructure for the transport of grain. We are witnessing the use of hunger in the most vulnerable countries as another weapon of war. We continue to work with Ukraine to ensure grain exports. We have consolidated a route across the Black Sea and strengthened solidarity corridors. Spain has committed €236 million to fight food insecurity, €4.4 million to the Ukrainian grain initiative and €2.5 million to the World Food Programme. Because the consequences of the aggression against Ukraine are global, the responses must be global. President Zelenskyy’s peace formula lays the foundation for peace. We call on all members of the Assembly to join in that initiative to bring an end to a situation that demands the commitment of all. We also welcome the decision of the International Court of Justice to declare its jurisdiction over the allegations of genocide and demand that Russia comply with the provisional measures issued by the Court. We demand the immediate withdrawal of its troops from all Ukrainian territory. The aggression against Ukraine must not last even one more day. We are here today in remembrance of that terrible 24 February. We are here in defence of peace, in defence of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We will continue to stand by Ukraine until we meet again, in the Assembly, not to remember the first day of a cruel war but to celebrate its last day and the beginning of a just peace for a free Ukraine.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

There is a picture that I should like to show to members today, but I cannot. It is of a man whose name I would like to mention here today but I cannot, because it would put him in danger. And so today I will call him Andre. He is a commander in the Ukrainian army, a young father with a family. For two years, he has been fighting for the peace and security of his own country. For two years, he has barely seen his family — because Andre does not allow himself a moment’s rest. He is prioritizing his children’s future over the precious moments he would love to spend with them now. It is the most impressive encounter that I have had as Minister for Foreign Affairs. Not for a moment, not for a second does he allow himself to lose focus, to feel doubt or simply to recharge. Not for a moment does he allow himself to even think about giving up. It is his strength, this strength, this resilience, that I see in the eyes of all the Ukrainians I meet. It is truly remarkable how the people of Ukraine have been able to withstand Russia’s aggression for so long. In the same vein, we must continue to support Ukraine. At the same time, of course, our attention and action are required in so many other places: the conflict between Israel and Hamas, resulting in so many innocent victims; the grim tragedy unfolding in the Sudan; and the misery in so many other places in the world  — violence that is driving communities to despair, violence that must be stopped. And that is precisely why we cannot allow our gaze to shift away from Ukraine  — not only because Russia is slowly destroying Ukraine but because Russia’s war on Ukraine is an assault on the world, on the principle of sovereignty that we all stand for, on the Charter of the United Nations, which we all signed, and on the rules- based order that we all value. Therefore, it is in our interest for Ukraine to withstand Russia’s aggression, for it to stop Russia’s aggression, and that is why we must support Ukraine  — not half-heartedly, not temporarily. We must do whatever it takes for as long as it takes, because there can be no lasting security without recovery, and there can be no lasting peace without justice. Indeed, the only viable end to war is a just peace. And that is why we support Ukraine’s, President Zelenskyy’s, peace formula. And it is why we are taking the lead in restoring justice for Ukraine. It is in our common interest to hold the perpetrators of this war to account, because there can never be peace without justice for the victims. Over the past two years we have all seen how food prices have skyrocketed, how energy prices have soared and how hunger has increased in some of the world’s most vulnerable places. This senseless war of choice needs to stop for all our sakes. My hope is vested in collaboration that endures even when times are tough, because in an increasingly polarized world such collaboration can help us reach shared goals. And so my hope is vested in us, everyone gathered here in the Assembly. While our perspectives may vary, sometimes even radically, we all want to forge a tomorrow that is safer, more stable and more prosperous than the present — not a tomorrow in which might is right, but one with a legacy we all want for our children. In the spirit of Andre, we must prioritize the future of our world, the future of our children, over our differences, and so we must support Ukraine. We must do whatever it takes for as long as it takes.

I now call on the Permanent Representative of the United States of America and member of President Biden’s Cabinet.

I want to start by thanking Ukraine and the President of the General Assembly for organizing this critically important debate. If you walk out of the Hall, towards the Security Council, you will pass by two pieces of Ukrainian art: a vase and a carpet, each depicting a tree in blossom. Secretary-General U Thant spoke at the dedication ceremony for the gifts, highlighting their original symbolic meaning: to protect life. Whenever I pass by that art, I am reminded of the fight before the Ukrainian people: to protect life and to protect their way of life. It has been two years since Russia launched its illegal, unprovoked and brutal full-scale invasion of Ukraine, an invasion that culminated a 10-year effort to occupy Ukraine’s land and subjugate its people. In the time since, we have seen Russian forces commit unspeakable brutality and crimes against humanity. And we have watched, in real time, as the Kremlin sought to rewrite history. Through torture and deportation, re-education and indoctrination, repression and disinformation, Russia has tried to deny Ukrainian identity, to stifle dissent and to rationalize the unconscionable. But we know the truth. This is not a war of liberation. This is not a war of Russian self- defence. This is not a war of last resort. It never has been. And it certainly is not today. This is a moment for sombre remembrance. And it is an opportunity to reaffirm our support for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and for the people of Ukraine — not in spite of the fact that so many are suffering elsewhere but because the fight for security, for humanity and for self-determination is universal. Ukrainians have shown us what it means to fight for those values every day, against the steepest of odds. And so we owe it to them to tell the stories Russia so desperately wishes to hide — stories of religious leaders detained or murdered for daring to pray for their country; of journalists, dissidents and political activists targeted and tortured but continuing to sound the alarm; of communities whose churches were seized, their streets stripped of their Ukrainian names, their residents required to obtain Russian passports to receive basic services; of hundreds of men, women and children executed by Russian soldiers in Bucha, their children’s camp converted into a torture chamber, their bodies tossed into mass graves; and of thousands and thousands of children ripped from their families and relocated into Russia  — children like Margarita, a 10-month-old Ukrainian baby who was taken from Kherson children’s hospital and who is still being held by a Putin ally. Through it all, the Ukrainian people have embodied the spirit that that artwork outside the Council shows  — to protect life  — ordinary, extraordinary people, vastly outnumbered, fiercely defending their communities, teachers transforming bunkers into classrooms, city workers finding ways to restore heat and electricity after bombardments, families rationing food to feed their neighbours. Their unbreakable spirit must be a model for all of us, because this war, this brazen violation of the Charter of the United Nations, affects all of us. Russia’s attacks on Ukrainian agricultural infrastructure have exacerbated food insecurity across the globe. Russia’s use of energy exports as a coercive tool have caused volatility in global markets. Russia’s destruction of land, water and air have damaged the environment of the entire Black Sea region. And Russia’s procurement of munitions from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, including ballistic missiles and launchers, has undermined the global non-proliferation regime. As a global community, we have come together before to condemn Russia’s violations of the Charter of the United Nations and reject its illegal attempts to seize Ukrainian territory. We have found ways around Russia’s war on the world’s food supply. And we have chosen diplomacy and dialogue, even as Russia has elected for destruction and disorder. But just as Putin is hoping Ukrainian resolve will fade, he is counting on ours to dissipate as well. And so the task before us is clear: 10 years since this campaign began, and two years since Russia’s full-scale invasion, we must continue to stand with Ukraine and to stand up for international order. And here is what that looks like: first, we must resist the false choices and equivalencies that Russia continues to throw at us, in an attempt to divide us — the false notion that Ukraine bears equal responsibility for beginning the war, and equal power to end it, when we know that this conflict was started, and this conflict rages on, because of one small man; the false notion that we must agree on everything in order to do anything; and the false notion that tackling this challenge means ignoring other ones. I know that Hamas’s terrorist attack on 7 October 2023 and all of the devastation that has come after it have rightly been a focus of global attention and concern. And although many of us share a common goal of reaching a durable peace, I have heard from people, including many present here, who have real disagreements regarding how we create that peace. But to be clear: our care for one people does not in any way negate the care for another. Compassion is not a zero- sum game. Defending peace and security is not zero- sum. And any insinuation otherwise is, in and of itself, a false choice. And so, as we continue to work around the clock to find the best course of action in the Middle East, we cannot lose sight of Russia’s brutality in Ukraine. And we cannot forget the plight of Ukrainians, who are still fighting and dying for their freedom. That brings me to my next point: we must speak in a unified voice to demand that Russia end the war. That means calling for Russia to withdraw its forces from Ukraine’s internationally recognized borders and uphold the basic principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. It means calling on States such as Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to end their military support for an illegal aggression. And it means ensuring that we bring justice to victims of Russia’s horrific crimes, because behind every statistic is a person with a story. And that brings me to my final point: we must not grow numb to the plight of the Ukrainian people. There is a phrase I have heard tossed around recently — Ukraine fatigue — the idea that, years into this war, our support and attention are faltering. And yet I cannot imagine explaining that we are tired to the people I met in Ukraine; to the woman who had been raped by Russian soldiers and had no joy on her face; to the medical workers detained and tortured by Russian forces for weeks; to the 10-year-old who, more than anything, simply wanted to go back to school and see her friends; and to the mother who lost her child in an attack on her home, who held her baby in her arms as she died. Those Ukrainians, those families who cannot afford to be fatigued, are counting on us to defend the United Nations Charter and hold those who violate it to account; to resist division and fatigue; to come together to push for diplomacy, for dialogue and for a just, durable peace; to protect life, so that freedom and democracy can once again bloom in Ukraine and everywhere that is under attack. That was our charge when we gathered two years ago, and that is our charge today. So please, let us not falter or fail.

It is indeed an honour to address the General Assembly on behalf of the five Nordic countries, namely, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and my own country, Denmark. Today marks two years of Ukrainians defending themselves against Russia’s full-scale invasion. This month also marks 10 years since the start of Russia’s war of aggression and illegal annexation of Crimea. Russia, a nuclear Power and a permanent member of the Security Council, is waging a war on its free and independent neighbouring country, Ukraine, in brutal violation of the Charter of the United Nations. The war is an attack on democracy and a flagrant violation of international law. And it has created far-reaching and devastating global consequences, such as the food and energy crisis. We must all stand with Ukraine to change that course. Ukraine and its people have shown incredible resilience and determination during the 10 years of Russia’s aggression. The war has caused immense suffering for Ukrainians, especially children and other persons in vulnerable situations. Russian air strikes have repeatedly targeted civilians and critical infrastructure. Millions of people have been displaced, either within Ukraine or to somewhere away from their home country. We are appalled by the devastating consequences and the still deteriorating humanitarian situation. In the temporarily occupied territories, we see numerous reports of sexual violence and torture against civilians and the forced transfer or unlawful deportation of persons, including children, out of Ukraine. We must ensure that international crimes are investigated and that perpetrators held to account. Ukraine and Ukrainians continue to pay a high price for Russia’s aggression. The reconstruction of Ukraine has started. It will take years to build back what has been destroyed. We are committed to supporting Ukraine in those endeavours. Exactly a year ago, the General Assembly adopted a resolution (ES-11/6) on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations underlying a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine. All the Nordic countries supported that resolution, together with an overwhelming majority of the Member States. For us Nordics, the choice was clear. We are strong defenders of international law, including international humanitarian law. Flagrant violations of international humanitarian law, attacks on civilians and civilian objects and impunity for war crimes cannot be tolerated. We continue to stand up against all violations of international law, wherever they occur. The Nordics support President Zelenskyy’s peace formula and a peace summit based on Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, in line with the Charter of the United Nations. We share the view that Ukraine alone shall define the prerequisites for peace. But Ukraine cannot achieve the peace it deserves alone. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance that we ensure the broadest possible international support for Ukraine’s peace formula. This is not an isolated war; it has clear regional and global consequences. The Nordic countries continue to call on Russia to immediately stop its illegal war of aggression, withdraw all its forces and respect Ukraine’s independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. We must hold Russia accountable for its actions.

We gather today to mark a dark and sombre anniversary. Almost two years have passed since Russia launched its war of aggression, unprovoked and unjustifiable, against its neighbour Ukraine — two years of Russian attacks on Ukrainian civilians and infrastructure, two years of human suffering, millions of lives uprooted and livelihoods destroyed and two years of global consequences of this war, including Russia holding global food supply chains hostage for its cynical political ambitions, thereby displaying utter disregard for the plight of the people living in the world’s poorest and most vulnerable countries. Today’s debate is also a reminder that this war did not only start in February 2022. Ten years ago, Russia illegally occupied and annexed Crimea. As members of a global order founded on international law, we cannot accept living in a world where the law of the powerful overrides the rule of law. As a neutral country, Austria particularly relies on respect for, and the implementation of, international law, treaties and customs for its security. None of us can afford to stand idly by while the fundamental principles of our shared legal and security order are violated — not in Ukraine and not anywhere around the world. On top of Russia’s illegal occupation of whole regions of Ukraine, the civilian population has been subjected to massive attacks, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Ukrainian cities such as Bucha and Mariupol have become synonymous with unspeakable human suffering. Russia has reportedly deported thousands of Ukrainian children to the occupied territories or to Russia. We must do everything in our power to bring those children back to their homes and families. We must be clear that there can be no sustainable peace without justice and accountability. Crimes cannot go unpunished. We fully support all efforts to ensure accountability, including by the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, based in Vienna. Austria stands in full solidarity with Ukraine, the Ukrainian Government and the Ukrainian people. The humanitarian consequences of Russia’s war and its impact on the civilian population and on the environment cannot be overstated. As part of our humanitarian efforts, we have welcomed Ukrainian refugees in Austria: since February 2022, over 100,000 refugees have been registered, more than 70,000 are currently residing in Austria and over 13,000 Ukrainian children are currently being schooled in Austrian schools. Moreover, Austria has so far provided over €200 million in bilateral humanitarian assistance to Ukraine and its neighbouring countries. In addition, one third of the Ukrainian territory may have been contaminated with mines and unexploded weapons. Therefore, we have provided more than €7 million for demining efforts in Ukraine. Furthermore, we have to continue to help Ukraine export its grain to those countries that need it most around the globe. Many measures are in place: solidarity lanes, the reinforcement of river ports and other multilateral efforts, together with our partners, like the Grain from Ukraine initiative. Nuclear risks are higher today than they have been in decades. We welcome efforts by the international community to work together, above all through the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in Vienna and on the ground, to secure the nuclear energy facilities that have become targets in the war. We welcome the tireless work of the IAEA teams in all nuclear power plants in Ukraine, in particular in Zaporizhzhya. All this underscores the utmost urgency of progress on nuclear disarmament and of moving away from the nuclear deterrence paradigm. My final point: the United Nations and other multilateral organizations, such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, in Vienna, are indispensable forums in which Member States can address, and hopefully resolve, their disputes in a setting of inclusive dialogue. In these troubled times, we need more multilateralism and more dialogue, not less of it. That entails also talking to those we do not agree with. We must preserve and strengthen those organizations and enable them to fulfil their role. Exactly one year ago, here at the Assembly, an overwhelming majority of 141 States called on Russia to stop the war, to stop the suffering, to stop the nuclear threats and to stop the blatant breaches of the Charter of the United Nations. From around the world, we have heard consistent calls for peace. No country longs for peace more than Ukraine — a lasting peace that is comprehensive, just and based on the Charter of the United Nations and international law, just as the Assembly demanded one year ago. That is why Austria supports the peace formula presented by Ukraine as well as a broad-based peace summit on the basis of that formula at the right point in time. That peace has yet to become reality. It is in the Kremlin’s power to stop the war immediately. Once again, we therefore call on Russia to stop its aggression, to withdraw its troops from the entire territory of Ukraine and to end the bloodshed.

As we mark two years since the beginning of the Russian Federation’s fully fledged war of aggression against Ukraine, we continue to see a disturbing level of hostilities, with no sign of abatement, with unimaginable suffering for the civilian population and dire, long-lasting consequences. It is important to underline here, at the United Nations, that this continued aggression undermines the core of the rules-based international order and effective multilateralism and remains a matter of concern for the entire international community. However, the Russian Federation’s aggression did not start with the war it launched on 24 February 2022, but with the illegal annexation of the Crimean peninsula, back in 2014. That is the main reason for which we must continue firmly condemning, at the United Nations, the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine. The support of the international community is critical during these difficult times ,and I would like to echo the statement made earlier by His Excellency the Deputy Prime Minister of Luxembourg. Ukraine remains very important for the global community, for reasons concerning not only respect for the Charter of the United Nations and international law, including humanitarian law, but also because of the very serious and concrete impact that the Russian Federation’s aggression has on various fields at the global level. And I will limit myself to mentioning the dramatic aggravation in food insecurity, which affects the more vulnerable countries and populations. Romania will continue to support Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. We condemn in the strongest possible terms the so-called referendums organized by the Russian Federation in the occupied territories of Ukraine. Those actions are illegal and illegitimate, a grave breach of the fundamental principles of international law and another flagrant violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Reports coming from Crimea and other temporarily occupied regions are disturbing, showing many instances of politically motivated violence, imprisonment and torture. All crimes must be duly investigated and those responsible must be held accountable. Russia must be held responsible for its wrongful and unlawful conduct. The world has to send a clear message: there is no justification for bloodshed, destruction and human suffering. Therefore, we need the full force and legitimacy of the General Assembly to reaffirm, with full determination, that international law matters, that the Charter of the United Nations matters and that we stand by the rules put in place for the protection of every single Member State of this Organization. Romania will continue to be a trustworthy, credible and engaged multilateral partner. From day one of the war, the Government and the population of Romania acted as first responders in providing help to Ukrainians who sought shelter in our country. Also, we continue to commit to supporting global efforts on food security, so far having facilitated the transit of more than 34 million tons of Ukrainian grains. The ongoing war in Ukraine has a major impact in the region, challenging the resilience of neighbouring States. We have extended a helping hand to our neighbour, the Republic of Moldova, the country most affected by the war, except for Ukraine itself. We have to work together to bring peace back to its rightful place. Romania fully supports the Ukrainian peace formula as the single framework conducive to a fair, lasting and sustainable peace, based on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which we have bravely stood up for in the past. And one principle is clear, legally and morally: Ukraine alone has the political and moral legitimacy to decide if, when and on what terms it wants to engage with the Russian Federation. Our call is clear: Russia must abide by the rules of international law. It must unconditionally cease the use of force and withdraw completely and immediately from the territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Romania warmly praises the resilience and courage of the Ukrainian people, who heroically resisted through the past two years. We will continue to stand by Ukraine.

The Charter of the United Nations is a common agreement that all Member States must observe in good faith. It is the foundation of all international relations. For that very reason, we cannot condone Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine. The General Assembly has repeatedly stated that Russia’s aggression is a clear violation of international law, including the Charter. Unilateral change of the status quo by force is never acceptable anywhere in the world. There is no country that does not want peace in Ukraine. However, peace cannot reward the aggressor; it must be comprehensive, just and lasting, based on the purposes and principles of the Charter. We, the Member States, affirmed that one year ago in this Hall. Nevertheless, the people of Ukraine continue to suffer from Russia’s unprovoked aggression. Russia must be held accountable for all its atrocities. Other Member States must also refrain from supporting the aggression, whether directly or indirectly. The people of Ukraine also need a hopeful vision for their future. Last November, I led an economic mission to Kyiv to promote Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction. We discussed concrete measures with Prime Minister Shmyhal and the business community and promised to accelerate those efforts. On 19 February 2024, we invited Prime Minister Shmyhal to Japan and held the Japan-Ukraine Conference for Promotion of Economic Growth and Reconstruction, in Tokyo. Tangible results were achieved, including the signing of more than 50 cooperation documents. In addition, we concluded a new tax convention as part of the development of a legal infrastructure. Japan also decided to introduce measures to relax the multiple entry visa requirement for Ukrainians involved in Japan-Ukraine cooperation projects. We would like to highlight that, during the Conference, we held a session on women and peace and security, with the aim of promoting discussions on how to incorporate that perspective into the process of recovery and reconstruction in Ukraine. That session also affirmed our commitment to the protection of women, including through health care, shelter development and the protection of victims of gender- based violence. Women and children, particularly those made vulnerable by conflict, must be protected. Japan will continue to take the lead in promoting women and peace and security at the United Nations as well. By holding that conference, we demonstrated our unwavering commitment to supporting Ukraine. Japan will continue to lead international efforts to support Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction. Those initiatives, however, will not fully materialize and bring sufficient benefit to the Ukrainian people unless Russia stops its aggression. We must continue our efforts to maintain and strengthen the international order based on the rule of law and realize a safe and secure world where human dignity is protected. Japan is determined to play a leading role to strengthen the functions of the United Nations, including through reform of the Security Council, to enable it to fulfil its primary role. I would like to pay my heartfelt compliments to Foreign Minister Kuleba and to the people of Ukraine, who continue their efforts to restore peace. Japan will stand with Ukraine until peace and justice prevail.

Exactly 10 years ago, Russia started an unprovoked war of aggression against its neighbour. Eight years later, Russia escalated its illegal aggression against Ukraine even further by launching a full-scale invasion. That unprecedented attack by a permanent member of the Security Council has had far- reaching consequences. By violating the fundamental rights of Ukraine to independence, sovereignty and full territorial integrity, Russia is putting peace and security at risk globally. In conducting its war of aggression, Russia has repeatedly targeted civilians and civilian infrastructure. United Nations investigations have confirmed Russia’s responsibility for gross violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. Bucha and Irpin became tragic symbols of that brutality. Those violations of international law have been accompanied by other means of warfare, such as the Russian attempts to block the export of grain from Ukraine. Blackmailing in the energy sector by Russia resulted in soaring energy prices, thereby fuelling inflation globally. As a result, Russia took all of us hostage to its aggressive imperialistic policy. Now that Ukraine is entering the third year of a massive land, air, sea and information war, we often hear that peace should be reached through diplomatic means and negotiations. But let us be clear: there is one State that can end this war immediately today. To that end, we reiterate our call on Russia to cease its unlawful aggression and to withdraw completely from the entire territory of Ukraine. Under no circumstances should the aggressor’s behaviour be rewarded by doubtful compromises enforced through peer pressure or military threats. It is up to Ukraine only to define what a durable and just peace should look like. Czechia, as well as more than 80 other countries from all over the world, is actively participating in the peace formula process outlined by President Zelenskyy. We consider the peace proposal as the only viable and legitimate option. At a massive cost, the Ukrainian people have defended their country and their sovereignty. They count on us, the international community, to do our part. There is no doubt that Czechia, for its part, will proudly stand by Ukraine until it prevails in its just fight and the aggressor is held accountable. As we speak, Russia, through its a war of aggression, continues to violate not only the Charter of the United Nations but the very purpose the United Nations was set up for: the maintenance of peace. We must not allow Russia’s challenge to the rules-based international order in which might trumps right and fundamental values are blatantly violated. If we do so, we will create space for similar aggressive behaviour elsewhere in the world. That is why we all have a stake in Ukraine prevailing as a sovereign nation within its internationally recognized borders. The world needs to take a clear and firm position that such aggression is not acceptable.

Today we mark the second anniversary of Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine. Russia has needlessly taken many thousands of lives — both Russian and Ukrainian — and forced 14 million people from their homes. For those who have remained, Russia’s indiscriminate attack on Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure continues. Russia is kidnapping and deporting thousands of Ukrainian children, robbing them of their families and their identities. That brutality is deliberate and calculated. It is designed to break the spirit of the Ukrainian people. Make no mistake  — Russia’s actions are a threat to each and every one of us and to the foundations of the international rules-based system upon which the United Nations was built. That is why Ireland, the European Union (EU) and so many United Nations States Members present here today have taken decisive action in response to Russia’s aggression. We will continue to do whatever it takes because we understand what is at stake, not just for Ukraine or for Europe, but for the global community of nations. The global community has responded to Russia. On six occasions during the eleventh emergency special session, the General Assembly has strongly endorsed resolutions that reaffirmed a global commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. The Assembly has demanded the immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of Russian military personnel from Ukrainian territory. Russia refuses to implement every resolution adopted so far. Our economic and humanitarian support to Ukraine, our hosting of Ukrainian refugees and our initiatives to ensure accountability for Russia’s violations of international law are an integral part of our response. Communities across Ireland and Europe have been playing their part in that effort, demonstrating compassion and support for Ukraine’s struggle by providing safe refuge to those fleeing their homes. The Irish people have welcomed 105,000 Ukrainians into our communities, which amounts to more than 2 per cent of the population of our State. The historic decision by the European Council to open accession negotiations with Ukraine was a strong signal to the Ukrainian people that Ukraine belongs within the European family in that global community of nations. It is also a clear signal to Russia that we will continue to stand with Ukraine for the long term. Ireland was shocked and outraged by the death of Alexei Navalny in a Russian prison last week. His incarceration and death once again demonstrate the Russian Government’s contempt for democratic values and human rights. It also reminds us why the Ukrainian people have no wish to be governed by Russia. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has severely disrupted global food and energy markets, affecting the world’s most vulnerable people. Russia makes a pretence of supporting the most vulnerable, but Russia is interested only in imposing Moscow’s will. We saw that clearly through Russia’s inexcusable decision to unilaterally withdraw from the Black Sea Grain Initiative, compounding an already critical situation on world food markets. Ukraine, on the other hand, is working to contribute to global food safety and security. Ukraine and EU partners have managed to stabilize foo\d prices and help feed the world’s hungry through the European solidarity lanes, the Black Sea humanitarian corridor and the Grain from Ukraine initiative. Ireland is a small, militarily neutral country, dependent on global trade and stable relations between nations grounded in diplomacy. The multilateral system remains our strongest protection and our most important global security asset. We rely on this system for our very existence as a sovereign and democratic nation. Russia’s war of aggression challenges that to its very core. If we allow Russia to prevail in Ukraine, it will be encouraged to pursue its imperialist agenda against others. And we will all suffer the consequences. As Ukraine defends its nation, Ukrainians are also defending our fundamental freedoms, namely, the right to live peacefully within one’s own borders without fear of being attacked. Under President Zelenskyy’s peace formula, Ukraine is working towards the right we all claim: to determine our own future, in peace and security, in line with the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Ukraine deserves the unqualified support of every single Member State of this global community — these United Nations. Ireland pledges its unwavering support today and always.

We will forever recall 24 February 2022 as the day when Russia started its unprovoked and illegal invasion of peaceful Ukraine. Two years on, Russia’s brutal war of aggression continues to bring immense pain and suffering for the people of Ukraine. Russia, a permanent member of the Security Council, is violating international law and the Charter of the United Nations by invading a sovereign neighbouring country. It is a shameful attack against the rules-based international order. We, as the international community, must be resolute and stand against such an attack. The General Assembly has overwhelmingly condemned Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine and its attempted illegal annexation of Ukrainian regions. Furthermore, the impact of this senseless war is felt globally as the food crisis becomes more acute. Russia must be stopped, and it is in all our interest. It is vital that the international community continue to provide all necessary support to Ukraine. Latvia stands together with Ukraine and strongly believes in its victory. The temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine and the people therein have not been forgotten. Those territories and the Ukrainians in them are an integral part of Ukraine. The Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhya regions, along with Crimea and Sevastopol, are and will remain Ukraine. We call upon Russia to immediately, completely and unconditionally withdraw all of its troops and military equipment from the entire territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Meanwhile, Russia is undertaking efforts to wipe out Ukrainian culture and identity in the temporarily occupied territories. The horrific crimes that Russia has committed in Ukraine remind us of the bitter experience of the Latvian people during the Soviet occupation. Filtration camps, the forceful deportation of civilians, forced mobilization, illegal detention and prosecutions, executions outside courts, the illegal adoption of children and forced passportization are from the same playbook. Russia continues to deny the crimes that it has committed, seeks to justify its illegal invasion and blames anyone but itself for it. War crimes committed by Russia cannot go unpunished. Accountability must be ensured.

First, we align ourselves with the joint Nordic statement delivered by the representative of Denmark. Tomorrow two years will have passed since Russia began its illegal full-scale war of aggression in Ukraine. For two years, we have witnessed Russia’s unprovoked invasion. At the same time Ukrainians have shown their incredible resilience, which actually started 10 years ago with the illegal annexation of Crimea and the subsequent war in eastern Ukraine. Today tremendous human suffering continues in Ukraine. Our thoughts are with the brave people of Ukraine, who are defending their families, their freedom and their country. Our thoughts are especially with the children forcefully deported by Russia and with their families. We will continue to speak for them and others who are suffering from the consequences of Russia’s brutal war. Russia’s illegal war is not only a European problem. It is not only a Western problem. And it is not only a problem for rich countries. It has immense global consequences, especially in the field of food and energy. This needs to stop. Ukraine deserves just and lasting peace based on the Charter of the United Nations. Therefore, Finland participates in the implementation of President Zelenskyy’s peace formula. It is the only serious and viable plan to secure a peaceful future for Ukraine. Broad international support and engagement are essential as we build up to the upcoming peace summit. All of our efforts can make a difference. Ukraine has immediate needs to which we must respond now. But obviously, that is not enough. Ukrainians will also need our extensive support in the long term. Reconstruction efforts will be immense. And, fortunately, they have already started. Finland is firmly committed to contributing to the reconstruction of Ukraine in the coming years. Russia must immediately end its brutal and illegal invasion of Ukraine. We once again call on Russia to respect the independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Finland continues to condemn Russia’s blatant violations of human rights, international humanitarian law and the United Nations Charter. Finland will continue to stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes.

It has been two years since Russia unleashed its war of aggression against Ukraine. This aggressive policy and the illegal attempts to forcefully redraw the borders of sovereign neighbours are an assault on the international rules-based order, in blatant violation of the principles of Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris and have shattered the security architecture in Europe and beyond. Its implications will go beyond national boundaries and exacerbate the already massive scale of global challenges. The past two years of war have entailed humanitarian consequences and destruction on an immense scale. Russian tactics, including targeted attacks on civilian objects and infrastructure, with high casualties among the civilian population of Ukraine, are unacceptable. To this day, Russia continues its illegal occupation of my country’s Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions. Therefore, the security environment in and around Georgia is further deteriorating. Furthermore, the human rights situation on the ground remains dire. The Russian occupation continues to take a heavy toll on innocent civilians and recently claimed the lives of several Georgian citizens. It remains alarming that, despite the grave situation in both occupied regions of Georgia, access by international human rights mechanisms is continuously denied by Russia, the Power exercising effective control on the ground, as has been confirmed by the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights. Along with the international community, Georgia has been demonstrating full solidarity with Ukraine with political and diplomatic steps, as well as by providing substantial humanitarian assistance. Georgia has supported all resolutions adopted and initiatives taken by all major international organizations in support of Ukraine. Allow me to reiterate Georgia’s full support for Ukraine’s peace initiative, the key points of which are based on the Charter, and they therefore go beyond the restoration of peace and the territorial integrity of Ukraine, with the overarching aim of defending the core values of the United Nations. Georgia has received and supported more than 28,000 war-affected Ukrainians. The Government implements special care projects and provides them with accommodation, schooling and health-care services. Let me again reaffirm Georgia’s unwavering support for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. We reiterate our call upon the Russian Federation to immediately cease the aggression and withdraw all its troops and military equipment from the whole territory of Ukraine. We will stand in solidarity with Ukraine and the Ukrainian people.

Today, sadly, we mark two years since Russia’s unjustified and unprovoked attack on Ukraine, but also 10 years since Crimea’s illegal annexation  — actions that, for our part, we fully condemn. The entire international democratic community promptly rallied behind Ukraine from the very beginning, condemning the violation of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of a fellow Member of the United Nations. My country has followed with deep sorrow and agony the horrific destruction and uprooting of normal lives for thousands of Greek-origin Ukrainians who lived for many centuries in the region of the Azov Sea, in particular around the city of Mariupol, which is currently under the harsh occupation of Russian troops. The entire community has been decimated, with people killed, wounded and traumatized; families scattered; children abducted; and non-combatants turned into refugees overnight, with their livelihoods and properties destroyed and lost forever. We are also deeply saddened by the indiscriminate attacks from the air against the city of Odesa — yet another historic centre for Greek communities living in Ukraine and an UNESCO world heritage site. At this critical juncture, those that support freedom, peace and the rule of law in international relations must not, however, lose faith. The just and difficult struggle of the Ukrainian people is obviously not only about the country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty — it concerns and affects all of us across the entire European continent and the sensitive Eastern Mediterranean region, but also the global community in the sense of food and energy security. If contemporary revisionists are allowed, after all, to force their way towards achieving their goals in the middle of the twenty-first century, then the entire international rules-based order is doomed to collapse, and the very fabric of our democratic societies is in peril. We all need to play our part along this difficult path by substantially supporting in every possible way the oppressed party and by condemning the aggressor, who bears full responsibility for multiple violations of international and humanitarian law that have recklessly caused extensive suffering to the civilian population, as well as colossal damage to the country’s infrastructure and economy. Russia must immediately stop its actions and completely withdraw from Ukraine in line with the numerous relevant General Assembly resolutions. Greece, in the realistic framework of its capabilities, is and will continue doing its utmost to help alleviate the suffering of innocent civilians and people in need. We just held an important international conference on Ukraine’s reconstruction in Athens last Thursday. Meanwhile, we intend to persevere and continue contributing in every possible way, including through the energy, transport and logistics sectors, as our strategic ports constitute a vital provisioning hub in northern Greece, but also through our powerful merchant fleet to transport goods, grain and energy to and from Ukraine. In view of the ongoing humanitarian disaster and human suffering caused by this atrocious war, the international community should begin to consider assisting the parties involved to ultimately converge towards a reasonable, peaceful solution that will restore the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and fully respect the rights and legitimate aspirations of all people living in the region for the peaceful, decent and prosperous life that they undoubtedly deserve.

We have heard the last speaker in the debate on this item for this meeting. We shall hear the remaining speakers on Monday, 26 February at 10 a.m. here in the Hall after the consideration of other items announced in the The Journal of the United Nations. The exercise of the right of reply has been requested. May I remind members that statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and to five minutes for the second intervention and should be made by delegations from their seats. I now give the floor to the representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

My delegation is compelled to take the floor to exercise its right of reply in response to the provocative statement made by the representative of the United States. We categorically reject the United States outrageous and groundless claims, which constitute a great political provocation and a reckless act against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The United States is very eager to abuse this platform and deceive the international community following its foolish attempt to justify its illegal offer of weapons to Ukraine, while persistently spreading groundless rumours of arms dealings between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Russian Federation. We take this opportunity to make clear our stance once again: we have never had arms dealings with the Russian Federation, and neither do we have any plans to do so in the future. We strongly denounce the hostile forces for their arms dealings rumour — a plot-breeding story against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and part of a hostile attempt to tarnish the image of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in the international arena, including by invoking illegal sanctions resolutions against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. It is, in fact, the United States that is driving the crisis in Ukraine to the brink of world nuclear war by continuously sending notorious lethal weapons, including cluster bombs, to the Ukrainian battlefield. As such, it has no legal right or moral justification to slander normal cooperation between sovereign States in the field of national defence for peace and security in the region and the rest of the world. The international community should focus on the United States criminal acts, whereby it has brought bloodshed and destruction to Ukraine by providing it with various kinds of lethal weapons and equipment on a large scale, rather than lending an ear to its groundless claims of arms dealings between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Russian Federation, fabricated by some dishonest forces for political purposes. The United States should be mindful that, if it persists in spreading that self-made rumour against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and provoking us groundlessly, it will face a really undesirable result.

The Assembly has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of agenda item 62.