S/PV.10133 Security Council

In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Khaled Khiari, Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, Europe, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific, Departments of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and Peace Operations; and Her Excellency Ms. Kaja Kallas, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I now give the floor to Mr. Khiari. Mr. Khiari: Thank you for the invitation to brief the Council on United Nations- European Union (EU) cooperation. I am honoured to brief the Council alongside Her Excellency Ms. Kaja Kallas, the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. The European Union, conceived as a project of peace, integration and cooperation in the aftermath of the Second World War, has evolved into a major economic and diplomatic actor and a strong advocate of multilateralism. Today, it maintains a global presence through an extensive network of delegations and offices worldwide, including here in New York. In line with Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations, the United Nations continues to work closely with regional and subregional organizations, including those with a global reach, such as the European Union. The European Union’s founding treaties underscore the commitment to multilateral solutions, particularly in the framework of the United Nations. This commitment has been consistently reaffirmed, including most recently, in March, by the European Council. In an increasingly complex and uncertain international environment, sustained engagement, dialogue and trust-building are essential. Respect for international law and the Charter of the United Nations remains central to addressing shared challenges. The European Union plays an important role in advancing these principles. The European Union is a key partner across the full spectrum of the United Nations’ work: from international peace and security to human rights, sustainable development and humanitarian action. We are particularly grateful for the role of European Union member States as troopand police-contributing countries, including in challenging environments, such as Lebanon, and in intergovernmental processes, including the Peacebuilding Commission. At a time when advancing political solutions remains difficult in many contexts, the support of the European Union for the United Nations’ good offices, mediation and political engagement is especially important. Across a wide range of situations — whether in our efforts in Afghanistan through the Doha process, in the wider Middle East, or in our efforts in the Sudan, the Great Lakes region and Libya — we continue to rely on strong and consistent European Union engagement in support of inclusive political processes. The coordination and complementarity guiding our efforts translate into action in various ways. We work together in Central Asia, most recently to implement the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy; in the Western Balkans, to advance reconciliation; and in the South Caucasus, where the United Nations cochairs the Geneva International Discussions on Georgia with the EU and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Cooperation between the United Nations, the European Union and the African Union (AU) has also continued to deepen, including through regular trilateral engagement at both the political and technical levels. Building on successive AU-EU- United Nations summits, this partnership has helped to advance more predictable and sustainable approaches to peace support operations in Africa, in line with African Union leadership and ownership. The war in Ukraine is a severe test of the international order-related regional frameworks, including and especially the European Union. The Russian invasion has shaken the foundations of the European security architecture to its core. As we enter the fifth year of this war, the human toll continues to rise. We hope that the Orthodox Easter temporary ceasefire will help to pave the way towards a more durable one. An immediate, full and unconditional ceasefire must be the first step towards a just, lasting and comprehensive peace, grounded in respect for international law and the principles of the United Nations Charter. Cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union is longstanding, comprehensive and operational in nature. It extends to the country level, including some of the most challenging contexts. This is particularly evident where European Union missions are deployed alongside the United Nations, including in the Central African Republic, Somalia, Kosovo, Israel, the Occupied Palestinian Territory and Libya. In some cases, European Union operations are directly mandated by the Council, including the European Union military operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union military operation in the Mediterranean, related to Libya. Our cooperation spans key areas such as the rule of law, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration and security sector reform, with a focus on nationally owned peacebuilding priorities. We have also strengthened joint efforts in advancing the women and peace and security, and the youth, peace and security agendas. The European Union has joined the Secretary-General’s Common Pledge to Increase Women’s Full, Equal and Meaningful Participation in Peace Processes as part of its commitment to fast-track women’s direct participation in formal peace talks. Important frameworks, such as the 2003 Joint Declaration on United Nations- EU Cooperation in Crisis Management and the 2020 Framework Agreement between the European Union and the United Nations for the Provision of Mutual Support in the context of their respective missions and operations in the field, have strengthened institutional cooperation. More recently, the Secretariat, through the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and the Department of Peace Operations, and the European External Action Service have agreed on joint priorities for 2025–2028. These priorities aim to further strengthen the partnership by enhancing political and operational support for United Nations peace operations, advancing cooperation in peacebuilding, mediation and conflict prevention, and deepening engagement with regional actors, including the African Union. They also provide a framework to advance shared priorities on climate, peace and security, the rule of law, the protection of civilians and counter-terrorism, alongside cooperation on security sector reform, disarmament and innovation. The adoption of the Pact for the Future in 2024 reaffirmed the centrality of the United Nations and the importance of strengthening international cooperation grounded in the Charter. Our partnership with the European Union is a clear expression of that commitment. We look forward to continued cooperation with the European Union in advancing peace and security and improving the lives of people around the world.

I thank Mr. Khiari for his briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Kallas. Ms. Kallas: It is an honour to address the Security Council again. I would like to thank Bahrain for convening this meeting, and I wish you, Mr. President, all the best for your presidency. Each year, the Security Council reviews the partnership between the European Union (EU) and the United Nations with regard to peace and security. This is fitting, even if we only look at the financial metrics. The EU and its member States provide 42 per cent of official development assistance but make up only 5 per cent of the global population. Our member States finance a quarter of the Organization’s regular budget, and we pay in full and on time. However, the EU has never considered its support for the United Nations purely on how much it spends. We have been active in peacebuilding. If those present think about the European Union missions, some of them, like the European Union military operation in the Mediterranean, fall under a direct United Nations mandate; others, in cooperation with the United Nations, are providing concrete EU support to peacebuilding. Through the European Union Naval Force Operation Aspides, we are protecting freedom of navigation in the Red Sea. For years, we have been the single biggest supporter of peace and security in Somalia through our contributions to United Nations and African Union peacekeeping efforts. As the main donor to the Palestinian Authority and its reform process, and as a leading humanitarian donor in Gaza, as well as through our operational commitments to the European Union Border Assistance Mission and the European Union Police Mission for the Palestinian Territories, we are actively promoting the two-State solution and the implementation of the Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict. We do all this in support of the United Nations because it is the only international system that stands for peace, represents the global collective interest and protects international law. Today we are witnessing the greatest violation and breakdown of international law since the Second World War. As a result, peace and security are collapsing. This is why the EU’s support for the United Nations is now more vital than ever. The breakdown of international law is evident in today’s two pre-eminent global crises: Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and the war in the Middle East. Russia is committing one of the most outrageous breaches of international law in United Nations history by invading a sovereign country and turning its back on its obligations as a permanent member of the Security Council. The war in the Middle East has caused immense instability and cost far too many lives. It is no longer regional or simply about security in the region. Its effects ripple worldwide. Citizens from Europe to Asia are suffering from higher energy prices. Farmers from Africa to South America are facing fertilizer shortages. And the crisis is accelerating structural vulnerabilities in the global system, including concentrated energy dependencies, fragile trade corridors and the asymmetric exposure of emerging economies. Russia is also supporting Iran with intelligence and drones. Prolonging the war benefits Russia through higher energy prices, the depletion of defence arsenals and diverted attention. I have just returned from a visit to the Gulf region. The roads, airports, hotels, energy infrastructure and other civilian infrastructure have been hit by the same tools that wreak havoc in Ukraine. Together, the crises in Europe and the Middle East represent the clearest sign yet of abandonment of the old rules, including the Charter of the United Nations. A new world is now in the making, one characterized by competition and coercive power politics — a world order dominated by a handful of military Powers that aim to establish spheres of influence. How the world responds to this moment says less about the new emerging order than it does about us, because we have been here before. We are hearing a lot about multipolarity today. But let us be clear: multipolarity unrestrained by the United Nations Charter or international law, multipolarity guided only by spheres of influence, has never been peaceful, stable or conducive to global security or evenly distributed economic development, and ultimately, it always ends in devastation. In the aftermath of the First World War, the world decided to try something different: multilateralism instead of multipolarity. The League of Nations was born. After the Second World War, important lessons were learned. We recommitted to multilateralism, with an understanding that the international system had to evolve as the world did. It had to have buy-in and legitimacy to work. Today it seems we are forgetting these lessons and what it takes to make the system work. Some even question the very utility of multilateralism as an organizing principle of international relations. The world will never see Europe taking that path. In fact, the history of the European Union has followed a similar trajectory to the development of the international order. Europe will always choose cooperation over coercion. Just like the current international order, the European Union is plagued by imperfections, but that does not mean that we stop trying to do better. That is why, when it comes to the international order, Europe can be part of the solution. This is why, when countries seek reliable principal partners to bolster alliances, defend international law and move multilateralism forward, they increasingly turn to the European Union. I hear this every single time I meet with foreign leaders. International cooperation based on the United Nations Charter benefits citizens everywhere in the world. That is also why, despite its many challenges, the decline in multilateralism has actually put it back on the table. This is today’s paradox. Even if the biggest military Powers are losing interest, everyone else is not. The question now is how to transform the ailing multilateral system into one that works for all. The European Union shares the belief that the United Nations must address the need to prevent war. For that, we must be clear about the role of the United Nations. First, international law sets legal parameters for the use of force by States, and they could not be clearer: only for self-defence or with a mandate from the Security Council. Today rules are being broken with impunity. Secondly, conflict prevention is as much about upholding international rights, rules and norms as it is about addressing the root causes of conflict — poverty, inequality, climate change and the lack of transitional justice, to name but a few. The United Nations works to make a concrete, tangible difference in people’s lives in areas where countries cannot do so alone. Both strands must remain central to the work of the United Nations. As the EU has learned from its own history, practical, incremental steps eventually lead to transformative change. We can and should move forward on specific topics, in ensuring adherence to the rules and improving processes. To that end, I will highlight two examples. First, regarding peace mediation, peacebuilding and peacekeeping, there has been much criticism against the United Nations, including the Security Council, for failing to resolve conflicts. The record use of the veto in 2024, for example, suggests that this body struggles to address conflicts as they arise. On the one hand, if the Security Council were functioning as it should, we would not be where we are today. On the other hand, it is a chance for the United Nations to step up and show that it can deliver. More conflict requires more mediation. There is already so much we know about what works and what does not. The United Nations should oversee a revival of best practices. For example, we know that dialogue led by local communities, minorities and young people makes peace endure; we know that including women in negotiations vastly increases the chances of lasting peace; and we know that involving multilateral structures, such as the United Nations, helps overcome national interests. These principles are not being consistently applied in mediation efforts today, but they must be if the goal is durable peace. Peacekeeping remains crucial where mediation fails and always requires the broadest possible international support. Since 1948, United Nations peacekeepers from more than 120 countries have protected civilians and saved lives. I am proud to say that the EU member States are currently the largest collective financial contributor to the United Nations peacekeeping budget. The EU is looking at how we can engage further. In Lebanon, for example, we are exploring how we could better support the Lebanese Armed Forces, complementing the United Nations presence and the important bilateral efforts by several countries. However, the war must end as soon as possible. My second example concerns maritime security. Our collective security, safety and prosperity are totally intertwined with what happens at sea. Maritime security underpins global communications, energy supply and economic development. Yet this domain has become increasingly contested. Whether we are talking about the Baltic, North or Red Seas, the numerous straits or the Indo-Pacific, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea is being deliberately undermined. International cooperation at sea has not evolved at the same pace as the threats in that domain. We must catch up. What is happening today in the Strait of Hormuz is the clearest call yet for a strong international coalition on maritime security. There are many initiatives on the table, but the objectives are simple: safe passage for all shipments via that route. Let me be clear: the European Union will continue to reject any arrangement that seeks to limit free and safe passage through the Strait in accordance with international law. As I mentioned, I have just returned from the Middle East. It is clear that the fragile truce hangs in the balance, but it offers a much-needed opportunity to negotiate. The European Union will continue to contribute all diplomatic efforts to prevent the region from sliding into further chaos. We commend Pakistan for facilitating further talks and encourage the negotiations to continue. Protecting freedom of navigation is not the only challenge today. Submarine cables and pipelines are already targets for sabotage. For that reason, we should step up our work towards a new multilateral agreement to establish legal certainty and develop the tools to address those threats. When we know what works, we should replicate those successes elsewhere. If we pledge to uphold the founding principles of the United Nations, including the Charter, and envisage expanding the body of international law, then we must agree on how to make the rules stick. To do so, we must strengthen accountability. International law is only as effective as we are willing to make it. The need for accountability is why we are helping to set up a tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine. Without the crime of aggression — which is the leadership crime — there would not be any war crimes, either. Without leadership accountability, war crimes will persist. The Security Council bears a special responsibility for ensuring compliance with the rules, because there can be no security in a world of impunity. That is why I salute initiatives to curb the abuse of the veto, such as the initiative introduced by Liechtenstein to trigger a General Assembly debate when the veto is cast and the French and Mexican initiative to curtail the use of the veto in cases of atrocity crimes. When this body fails to deliver on its responsibility for peace and security, we should consider reverting the question to the General Assembly. Finally, on process, our collaboration does not need to be confined to what we have got used to over the past 80 years. Let us think outside the box about how we approach bilateral partnerships, alliances, regional organizations, coalitions of the willing and minilateral or plurilateral arrangements. For instance, we could convene regional organizations around a specific theme of interest. We could think of multilateral partnerships based on particular issues. We could include other stakeholders, such as the business sector, more systematically in tackling common challenges. All of those efforts are complementary to the multilateral, rules-based order that most States want. None must undermine it. Every iteration must be in line with United Nations principles, or else we risk having a United Nations in name only. If we do more of that, cross-regionally and with a critical mass, we could strengthen the system as a whole. If the first success of the United Nations was its capacity to evolve as the world community did, that is no longer the case. From the modest representation of rising economies in the Security Council to the role of the General Assembly in holding the most powerful to account, the to-do list is long. Without fairness, there is no hope of making it work again. We remain hopeful, however. The EU continues to be a firm believer in the United Nations and its capacity for change. The EU has its own long experience with reforming, adjusting and transforming itself. We know that doing so is not a one-shot project; rather, it involves listening, negotiation, political compromises and a healthy dose of humility. We also know what it is worth. One hundred years from now, historians will look back at this moment and ask: what did the United Nations do when the rules-based order was under threat? Did we cling to the past, defending a system that no longer worked for the many, or did we have the courage to reform it to make it stronger, fairer and more resilient? Did we stand by as the ruthless rewrote the rules? Or did we stand together and say no, the law applies to all? Did we resign ourselves to a world of spheres of influence where might makes right? Or did we choose cooperation over coercion, justice over impunity and peace over war? The answer is in our hands. The members of the Council are entrusted with the responsibility to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. That was the promise of 1945, and it must be our mission today. Let us be the generation that built a stronger, fairer order, one fit for the challenges ahead. The time of action is now.

I thank Ms. Kallas for her briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

Cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union for the purposes of maintaining international peace and security is an issue of great interest to my delegation. We would like to thank the delegation of Bahrain for organizing this meeting. For the Democratic Republic of the Congo, today’s meeting is part of the momentum from recent discussions in the Security Council on the partnerships between the United Nations and regional organizations and discussions that shed light on the growing role of the latter in the prevention, management and resolution of present-day crises. My country welcomes the presence of the Assistant Secretary- General Khaled Khiari, as well as Her Excellency Ms. Kaja Kallas, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. We wish to thank both briefers for their statements. The Democratic Republic of the Congo attaches particular importance to strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations in accordance with Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations. For my country, this framework is not merely a legal reference. It is the foundation of effective multilateralism, which is rooted in the complementarity of actions and proximity to realities on the ground. The growing complexity of present-day crises makes cooperation based on coherence, predictability and complementarity more necessary than ever. In this regard, the Democratic Republic of the Congo recognizes the substantial contribution of the European Union to United Nations action on the political, financial, humanitarian and operational levels. My country’s experience bears witness to this. Operation Artemis and the EUFOR R.D. Congo, mandated by the Council, have demonstrated that targeted regional operations with clear mandates can effectively support United Nations efforts and respond swiftly to crisis situations. These precedents illustrate the role that the European Union can play as a credible operational partner, including in support of stabilization efforts on the African continent. However, the value of this cooperation cannot be assessed solely in terms of contributions. It must also be measured by its ability to support lasting political solutions, prevent crises and build national capacities. The Democratic Republic of the Congo believes that this cooperation must be grounded in a few key requirements. First, it must remain fully grounded in the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, namely respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of States. Secondly, it must preserve the central role of the United Nations and the Security Council while promoting complementary regional initiatives that are in accordance with international law. Thirdly, it must prioritize political approaches, conflict prevention and national capacity-building in accordance with the principle of national ownership. Any consideration of this partnership must also fully integrate the realities of the African continent. In this regard, the Democratic Republic of the Congo emphasizes the importance of enhanced coordination between the United Nations, the European Union and the African Union. Enhanced coordination between the United Nations, the European Union and the African Union is likely to improve the effectiveness of the collective response, particularly in supporting African peace and security initiatives. This support must be based on a framework of balanced, predictable and sustainable partnership, including with regard to the financing of peace support operations led by the African Union. In an international context marked by significant tensions, cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union must remain guided by the pursuit of useful common ground. It must contribute to de-escalating crises, fostering dialogue and strengthening effective multilateralism based on an objective assessment of reality and respect for mandates. It is in this spirit that the Democratic Republic of the Congo encourages the continued strengthening of this strategic partnership. In conclusion, the Democratic Republic of the Congo reaffirms that cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union constitutes a useful lever for international peace and security, provided that it remains rooted in the Charter, the complementarity of actions and respect for the priorities of the States concerned.

I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari for his briefing. I welcome High Representative Kaja Kallas to the Council today and express appreciation for her valuable briefing. With multilateralism and international law being severely challenged, Latvia, as a member State of the European Union (EU), remains firmly committed to upholding the Charter of the United Nations and its fundamental principles. The close cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union, as described by both briefers, spans across the three pillars of the United Nations, as established by the Charter: peace and security, human rights and sustainable development. First, we do our part in maintaining international peace and security. There is a strong and effective cooperation on the ground between the United Nations system and the European Union’s mediation efforts and civilian and military missions. Latvia has been contributing to EU initiative missions in Armenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Iraq, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, as well as in the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. We welcome the Council’s continued support for the EU’s important work, including the European Union military operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union military operation in the Mediterranean. Effective crisis response requires regional actors to engage and cooperate. The League of Arab States, the African Union and the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf show the importance of regional organizations working in lockstep with the United Nations to uphold the United Nations Charter in their respective regions. The European Union takes a principled stance against aggression globally, not only on our continent. That is why all EU member States supported resolution 2817 (2026), condemning Iranian attacks against its neighbours. Another example is the long-standing cooperation between the European Union and the African Union, including African Union peacekeeping efforts, particularly the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia. Secondly, at a time when attacks against civilians and humanitarian personnel have reached alarming levels, the European Union calls for the protection of civilians in armed conflicts and respect for international humanitarian law in every context — be it in Gaza, the Sudan, Myanmar, Haiti or Ukraine. We support human rights defenders and humanitarian actors, especially local organizations. This is central to the purpose of the United Nations, and it is our shared responsibility to protect civilians and put maximum pressure on aggressors and perpetrators, including through sanctions. Thirdly, the European Union and its member States remain the largest financial contributors to the United Nations system, financing around one quarter of the United Nations regular and peacekeeping budgets and one-third of all financial contributions to United Nations agencies, funds and programmes, paying our contributions to the United Nations in full and always on time. Within team Europe, Latvia is particularly focused on supporting the rule of law, good governance, empowering women, advancing gender equality and socioeconomic development, fostering digitalization and addressing climate change and environmental challenges in our partner countries. When Europe arose from the devastation of the Second World War and went on to closely cooperate with the United Nations, Latvia experienced decades of Soviet occupation. Upon regaining independence, one of our first goals was to join the European Union, the largest and most enduring peace project in history. We cannot choose our neighbours, but we can choose our friends and partners. We have been part of the European Union for 22 years and have never looked back. This lived experience explains why Latvia stands firmly with Ukraine and its sovereign right to do the same. We will not tolerate the use of fiction and lies as a pretext to bend the United Nations Charter, especially against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Ukraine or any other country. Alongside the EU, Latvia will remain a steadfast contributor to effective multilateralism, with the United Nations at its core.

I would like to thank Assistant Secretary- General Khiari for his briefing. I also welcome High Representative Kallas back to the Security Council and thank her for her statement. The United Kingdom shares the commitment of the European Union (EU) to effective multilateralism. With deepening global instability, close cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations remains essential. The United Kingdom supports EU-United Nations coordination in maintaining international peace and security, as set out in the EU-United Nations strategic partnership. We also welcome the strengthening of our own cooperation with the EU since the 2025 United Kingdom-EU Summit, including signing of the United Kingdom-EU Security and Defence Partnership. We continue to build on this, in pursuit of European and international security. I will now make three points. First, the EU makes a vital contribution to stability in our shared neighbourhood. Like the United Kingdom, the EU has consistently championed Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, which Russia continues to violate through its illegal war. Russia must end its aggression, and any peace must be just, lasting and consistent with the Charter of the United Nations. In the Western Balkans, the EU plays a vital role through the EU-facilitated Belgrade-Pristina dialogue and contributing to stability and security in Bosnia and Herzegovina through the European Union Military Operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Secondly, EU-United Nations cooperation contributes to peace and security well beyond Europe. We welcome the EU’s commitment to the protection of civilians; the women and peace and security agenda; and climate-related security. In the Middle East, the United Kingdom and the EU welcome the current ceasefire as an important step back from escalation and an opportunity to create space for diplomacy. The EU and its member States have been a consistent voice of support for freedom of navigation and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. In the Sudan, the EU is a valued partner for United Nations efforts to alleviate the humanitarian crisis and bring an end to the conflict. The Berlin conference on 15 April, co-hosted by the United Kingdom, the EU, Germany and others, will be an opportunity to reinforce international focus and drive political action. We also welcome the EU’s diplomatic and humanitarian engagement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and its work on governance, resilience and peacebuilding in Africa and beyond. Thirdly, we welcome the commitment shown by the EU and its member States to the United Nations as an institution, including through the UN80 reform process. We share the goal of a reformed United Nations that is effective and representative and that advances international peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. We are proud to count the EU as a key partner in this cause.

I would like to thank the Assistant Secretary-General, Mr. Khaled Khiari, and the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Ms. Kaja Kallas, for their statements. First, the European Union (EU) works, together with the United Nations, to uphold the primacy of law over force. The EU and its member States are mobilizing to defend the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, United Nations values, human rights and fundamental freedoms. We have been doing so for more than four years on our own continent, maintaining our commitment to supporting Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression. This war taking place in Europe has a directly impact on our security interests and justifies a massive, sustained response on our part. Yet, beyond this, it affects all Member States — whether in terms of its economic consequences or the respect due to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of a Member State. Together with the vast majority of Member States and the Secretary-General, we call for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, with a view to achieving a just and lasting peace in accordance with the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly. Those principles serve as our compass throughout the world. That is why we call for respect for the ceasefire in the Middle East, which must fully encompass Lebanon. It is through negotiations that the security guarantees necessary for the stability of the entire region would be established. Together with other partners, France and several EU member States stand ready to facilitate the resumption of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. Secondly, the EU and its member States are mobilized to respond to crises and restore international peace and stability. The EU and its member States conduct actions based on United Nations resolutions and international law, or at the invitation of host States. In Lebanon, EU member States, which account for one third of personnel in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, play an essential role in liaison, deconfliction and humanitarian support for local populations, against a backdrop of intensifying hostilities. In Gaza, in support of the ceasefire, the European Union Border Assistance Mission to Rafah — to which France contributes — serves as a trusted third party at the crossing point. Furthermore, the EU continues to provide support to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East and nongovernmental organizations amid a severely deteriorating situation, and it remains resolutely committed to the two-State solution. In Syria, the European Union supports an inclusive political transition and the country’s sustainable economic recovery. In the Red Sea, the European Union Naval Force Operation Aspides contributes to safeguarding maritime security and freedom of navigation. Off the coast of Libya, the European Union military operation in the Mediterranean Operation IRINI, is the sole initiative monitoring compliance with the arms embargo. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the European Union military operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, known as EUFOR-Althea, supports regional stabilization and integration. In Africa, the EU provides substantial financial support to African Union operations and deploys several training missions and strategic guidance, such as in the Central African Republic. In Somalia, the European Union is historically and remains the largest and primary contributor to the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia. The rest of the international community must step up its engagement in support of this Mission. Within the framework of the Quintet on the Sudan, the EU contributes to facilitating an intra-Sudanese political dialogue that is indispensable for the restoration of lasting peace. It plays a leading role in humanitarian aid in the Great Lakes region and remains committed to the resumption of humanitarian flights at Goma International Airport, in line with the Paris conference of 30 October 2025. As the High Representative rightly emphasized, the European Union lies at the heart of political solutions to international crises. Furthermore, the EU and its member States, which together constitute the world’s leading humanitarian donor, maintain their support for all the populations in need. To that end, the European Union has provided substantial assistance across the globe, from Ukraine to Afghanistan, in addition to Palestine, the Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Group of Seven Summit in June, to be hosted by France in Evian, will be an important opportunity to affirm the importance of international solidarity, particularly European solidarity. The European Union also firmly supports efforts to advance the women and peace and security agenda and the children in armed conflict agenda, which are an essential part of France’s actions within the Council. The European Union places its partnership with the United Nations at the heart of its external action and is a fundamental pillar for the Organization. European support for the Secretary-General’s UN80 Initiative is proof of this. The EU and its member States are taking active part in reforming the budget, working methods and structures of the United Nations in the service of a more effective and efficient Organization and multilateralism. This partnership depends on stable and regular funding for the United Nations. The European Union member States are the largest contributors to the regular budget and the third largest to the peacekeeping operations budget. They finance nearly a quarter of these two budgets. They pay their contributions in full and on time. That is the case again in 2026. The EU and its member States also provide a major portion of the voluntary contributions that sustain the Organization’s dedicated agencies, funds and programmes. Lastly, we support revising the financial rules to review calculation of credit returns on the basis of the income received, as requested by the Secretary-General, to respond to the urgency of the Organization’s financial situation. In conclusion, the EU and its member States remain committed to implement the Pact for the Future and its annexes and jointly address the major challenges of our time, in particular, climate and environmental challenges, the defence of human rights and the jurisdictions that protect them, financing for development, support for the least developed countries and bridging the digital divide, including with regard to artificial intelligence.

Let me start by thanking Assistant Secretary-General Khiari for his briefing. And I would like to welcome the High Representative Kallas to the Chamber and thank her for her comprehensive intervention that clearly shows the depth of European Union (EU)-United Nations cooperation. In today’s rapidly changing and increasingly challenging world, strong multilateral cooperation has become more essential than ever. Events over the past year have only reinforced the need for engagement between the United Nations and the European Union to bolster this shared effort. While the Council bears the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, it does not hold a monopoly on efforts to achieve it. Regional organizations play a critical role. Denmark is proud to be a member of an organization that takes this role seriously. Like the United Nations, the EU was created to end the scourge of war and to build a better future. Denmark is more convinced than ever that the EU and the United Nations are natural partners. The cooperation today is already strong, but there is potential to deepen this even further. The EU fully supports the United Nations, both financially and politically, across all three of its main pillars. In fact, as we have heard from our High Representative, the EU and its member States account for almost a quarter of the United Nations regular budget and a large share of voluntary contributions. I am proud to say that all EU member States had already paid their 2026 assessed contribution by the end of March because they remain firm champions of a strong and effective United Nations. This extends to international law, including international humanitarian law, to human rights, to sustainable development and to multilateral solutions to shared challenges. The EU has repeatedly supported the core task of international peace and security — and we already heard a number of examples of this this morning — including by deploying numerous civilian and military missions alongside United Nations-led or -supported missions in countries such as Libya, Iraq, Mali, Somalia, the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In the past 12 months, approximately 4,000 EU civilian and military staff have been deployed overseas to preserve peace, prevent conflict and strengthen international security in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Just a few days ago, we heard in the Chamber how the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue is supporting the quest for peaceful coexistence in Kosovo. In the Sudan, the EU Envoy is working closely with the United Nations and regional actors to alleviate suffering and protect the humanitarian and civilian space. The EU is also one of the most vocal defenders of international law. At a time when this order is under pressure, Denmark welcomes and is proud to be part of the EU’s unwavering support for the most fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations: sovereignty, territorial integrity and universal human rights. The EU’s engagement includes steadfast support for Ukraine as it defends itself from Russia’s relentless full-scale invasion. This illegal and brutal war—now in its fifth year—has brought death, destruction and suffering to millions of civilians on a scale not seen since the darkest chapters of European history. In line with the principles of the Charter, Denmark believes that every sovereign country must be able to freely shape its own future and choose its partners. We cannot accept a world where people live under constant threat that their neighbours will try to change their borders through brute force in blatant violation of the rules that underpin this very Organization. This past year has shown how interconnected our world has become. Conflict in the Persian Gulf has driven up energy costs. The war in Ukraine has worsened food insecurity for the neediest. Attacks in the Red Sea have disrupted supply chains. Violence in the Sahel has displaced millions. In the modern world, crises do not stay local. Rather, their effects ripple across the globe, often with quite unforeseen effects. Invariably, those most in need suffer the harshest consequences. In such a world, international law, including the United Nations Charter, needs strong advocates. The United Nations will find no more committed partner than the EU. Denmark will work to ensure that this partnership is further bolstered. We remain steadfast in our support for the United Nations and the European Union.

We are happy to be in the midst of the European members of the Council on the list of speakers for this session. That perhaps denotes Pakistan’s strong partnership with that continent. I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari for his statement, and we welcome High Representative Kaja Kallas to the Security Council. We have very attentively listened to their insightful remarks. Promoting multilateral cooperation, universal respect for international law, conflict prevention and resolution, and the peaceful settlement of disputes are, to my mind, the key takeaways from these twin briefings this morning. Pakistan values the long-standing and deep-rooted commitment of the European Union (EU) to multilateralism, international law and the Charter of the United Nations. We are encouraged by the High Representative’s remarks today echoing the EU’s determination to support multilateralism, with the United Nations serving as the nerve centre for these efforts. The world order today is under significant stress. The widening geopolitical fault lines are producing global shock waves unseen in decades. Strategic competition is regrettably displacing — and in some cases replacing — cooperation. These trends have further accentuated the challenges to the maintenance of international peace and security, causing global instability at a time when cooperation is most needed to narrow the development divide and promote shared prosperity for all. The very architecture of security, commerce and trade, and development cooperation, painstakingly built over the past more than eight decades, is teetering on the precipice. Amid this tense geopolitical environment, my delegation views cooperation between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations, such as the European Union, as set forth in Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations, as a strategic necessity. Regional organizations such as the EU are vital partners in a myriad of ways for pursuing the shared objectives of peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. Resolution 2788 (2025), adopted in July 2025, during Pakistan’s presidency of the Security Council, recognizes the role of regional and subregional organizations in complementing the United Nations efforts to prevent conflicts and promote peaceful settlements of disputes and encourages Member States to support and strengthen such cooperation. In a world with mutual dependencies, matters concerning peace and security, regardless of their epicentres, do not remain confined to a certain geographical expanse. The recent conflict in West Asia and the ongoing conflict in Europe and the Middle East corroborate this fact. Pakistan’s position on these issues has remained grounded in our unwavering commitment to the United Nations Charter and manifest advocacy and support for the peaceful settlement of all disputes. We thank the High Representative for her remarks and the European Union for its support for Pakistan’s role in seeking a diplomatic way out of the conflict in West Asia. Every statement made in support of dialogue and all voices in favour of the cessation of hostilities, both from the region and the wider world, matter and further bolster our resolve and commitment to peace. We express our gratitude to the EU and its members for their continued backing for a peaceful resolution of this conflict. The EU remains an important diplomatic and humanitarian actor in the Middle East. Pakistan acknowledges its principled position on the question of Palestine and its consistent support for a just and lasting two-State solution, in line with international law and the relevant United Nations resolutions. The EU, with its influence and leverage, could play a formidable role to support sustained international efforts in alleviating the suffering of the Palestinian people and the realization of their legitimate rights, including the right to self-determination and statehood, in accordance with international legitimacy. Pakistan also remains hopeful that the long-drawn conflict in Ukraine will be resolved through a meaningful dialogue between the parties concerned that corresponds to the interests of all relevant stakeholders. It is beyond doubt that growing food insecurity, freshwater scarcity, energy volatility, supply chain fragmentations, pandemics, climate change and associated natural calamities pose grave challenges, with a disproportionate brunt borne by the global South. As a developing country, Pakistan appreciates the EU’s commitment to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the Paris Climate Agreement, the reform of the international financial architecture and the provision of humanitarian assistance for people afflicted by conflicts and catastrophes. At a time when international development cooperation is waning, the EU’s sustained support, including to United Nations agencies, funds and programmes, is timely and critical. As an ardent supporter of peacekeeping itself, Pakistan recognizes and commends the EU’s strong partnership with the United Nations in peacekeeping and peacebuilding. It serves as an example of effective regional cooperation, combining political coordination, financial support and field-level complementarity. The EU’s contributions to United Nations peace operations, including voluntary funding, as well as through capacity-building for troopand police-contributing countries and support to security sector reform, rule-of-law institutions and stabilizing programmes in missions, remain vital not only for the smooth running of these missions but also for saving and rebuilding lives and livelihoods. Pakistan and the EU enjoy a robust, comprehensive and wide-ranging partnership. The EU is Pakistan’s largest trade and investment partner. The Generalized System of Preferences Plus has played an important role in the growth of Pakistan-EU trade and has served as a win-win model for economic cooperation. We are confident that Pakistan-EU cooperation and our partnership will continue to grow in a mutually beneficial manner. Pakistan recognizes the importance of collaborative efforts in addressing the common challenges afflicting our humanity. Our partnership with the EU stands as a testament to the shared values and mutual interests that promote international peace and security and that drive progress in trade, humanitarian support and multilateral cooperation. By continuing to engage in constructive dialogue and joint initiatives, we are confident that, together, we can create a more stable, prosperous, peaceful and equitable future for all.

I would like to start by thanking Assistant Secretary- General Khiari for his briefing. I welcome High Representative Kallas to the Security Council today and thank her for her valuable remarks. Effective multilateralism is not a choice; it is an imperative. The United Nations and the European Union (EU) are grounded in the conviction that peace, security and prosperity require cooperation, respect for international law and shared responsibility — principles whose importance is only heightened in today’s challenging environment. The European Union remains a steadfast and credible partner of the United Nations, politically, operationally and financially. This partnership is grounded in a clear normative framework: full respect for the Charter of the United Nations and international law, including international humanitarian law and human rights law. These principles are the foundation of trust among States and the most effective safeguard for international peace and security. The United Nations and the European Union remain the bulwarks against the continued erosion of these principles. As a leading development and humanitarian donor, the European Union contributes decisively to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals and to the promotion and protection of human rights. At a time of increasing geopolitical tensions, it is essential to place the protection of civilians and respect for international humanitarian law at the forefront of our efforts, ensuring that violations are addressed in a consistent and accountable manner, as lasting peace cannot be secured without full adherence to these fundamental principles. The EU-United Nations strategic partnership on peace and security demonstrates the added value of effective multilateral cooperation. From peace operations to conflict prevention and post-conflict stabilization, EU engagement complements, and very often implements, Security Council mandates across multiple theatres. Prevention, in particular, must remain our shared priority. In our neighbourhood — the Western Balkans — cooperation remains essential for maintaining stability, including through the European Union military operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, while continued engagement through the EU-facilitated Belgrade-Pristina dialogue remains key to fostering regional stability, reconciliation and effective prevention. This partnership is equally vital in the maritime domain. Maritime security, freedom of navigation and the protection of critical sea lanes are integral to international peace and security. In an increasingly interconnected world, disruptions at sea, whether owing to conflict, illicit trafficking or attacks on infrastructure, have immediate global repercussions, as we can now see with the case in the Strait of Hormuz. In this regard, EU naval operations, including IRINI, Aspides and Atalanta, make a tangible contribution to safeguarding maritime security, ensuring the protection of global trade routes and countering emerging threats from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean and the Horn of Africa. Their actions are firmly anchored in international law, in particular the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which remains the cornerstone of maritime governance. Together with our European Union partners, we reiterate our firm condemnation of Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine, which constitutes a blatant violation of the Charter of the United Nations. A just and lasting peace must be grounded in respect for sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Europe must remain fully engaged in this process of cardinal importance for European security. As regards the Middle East, along with all EU member States, we supported resolution 2817 (2026), and we reiterate our call to all parties to exercise maximum restraint, protect civilians and humanitarian workers and engage in meaningful dialogue. Across Africa and other regions, the scale and complexity of crises underscore the need for strengthened cooperation between the United Nations, the European Union and regional organizations, including the African Union. In this context, coordinated international efforts with the participation of the European Union, including engagement in the case of the Sudan such as through the quintet, remain essential to support mediation, advance peacebuilding and address the root causes of instability. To conclude, strengthening United Nations-EU cooperation is not only about efficiency, it also is about delivering results and preserving an increasingly fragile international peace and security. Greece remains firmly committed to advancing United Nations-EU cooperation as a force multiplier for peace, security and stability with full respect for international law and the United Nations Charter.

I would like to thank the President for convening this briefing and the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Ms. Kaja Kallas, and the Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, Europe, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific, Mr. Mohamed Khaled Khiari, for their briefings to the Council. Colombia recognizes the strategic value of cooperation between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations in accordance with Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations. In the current context, cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union is particularly relevant to strengthening political, operational and strategic coordination. Colombia underscores the role of the European Union as a key partner of the United Nations system and acknowledges its firm commitment to upholding the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, human rights, gender equality, peace, the fight against climate change and the strengthening of alliances and international cooperation. This comprehensive approach, aligned with the United Nations pillars of development, peace, human rights and humanitarian action, contributes to more sustainable responses to highly complex contexts and bolsters collective action vis-à-vis global challenges. In an international environment marked by simultaneous crises, Colombia notes with concern the persistence and escalation of conflicts and instability in various regions of the world — Ukraine, Haiti, the Sudan and the Middle East, among other conflict hotspots of grave concern. This state of affairs reaffirms the central role of the Charter of the United Nations and respect for international law and the need for collective responses grounded in diplomacy, conflict prevention and the pursuit of peaceful and inclusive solutions, in which actors such as the European Union can play a key role. Colombia reiterates the importance of protecting the civilian population and humanitarian and United Nations personnel — an area in which the European Union makes a significant contribution through its political, policy and coordination support. These actions are crucial to guaranteeing safe access to aid, the continuity of essential services, the fulfilment of mandates and an effective and principled humanitarian response. To conclude, Colombia highlights the strategic value of the relationship between the United Nations and the European Union as a tangible expression of our shared commitment to effective multilateralism in an international context marked by growing trends towards unilateralism and protectionism. This relationship strengthens our collective capacity to respond coherently to global challenges, while consistently upholding shared principles and promoting rules-based international governance.

At the outset, I would like to thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari and Her Excellency Kaja Kallas, High Representative of the European Union (EU) for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, for their briefings. Somalia continues to recognize the increasingly critical role that regional and subregional organizations play within the global security architecture, guided by Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations. The contemporary challenges we face are multidimensional and interconnected and continue to undermine political stability and socioeconomic development globally. We remain steadfast in our belief that regional and subregional organizations are indispensable institutions in combating these threats. Complementarity between the United Nations and regional arrangements such as the EU strengthens our collective ability to address conflicts and respond to emerging transnational threats. The partnership between the African Union (AU) and the European Union has reached a significant milestone, building upon more than 25 years of sustained diplomatic cooperation, which began at the Africa-Europe Summit held in Cairo in 2000. Today, initiatives such as the European Union-African Union Partnership Performance Acceleration Programme demonstrate a shared commitment to strengthening ties and aligning with the aspirations of Agenda 2063 to transform the continent. In that regard, Somalia emphasizes three critical areas for reinforcing the United Nations-EU partnership. First, support for African-led peace operations remains a cornerstone of the EU and AU partnership, particularly as we work towards the effective implementation of resolution 2719 (2023). Enhanced cooperation must focus on providing predictable and sustainable funding, especially regarding the use of United Nations assessed contributions for operations authorized by the Council. Secondly, prioritizing prevention and peacebuilding is essential to a robust EU- African Union partnership that addresses the root causes of conflict through sustainable development and economic empowerment. We welcome the EU’s focus on the security-development nexus, which aligns with the continental priorities of creating a transformative impact and fostering long-term stability across Africa. Thirdly, we must prioritize strengthening capacity through the framework of national ownership, ensuring that the partnership between the African Union and the European Union empowers States to lead their own development and security agendas. By placing national ownership and regional leadership at the centre of our collective response, we can ensure that international cooperation effectively sustains peace and security across the continent. To conclude, we reiterate that the United Nations must actively leverage the efforts of regional and subregional organizations to address global challenges. Somalia remains committed to working with the United Nations, the African Union and the European Union in pursuit of sustainable peace, security and development and to build a prosperous future for all.

I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khiari for his briefing and, of course, we extend our special thanks to High Representative Kallas for her briefing. The European Union (EU) can and should play an important role in international peace and security, in Europe and beyond, and we welcome United Nations-EU cooperation to that end. To play that meaningful role, the United Nations and the EU should focus on their foundational purposes and avoid burdensome policies that stifle free speech or innovation or infringe on national decision-making. America wants a strong Europe, insofar as it means a more stable and prosperous world. For that reason, we call on our European partners to step up, increase defence spending and shoulder greater responsibility for their own security. This will also assist the EU in making choices that allow it to make a serious difference for Europe and the world. President Trump works constantly to end conflicts and never-ending wars across the globe. As he has noted, he could do this by himself, but he should not have to. With our shared goal of strengthening European defence capabilities, we also ask the EU to expand, not impede, cooperation on transatlantic defence industrial bases and roll back protectionist barriers. These barriers pose risk to collective deterrence and will only slow down European rearmament. As Europe takes ownership of its security, the United States will continue to push for a negotiated and durable end to the Russia-Ukraine war. This barbaric war and its death and devastation must stop now.

For many long years, the European Union (EU) — including within the United Nations and in other forums — has managed to portray itself as the foremost peacemaker and mediator, a defender of international law, the champion of universal human and democratic values and human rights and a selfless benefactor of developing countries, the majority of which had indeed been plundered and looted by the Europeans for centuries. However, all these double standards and hypocrisy are now rapidly coming to light. Instead of engaging in good-faith dialogue and building a common security architecture in Europe, which the Russian Federation has proposed on numerous occasions, European countries have been fostering Russophobic sentiment in Ukraine, inciting it to engage in war with Russia, without regard for the plight and lives of ordinary people. They have been systematically torpedoing the negotiation process, and they continue to do so actively. The same Ms. Kaja Kallas, back when she was Prime Minister of Estonia, stated that “Russia’s defeat is not a bad thing”. She claimed that “it is not a bad thing if the big Power is actually much smaller”. Perhaps, in promoting its mediation efforts around the world, Brussels also has its own ideas about who needs to become smaller and who needs to become larger. Turning to international law, we took note of the calls for respect for the right of nations to self-determination contained in the final document of the European Council meeting on 19 March. The EU officials have once again demonstrated their duplicitous nature, remembering the principles of the Charter in their entirety and interlinkage only when the discussion turned to Greenland. When it comes to the populations of Crimea and other new Russian regions, however, this topic is an absolute taboo for them. The irony here lies in the fact that the EU, which had invented and long promoted the concept of a rules-based order — a concept that flies in the face of international law — has itself become the object, rather than the subject, of its own mendacious concept. The same applies to the freedom and safety of navigation. The European Council demanded that these be guaranteed in the Strait of Hormuz but is, at the same time, leveraging force in an attempt to restrict the movement of vessels that are transporting cargo for the benefit of our country. By imposing democratic standards on States Members of the United Nations, elections in the European Union itself have become a testing ground for the honing of political and information technologies. Within the European Union, the focus is on preventing alternative political forces from gaining ground. Other means are also being employed, including censorship, control over the digital sphere, blatant pressure, persecution and demands to overturn “incorrect” election results. We all saw this recently in Romania and Georgia, and we will see it again and again. When it comes to third countries, the primary objective is to maintain in power or bring to power political forces that are blindly loyal to Brussels. The very corruption that Europeans are so zealously seeking to identify in the countries of the global South is rampant within the European Union itself. The scandals that have come to light in Europe over the past year, including those involving the former EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Federica Mogherini, and the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, are merely the tip of the iceberg. As regards the latter, I would remind the Council that the ruling of the European Court of Justice explicitly refers to attempts by the President of the European Commission to conceal evidence of corruption. This “mutual cover-up” also includes the transfer of tens of billions of euros as part of aid to Kyiv, most of which ultimately ends up lining the pockets of the Eurocrats themselves. Is the European Union’s development assistance genuinely altruistic? Most of our friends tell us that the new trend is that such assistance is contingent upon a refusal to cooperate with Russia. The European Union has also demonstrated complete recklessness regarding food security, as countries in the global South are now encountering unprecedented difficulties in procuring Russian and Belarusian fertilizers and foodstuffs due to anti-Russian sanctions. This includes both the disruption of supply chains and problems with payments, transfers, insurance and the delivery of agricultural goods and fertilizer. EU officials make wide-eyed assertions that they have granted exemptions from restrictions on trade in agricultural products, but they fail to mention that these exemptions exist only on paper and that, in fact, they do not actually work, insofar as they are not binding on EU member States. We often hear the representatives of the EU and its member States boast that Europe is among the main donors to development programmes, including those implemented under United Nations auspices. In 2024, they collectively allocated approximately €16.6 billion for the United Nations system, €12.7 billion through EU member States and almost €4 billion from the total EU budget. At the same time, upon closer scrutiny, it becomes clear that this so-called “development assistance”, including through the EU Global Gateway Initiative, is designed to safeguard Brussels’ privileged access to natural resources. All the investment and infrastructure projects implemented by the European Union under a noble pretext are geared, first and foremost, towards advancing the interests of Europe itself. Currently, the Europeans have clearly no time for what Friedrich Merz called, at the Munich Conference, a “normative surplus” — essentially, the establishment of a moralizing smokescreen for their policies. All of the EU’s efforts are now concentrated on inflicting a “strategic defeat” upon Russia. The EU continues to do everything possible to further escalate the conflict in Ukraine, including by funnelling weapons and military equipment to the Kyiv regime, in violation of its own export control rules and international obligations. This makes the EU and its member States complicit in the crimes and terrorist attacks being perpetrated by Ukrainian militants with the use of those weapons. At the same time, fearing the wrath of President Donald Trump, European bureaucrats and their Ukrainian puppets support the United States mediation efforts in word. However, in deed, they tend to sabotage any realistic agreements. They are trotting out conditions that are obviously impossible and at times absurd, not a single one of which takes into account Russia’s principled concerns or is capable of helping to advance a sustainable and lasting peace. The most recent example is the “ultimatum” of Ms. Kallas, which is a litany of absurd demands for Russia, and unless these demands are met, the EU will not allow Kyiv to engage in a peaceful resolution with Moscow. In essence, European officials are renouncing the very idea of diplomatic resolution. They are engaged in openly belligerent propaganda, while simultaneously stepping up the pressure of sanctions on Russia, which has not only proved its ineffectiveness but also has brought colossal damage for the EU itself, already resulting in inflation and a staggering plunge in revenue for ordinary Europeans. Damage is also being done to other countries. Weapons that on paper are being delivered to the Kyiv regime are subsequently surfacing in Africa, Asia and Latin America. The European Union’s efforts have made Ukraine the leading hub for illegal weapons trafficking. According to the United States Institute for the Study of War’s estimates, one in three machine guns in the hands of extremist and terrorist groups around the world is of Ukrainian origin. Russia is fully aware of the fact that we share a continent with European countries. Geography is immutable and history cannot be rewritten, although the eminent historian Ms. Kallas attributed to Russia as many as 19 wars in which Russia allegedly attacked 19 countries, not to mention African wars, and this only in the past 100 years. For decades, we advocated equal, mutually respectful dialogue, mutually beneficial cooperation and consideration for security concerns. This is something that not only Russia needs — Europe needs it, too. Back in 1993, Chancellor Helmut Kohl stated that: “If Europe wishes to remain an independent centre of civilization, its future must inevitably be with Russia. We naturally complement one another; together, we could work, develop and prosper. Without this, Europe would eventually vanish.” This is what we are seeing happen right now. Yet in Europe today there is a severe shortage of politicians of such calibre. The present generation of European bureaucrats is persuading the populations of their countries of the inevitability of direct military confrontation with Russia and they are feverishly preparing for a war with Russia. We are also well aware of the fact that behind this information war are fanatical Russophobes from the Baltic States. Projecting their national Russophobic complexes at the pan-European level was made possible after they appropriated the crafting and implementation of the European Union’s eastern policy. The myth is being broadly disseminated that a “bloodthirsty and cruel Russia” is an existential threat to Europe, which “is about to disappear”. This militaristic anti-Russian rhetoric is being underpinned by concrete, practical actions. From February 2022 through 2025, EU member States increased their defence expenditures by nearly 60 per cent. By the end of last year, this reached €381 billion, making it the world’s second highest defence budget after the United States’. The task of raising Europe’s defence capabilities by 2030 has now been officially established. However, the increasing military appropriations will only be possible through cutting expenditures for other budgetary lines, including, first and foremost, social services. These large-scale military preparations leave no doubt that Europe is seriously engaging in preparations for a large-scale war against Russia. This is nothing more than “playing with fire”, as we will have to respond reciprocally. None of the invaders who came to us “with swords drawn”, and there are many of them, ever left the Russian Federation unscathed. Such an overtly hawkish policy would be far less surprising if we consider its architects. Some of the comments are so absurd and preposterous that one may question the professional competence of those who make them, in particular, the head of European diplomacy, who said the following, speaking at the conference of the EU Institute for Security Studies last year, commenting on Vladimir Putin’s speech during the commemorative events in China: “Russia was addressing China, saying ‘Russia and China fought in the Second World War, we won the Second World War, we defeated Nazism’. And I thought, that is news to me.” It was “news” to her that China and Russia were among the victors who defeated Nazism and fascism. This is something that was uttered by the High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs, who is clearly unaware that the peoples of the Soviet Union and the Celestial Empire bore the brunt of the losses of the Second World War, incurring staggering human casualties. We would very much like to meet Ms. Kallas’ history teacher. In conclusion, I would like to state the following. The noble post-war ideal of a united Europe ultimately morphed into a “blooming garden” concept, and through it the EU is directly ushering in another “Reich”. We hope that in European countries and international communities there are still some “sober-minded” people that are cognizant of the risks and that are ready to prevent such a turn of events.

I welcome Ms. Kallas, the European Union (EU) High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, to today’s meeting. I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari for his briefing. In this turbulent and rapidly changing world, multilateralism and international order are under severe strain. Humankind’s cause of peace and development has reached a new crossroads. The European Union is an important strategic force internationally. China supports cooperation between the United Nations and the EU and looks forward to an EU with greater strategic autonomy, giving greater impetus to the maintenance of world peace and stability and to development and prosperity. I wish to share a few expectations in that regard. First, we must treat each other as equals. The world is colourful and diverse, and different countries have different histories, cultures, specific national conditions and interests; this is perfectly natural. We must treat each other as equals and respect and trust one another. We must respect the development paths and institutional models independently chosen by the peoples of all countries and respect one another’s core interests and major concerns. It is important to uphold the golden rule of noninterference in other countries’ internal affairs and refrain from acting as self-styled referees, judges or lecturers. We must promote exchange, mutual learning and mutual enrichment among different civilizations, instead of drawing ideological lines, engaging in bloc confrontation or forming exclusive groups of various sorts. Secondly, we must defend fairness and justice. Without fairness and justice, power politics will reign and the law of the jungle will prevail. We must uphold the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, dare to oppose all forms of hegemony and power politics, and have the courage to stand up for the weak and wronged in pursuit of justice and fairness. We must uphold the authority, integrity and effectiveness of international law, strictly abide by universally recognized international rules, honour commonly agreed international agreements and reject double standards and selective enforcement. The context and merits of the situation in the Middle East are crystal clear, and we expect the EU to adopt an objective and impartial stance and play a greater and more constructive role in promoting a ceasefire, the cessation of hostilities and the restoration of regional peace and stability. Thirdly, we must safeguard common security. There is no so-called “absolute security” or “exclusive security” in the world; there is only mutual security and common security. History has repeatedly shown that military alliances do not necessarily provide true security guarantees. In the face of tensions and conflicts, we must remain committed to finding political solutions, promote dialogue and consultation with the utmost patience and sincerity, take seriously and resolve the legitimate security concerns of all parties and find the greatest common denominator that accommodates the interests of all parties. The Ukraine crisis is taking place on the European continent. All relevant countries should play a constructive role in bringing an end to the conflict and ushering in peace, devote themselves to eliminating the root causes of the crisis on the basis of full and complete adherence to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and work to build a balanced, effective and sustainable regional security architecture. Fourthly, we must promote win-win cooperation. At present, international development cooperation is contending with headwinds and the global economy is in the doldrums. We must place development at the centre of the international agenda, continuously advance trade and investment liberalization and facilitation and make concerted efforts to boost the global economy and trade. We must make focused efforts to address development imbalances, to provide targeted assistance to developing countries so as to improve their capacity for independent development and to accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We must strengthen international cooperation on scientific and technological innovation, strive to bridge the digital and intelligence divides, oppose the erecting of walls, barriers and technological blockades, and jointly foster futureoriented engines of innovation and development. China and the EU are comprehensive strategic partners. They are also two major forces promoting multipolarization, two major markets supporting globalization and two major civilizations championing diversity. We have always attached great importance to developing relations with the EU, supported the European integration process and welcomed Europe’s sustained autonomy, unity, stability and prosperity. China stands ready to work together with the EU and its member States to further deepen cooperation in various fields, including at the United Nations, and jointly make unremitting efforts to maintain world peace, promote common development and improve global governance.

We thank Assistant Secretary- General Khaled Khiari for his valuable contributions and Ms. Kaja Kallas, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, for her detailed briefing. Cooperation in the field of security is a determining factor for the maintenance of international peace and security. In the current geopolitical context, characterized by unpredictability and an increasingly frequent use of force contrary to the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, it is even more critical to reaffirm our commitment to multilateralism and the peaceful resolution of disputes. Faced with this pressing reality, it is imperative to reinforce international cooperation in order to ensure a firm and timely response in defence of international law. In that regard, Panama highlights the launch of the European Union-United Nations Strategic Committee on Peace and Security, which marks a new phase in the strategic partnership for peace and security between the two organizations following the approval of the joint priorities for the period 2025–2028. Likewise, we welcome the recent extension of the Framework Agreement between the European Union and the United Nations for the Provision of Mutual Support in the context of their respective missions and operations in the field, which will continue to facilitate operational cooperation between the missions and operations of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union and the peace operations of the United Nations. In that context, we recognize the leadership of the European Union in taking concrete actions. Initiatives such as Operation Aspides reflect a concrete commitment to maritime security and the protection of commercial routes in the Red Sea. The growing complexity of maritime challenges in strategic regions such as the Red Sea and the Strait of Hormuz makes evident the need to act swiftly and in coordination. Protecting maritime routes ensures freedom of navigation, as well as economic stability and the functioning of international trade, which are key pillars of regional peace and prosperity. As the owner and responsible administrator of an important maritime route for international trade, Panama observes with particular attention any measure that might impact the security, stability and predictability of international navigation. We value the European Union’s contributions to support programmes in Haiti and Colombia, as well as its backing through various humanitarian, development and peacebuilding instruments and funds, which have contributed to addressing both the structural causes of conflicts and the diverse challenges on the ground. Panama recognizes the values it shares with the European Union, which are underpinned by human dignity, democracy and full respect for international law as a whole, including human rights. However, Panama remains concerned about the arguments and supposed bureaucratic and administrative obstacles that continue to be put forward as pretexts to prevent Panama’s removal from discriminatory lists. The country was unjustly included and has remained on those lists for many years — to the detriment of its economy — despite all the constructive efforts it has deployed over time. For that reason, cooperation among States, as well as between the European Union and the United Nations, must be based on mutual respect, adherence to international law and the observance of the fundamental principles established in the United Nations Charter.

We join in thanking the Assistant Secretary-General and the High Representative of the European Union (EU) for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy for their insightful briefings. As many before me, including our colleague from Pakistan, rightly pointed out, tested by war, fragmentation and uneven adherence to international law, multilateralism is under strain. In this context, effective cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union is indispensable to the continued credibility of the international system. For Liberia, a country whose conflict was resolved and whose peace was gained and continues to be rebuilt through collective action, the value of coordinated multilateralism is the real difference between relapse and recovery. The records are clear. As the briefers have separately confirmed, the United Nations-EU partnership is one of the clearest demonstrations of multilateralism in action. When aligned, it amplifies legitimacy, resources and political coherence. When fragmented, even well-intended efforts risk undermining one another. Therefore, the choice before us is clear — the choice between coordination or erosion, the choice between delivery or dysfunction. Liberia wishes to underscore three priorities essential to strengthening this partnership. First, United Nations-EU cooperation must be grounded in genuine burdensharing and strategic alignment behind United Nations-led mandates. While the EU’s political, financial and operational contributions are significant, as the High Representative pointed out, their impact depends on disciplined coordination with United Nations priorities. Parallel or unaligned initiatives dilute effectiveness and weaken trust, particularly in fragile and conflict-affected settings. Secondly, cooperation with regional organizations, especially the African Union, must be systematic and substantive. African-led peace efforts demonstrate that durable solutions emerge when local ownership is matched with predictable international support. Africa must not merely be consulted. It must be central to the design and execution of peace and security responses on the continent. Thirdly, today’s conflicts — from Ukraine and Gaza to the Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo — are testing not only our partnerships but also the credibility of international law itself. Selective adherence to the Charter of the United Nations, international humanitarian law or civilian protection standards weakens all multilateral action. Consistency therefore is not a moral preference. It is and must remain a strategic necessity. Looking ahead, the High Representative has offered a number of hopeful initiatives, which could be jointly pursued, not only to deepen the United Nations-EU cooperation and advance our efforts towards peace and security but, notably, United Nations-EU cooperation must become more deliberately structured to meet the pressures reshaping global peace and security. Fiscal constraints, climate-driven shocks and chronic humanitarian underfunding are stretching mandates beyond the capacities for which they were designed. Liberia therefore calls for a more systematic United Nations-EU dialogue on mandate resourcing and predictable financing, including through earlier and more coordinated engagement with the Security Council and relevant budgeting bodies. Greater alignment between political mandates and available resources is essential if missions are to protect civilians, support political processes and deliver measurable outcomes. Shared responsibility must be matched with shared planning, discipline and accountability. Our partnerships — United Nations-EU, EU-African Union and others, including the League of Arab States and the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf — must remain firmly anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Respect for sovereignty, protection of civilians and adherence to international law cannot be applied selectively without eroding the system we are all seeking to preserve. In conclusion, the world does not lack challenges. What it requires are partners willing to confront them together, with coherence, consistency and resolve. The European Union has demonstrated that it can be such a partner. Liberia stands ready to continue working towards a multilateral system that continues to deliver — not just in words but in action and in practice.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Bahrain. (spoke in Arabic) I would first like to welcome the participation of Her Excellency Ms. Kaja Kallas, High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice- President of the European Commission, and I thank her for her valuable briefing today. I would also like to thank Mr. Khaled Khiari, Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, Europe, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific. In this regard, I would like to note the importance the Kingdom of Bahrain attaches to strengthening cooperation between the Security Council and regional organizations, including the European Union. The Kingdom has placed this approach at the heart of its priorities during its membership in the Council, based on its belief in the role of these partnerships in supporting international peacekeeping and security efforts, enhancing the effectiveness of multilateral action, strengthening the capacity to respond to challenges and preventing crises. In that regard, the Kingdom of Bahrain would like to highlight three key points. First, we express our deep gratitude to the European Union (EU) for its support of resolution 2817 (2026), which the Kingdom of Bahrain presented to the Security Council. Of the 136 nations that sponsored the resolution, the 27 EU member States were among the first. This reflects the EU’s solidarity with the Kingdom of Bahrain, the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC) nations and Jordan, as well as countries affected by the unjust Iranian attacks. We would also like to mention the emergency Gulf-European ministerial meeting, held via videoconference on 5 March, representing a swift European response to the needs of the GCC States concerning the preservation of their security and stability, the protection of their sovereignty and the safeguarding of their citizens and residents within their territories, as well as a clear condemnation of those acts of aggression. The Kingdom of Bahrain welcomes the continuous progress in Gulf-European relations, including the inaugural EU-GCC summit convened in Brussels in 2024. This reflects the commitment of both sides to strengthening their ties in the face of mounting regional and international challenges. Secondly, the Kingdom of Bahrain reaffirms its full commitment to the objectives and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. It emphasizes the importance of effective partnership between regional organizations and the United Nations to enhance the pivotal role played by regional organizations in addressing global challenges and conflicts, in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter. In that context, the Kingdom of Bahrain commends the EU’s role in enhancing international peace and security, in alignment with the goals and principles of the United Nations. Regarding maritime security in particular, the EU plays a pivotal role in safeguarding freedom of navigation in the Red Sea through the European Union Naval Force Operation Aspides, in addition to its constant efforts to combat arms trafficking in the Mediterranean Sea through the European Union military operation in the Mediterranean Operation IRINI. Furthermore, the Kingdom of Bahrain acknowledges the EU’s constructive humanitarian role in providing assistance and supporting people in need or facing danger through financial, humanitarian and development aid packages to Arab countries, encompassing support for science, health, education and infrastructure, as well as providing emergency relief. Thirdly, the Kingdom of Bahrain commends the EU’s efforts in fulfilling mandates entrusted to it by the Security Council. This includes implementing the Council’s resolutions, specifically by supporting the renewal of the European Union force mandate in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and contributing to the implementation of the Dayton Agreement, thereby safeguarding the stability and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This reflects the Council’s confidence in the EU’s role in maintaining international peace and security. Last week, the Kingdom commended the EU’s role in mediating between Serbia and Kosovo (see S/PV.10132), recognizing its constructive efforts in fostering dialogue and diplomacy. In conclusion, the Kingdom of Bahrain reiterates the paramount importance of convening annual meetings between the Security Council and regional organizations that contribute to enhancing strategic consultation, exchanging assessments and fostering a more effective collective response to regional and international crises. We recognize that effective coordination between regional and international efforts can yield tangible results for international peace and security. (spoke in English) I resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the Russian Federation has asked for the floor on a point of order.

I wish to take the floor on a point of order. We do not support granting the floor to the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. This is not because we fear hearing something unpleasant, but for the sake of procedural propriety. A briefer is invited specifically to brief the Council’s member States, not to engage in a verbal altercation with them. I remember quite clearly the pressure exerted during the French presidency, when we were discussing the terrorist attack on the Nord Stream pipelines — an incident that Ms. Kallas today failed to even mention — along with the so-called “investigations” conducted by three EU member States. Our briefer requested the floor to offer an additional comment, but the French presidency vehemently forbade him from doing so. Of course, we are in your hands, Mr. President, and it is your prerogative to give or withhold the floor. However, I would submit that if you, Sir, give the floor to the High Representative at this moment, you will, in our view, be acting in violation of the rules of procedure of the Security Council.

I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for his comments. While we appreciate and respect them, our presidency welcomes different points of view. I now give the floor to Ms. Kallas for an additional comment. Ms. Kallas: I would not take the floor if, to quote the Russian Ambassador, some of the statements were not as absurd as they were. There are a few issues. Building European security architecture cannot be done by force. That is also what the Russian Federation has agreed to in the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Helsinki Final Act. It is clear that when we talk about how this war should end, I stand by my statement: aggression cannot pay off. If aggression pays off in Ukraine, it could be considered an invitation to use it elsewhere. And a fundamental principle of the Charter of the United Nations is that borders cannot be changed by force. Moreover, I stand by my statement that the collapse of the Soviet Union actually ended the Russian occupation of many countries, including those of two representatives at this table. It brought those countries the freedoms that they could not have had in the Russian Federation: the freedom of speech and social freedoms. They are free to criticize their Government. We do not have to shut down the Internet so that people will not know the effects of the war in the Russian Federation. If the accusation is that some of the statements are Russophobic, then the question is, what does phobia mean? Phobia means fear, therefore a fear of Russia. Why is there a fear of Russia? I remain by my statement in saying that it is because Russia has attacked many countries before. We call on Russia to stop this brutal war in Ukraine, respect the United Nations Charter, which says no changes of borders by force, and respect the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of other countries, which is especially required from the members of the Security Council.

I thank Her Excellency Ms. Kallas for the clarifications she has provided. The representative of the Russian Federation has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

First, we regret that you, Mr. President, took this decision. Secondly, I abstain from commenting on what Ms. Kallas just said.